Philipp Messner

Hebrew Type Design in the

Context of the Book Art Movement and New Typography

"New Book Art" ("Neue Buchkunst") was the motto under which efforts were made, in the spirit of the English Arts and Crafts Movement, toward the revival of book and type design in turn-of-the-twentieth­ century Germany. This revival movement perceived itself as a reaction to the country's accelerated industrialization, especially since the founding of the Reich in 1871. The replacement of traditional craft by increasingly industrial production lines effected a variety of everyday consumer products, including the manufacturing of books. According to contemporary commentators this led to deterioration in the material and aesthetic quality of books. Similarly to other industrially manufactured products around the turn of the century, an expectation emerged for books to have a contemporary, functional, and materially sound form. This demand encompassed all aspects of the book, including printing types. Consequently, visual artists were now engaged to design typefaces. Early examples were still heavily influenced by Art Nouveau, but after World War I there was a turn to historical forms with a bias toward handwritten scripts. This was influenced largely by the English calligrapher and type designer Edward Johnston, who taught at the Central School of Arts and Crafts in London. His calligraphic method, which he based on old handwriting forms, became famous in Germany, in part thanks to the work of his pupil and translator, Anna Simons. Type design issues thus received a notably traditional treatment, defined above all by intensive engagement with historical forms. This tendency largely defined the personal styles of Franzisca Baruch and Henri Friedlaender. Around 1925 New Typography broke with this trend and propagated a new, truly industrial aesthetics.

21 Type Design and Arts and Crafts Training in Germany

Important representatives of the aesthetic trend that aimed for a revival of old forms were small presses, which in the 1890s modeled themselves after William Morris's Kelmscott Press in Hammersmith, London. In these establishments the separation between publishing, design, and manufacturing gave way to an all-inclusive operation, thereby seeking an ideal correlation between the contents and design of the book. The small presses aimed to be role models for the enhancement of the quality of books, magazines, and typefaces in terms of form, craftsmanship, and art. Indeed, in Germany the small presses succeeded in becoming "experimental institutions" for a series of larger businesses that became agents for the revival of book art.1 An exemplary case of successful combination of the bibliophile. reform movement and mass production was - alongside the publishing house Insel with its Library series (Bucherei) - the Klingspor type foundry in Offenbach. This internationally operative company which, among other things, took part in establishing WENIGE+ the Werkbund (German Association of Craftsmen), was known for its firm insistence on the aesthetic quality of its products. In the 1920s, the foundry engaged Rudolf Koch, SCHRIFTEN who at the time was one of the supreme type +~ine Auswahl unttt dm schonstm + designers in Germany. Koch's work skillfully gebm dt:m BudtJruck¢r,d¢r seineAuf_. fused the development of an expressive design tra~kr imma ~fried¢n stE:ll~n will, with sound craftsmanship, thus becoming an dn~mtsclti~dem? Oba-I nhcit im tag• UchmWtttbt:wer"b.+Di~ "rwmdung important role model for Henri Friedlaender. unseru b~anntm Kiinstler•S ¢rt The existence of a graphic industry with sichert Ji~ rlegmhdt.. explicit awareness of quality was at this point GEBR.ICLINGSPOR m time matched by the opening of courses OFFENBA

1 On the particularities of the culture of printing in twentieth-century Germany, see Robin Kinross, Modern Typography (London, 1991), pp. 67-79.

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Henri Friedlaender's exercises from Hermann Delitsch's calligraphy classes, Leipzig, 1925-26

Academy for Graphic Arts and Book Manufacturing, based in Leipzig, which was the center of German bookproduction.2 It was to this academy that the 21-year old Henri Friedlaender applied in 1925, at which point he had worked for a publishing house in Berlin for three years. According to his application letter, he wanted first and foremost to develop his artistic and technical skills in order to be able to work successfully in a small press or similar institution.3 Friedlaender, who passed his professional examination as typesetter in July 1926 and left the academy after less than one year, was mostly influenced by the typography class of Hermann Delits ch, 4 a pioneer in the teaching of typography and lettering. Delits ch also pursued studies in the history of letterforms, and created a systematic

2 On the history of the Leipzig Academy see Julia Blume and Fred Smeijers, Ein Jahrhundert Schrift und Schriftunterricht in Leipzig I One Century of Type and Typefaces in Leipzig (Leipzig, 2010). 3 Henri Friedlaender, handwritten curriculum vitae, 10 September 1925, Staatsarchiv Leipzig, 20199/103. 4 Kurt Lob, Exil-Gestalten. Deutsche Buchgestalter in den Niederlanden, 1932-1950 (Arnhem, 1995), p. 42.

23 and comprehensive collection of handwritten and printed Latin texts. His teaching method included, first and foremost, diligent copying of such examples. It was Delitsch's exemplary collection which, among other things, inspired Friedlaender to create a collection of Hebrew typography. 5 Typography and lettering was taught at the educational institution attached to the Museum of Decorative Arts in Berlin, too, which Franzisca Baruch joined in the summer term of 1918/19 after passing the entrance exam for the vocational class in book art and graphic art. In Berlin it was Peter Jessen, the long-standing director of the library of the Museum of Decorative Arts, who succeeded - as writer and public lecturer - in pushing through his conviction that, contrary to the often narrow view of book design as limited to ornamentation, script should be regarded as the central element in book design, surpassing any decoration. With the legacy of Johnston in mind, Jes sen propagated his view that the qualitative enhancement of printed media could not be achieved without the general cultivation of formal writings skills. 6 Qµestions of type design at the institute were determined not only by Jes sen but also by the famous Emil Rudolf Weiss. This autodidact, who during Baruch's studies in Berlin was honored, for example, by a special issue of the professional journal Archiv fur Buchgewerbe und Gebrauchsgrafik dedicated to his work,7 was initially inspired by Art Nouveau and later visited the classes of Anna Simons and was exposed, through Jes sen, to the typefaces of the incunabula period. 8 Consequently, Weiss's typeface designs were derived from traditional forms of script. The cultural historian Walther Georg Oschilewski uses the term "script monuments" (Schnftdenkmaler) to describe the types which Weiss revived in a creative transformation process.9 However, at the teaching institute of the Museum of Decorative Arts Weiss taught not as typographic designer but as painter and head of the vocational class for decorative painting and pattern design. Weiss's influence on issues of type design at the institute was indirect but nevertheless long-lasting. Franzisca Baruch, for example, attended during her first semester evening

5 See Henri Friedlaender to Siegfried Guggenheim, 23 June 1947, Leo Baeck Institute Archives, Siegfried Guggenheim Collection, AR 180/1/16. 6 See Peter Jessen, 11 Die Sch rift," Arch iv far Buchgewerbe 1/4 (1899): 149. 7 Archiv tar Buchgewerbe und Gebrauchsgraphik 59, 9/10 (1922). 8 Walther G. Oschilewski, 11 E. R. WeiB und die Schonheit der Formen," Imprimatur NF 2 (1960): 5-13, 10. 9 Ibid.

24 classes in lettering with Else Marcks­

Penzig, 10 who was a student of E.R. Weiss and jointly with him designed book covers and jackets for the Insel and Fischer publishing houses.11 The fact that the talented designer Marcks­ Penzig, who successfully taught at the vocational center during the war years, was replaced by a male teacher immediately after the war ended must have made the young female student acutely aware of the precarious situation of working women. After studying for three years in the book­ art and graphic-art program directed by Emil Orlik, in 1922 Baruch moved to the new department of commercial art (Gebrauchsgraphik), where Ernst Typographic layout copied by Franzisca Baruch from a medieval manuscript to her notebook Bohm became her teacher. Bohm made a name for himself as illustrator and designer of book covers and stamps, and developed his own graphic style characterized by "naive" forms and motifs taken from folk art. At the same time, however, his lettering works remained entirely within the lines that E.R. Weiss, a close friend of his, had established.12 Franzisca Baruch's preoccupation with Hebrew letterforms - she was to learn the spoken language only much later and never very successfully - began during her first years at the institute. In Berlin, as the sketchbooks in her archive suggest, she apparently took good advantage of the rich collections of the Art Library in Berlin and the Berlin State Library for independent learning.13 In parallel with her attempts to creatively revive elapsed traditions of Roman and blackletter typefaces, as taught at the institute and in bibliophile circles, Baruch approached Hebrew

10 Franzisca Baruch, Zensurbogen Sommersemester 1918/19, Universitat der Kunste Berlin, Universitatsarchiv, 7 /350. 11 See Marie Marcks, Else Marcks-Penzig (Munchen, 1995), p. 8.

12 Gunter Scherbarth, jj Erinnerungen an den Maler, Grafiker und Lehrer Ernst Bohm (1890-1963)," Myosotis 8, 2/3 (1993): 28-34. 13 Franzisca Baruch, sketchbook, The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, Franzisca Baruch Archive, B14.1274.

25 via forms of medieval manuscripts and early prints. Inspired by these historical examples, she developed in the first half of the 1920s a series of calligraphic styles that established her as the first Hebrew lettering artist in Berlin. Moreover, with the Stam typeface, which was cast by the H. Berthold foundry in Berlin, she designed a proper printing type.14 Stam was based on the model of the Passover haggadah printed in Prague in 1526 by Gershon Kohen. Oschilewsky's term "script monument" is an apt description of Baruch's successful revival of a sixteenth-century pp. 199-200 Ashkenazic square type.~

Berlin as a Center of Modern Hebrew Book Art

The young artist's particular specialization in the visual form of the Hebrew language coincides with a period of lively Yiddish and Hebrew publishing in Berlin, a city which after World War I became one of the most important stops for Jewish immigrants from Eastern Europe. Among these immigrants were a number of writers and publishers who, between 1919and1924, turned Berlin into a center of Yiddish and Hebrew literature, revolutionizing these languages and their use. It is in this context that the H. Berthold type foundry's Catalogue of Hebrew and Yiddish Typefaces (Katalog hebraischer und judischer Schriften) appeared. It was the first publication of a type foundry worldwide which contained nothing but Hebrew faces. 15 In addition to its rather luxurious features, the catalogue distinguished itself by providing numerous examples for the practical application of the scripts presented. According to the editor, the examples were meant to facilitate the Hebrew typographer's access to Western printing culture.16 At the center of the H. Berthold catalogue stood the Frank-Riihl typeface, which may rightfully be considered the first modern Hebrew

pp. 19-20 printing type.~ It was designed by the Leipzig-based cantor Rafael Frank in keeping with the aims of the Jewish national movement, particularly

14 Joseph Tscherkassky, ed., Magere Stam, Stam, Rambam, Rahel (Berlin, n.d.). 15 Joseph Tscherkassky, ed., Katalog hebraischer und iildischer Schriften der SchriftgieBerei H. Berthold

AG (Berlin, 1924); See also Stephen Lubell, ll Joseph Tscherkassky - Orientalist and Typefounder," Gutenberg-Jahrbuch 71 (1996): 222-39. 16 Tscherkassky, Katalog hebraischer und iildischer Schriften, n.p.

26 the wish to turn the language of religious ritual into a living vernacular and literary language.17 Frank-Ruhl was cast by the C.F. Ruhl foundry in Leipzig as early as 1910, but only with the acquisition of this small foundry by the internationally operative foundry H. Berthold AG did the typeface achieve its status as the Hebrew printing type most in use, by far. This was also due to the fact that no other Hebrew type created before 1948 was suitable for high-quantity set printing of books, newspapers and periodicals, whose production required extremely high standards: the type had to be easily readable even in small sizes and widely applicable. Display types such as Franzisca Baruch's Stam were not used for bookwork composition or long, running text, but solely to achieve maximum effect in the printing of advertisements, business stationery, and titles or newspaper flags. The year in which the Berthold catalogue appeared was also when the first organization of Jewish bibliophiles was founded. The Soncino Society of Friends of the Jewish Book (Soncino-Gesellschaft der Freunde des judischen Buches) named itself after a dynamic printing family in fifteenth-century Italy. The society sought, as it announced, to "raise the quality of Jewish book production to the standard of general Jewish culture by offering advice and critique, so that the Jewish book would become representative of Jewish intellectual life."18 The first overt critique against the Hebrew typefaces mass-marketed by Berthold was voiced from amongst the ranks of this largely German-speaking society. Especially the Frank-Ruhl face was regarded less as an expression of Jewish national and cultural revival than as a "late offspring of Art N ouveau."19 In these circles it was believed that a new Hebrew type could be developed only on the basis of a proper historical model. Ultimately, the society decided to become itself active in this field. For the printing of a luxurious Hebrew

17 See Rafael Frank, Ober hebraische Typen und Schriftarten (Berlin, 1926), 21. Like the Frank­ Ruhl type, the unprecedented monolinear Miriam type, also published by H. Berthold in 1924,

is based on sketches by Frank, who passed away in 1920. See lttai Joseph Tamari, ll Rafael Frank und seine hebraischen Druckschriften," in Judaica Lipsiensia, ed. M. Unger (Leipzig, 1994), pp. 70-78. 18 Leaflet of the Soncino Society ofFriends of the Jewish Book [1924], Jewish Museum Berlin, Collection of the Soncino Society, DOK 93/502/7-14; On the Soncino Society in general see Karin Burger, Ines Sonder, and Ursula Wallmeier, eds., Soncino-Gesellschaft der Freunde des judischen Buches: Ein Beitrag zur Kulturgeschichte (Berlin, 2014). 19 Herrmann Meyer,

ll [Rezension zu Frank, Rafael: Ober hebraische Typen und Schriftarten, 1926]," Monatsschrift tar Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums 70, no. 5 (1926): 428-29.

27 Bible the society employed in 1927 the non-Jewish book artist Marcus Behmer to design a suitable type. As in the case of Baruch's Stam, the typeface of the 1526 Prague Haggadah was chosen as model.

Bauhaus and New Typography

While circles of Jewish and non-Jewish bibliophiles cherished the ideal of historicizing letter design and typography, avant-garde circles were developing a design philosophy whose aim was to create forms that were not so much traditional as, first and foremost, contemporary. In parallel to the functional New Architecture (Neues Bauen) this movement was dubbed New Typography. Inspired by Russian Constructivism and the Dutch De Stijl movement, attempts were made at different locations to develop typographic aesthetics compatible with industrial forms of production. Following a motto of "technical rationality," type design was conceptualized as a form of construction based on a minimal number of elements derived from basic letterforms. An important - although by no means sole - crystallization point for this trend was the Bauhaus, which was founded in Weimar in 1919 and in 1925 moved to Dessau. A key role in the Bauhaus's impact on typography was played by Laszlo Moholy-Nagy. He became director of the first-year preliminary course (Vorkurs) which had been set up by his predecessor, Johannes Itten. Moholy-Nagy was convinced that letterforms, which up to then were based mainly on traditional forms, needed to be fundamentally transformed. With the employment as Bauhaus teachers of his three former students Herbert Bayer, Josef Albers, and J oost Schmidt in 1925, his revolutionary typographic ideas became standard teaching practice there.20 Joost Schmidt was assigned as teacher of the typography and lettering lessons obligatory for all students of the preliminary course. In contrast to the form of teaching in Leipzig or Berlin, the Bauhaus course, titled "Lettering and Advertising" (Schrift und Reklame), no longer taught handwriting as the formal basis of letters but sought rather to convey a construction of type from basic geometric forms.21 As the name of his

20 See Robin Kinross, 11 Das Bauhaus im Kontext der Neuen Typographie," in Das A und 0 des Bauhauses, ed. U. Bruning (Leipzig, 1995), pp. 9-14. 21 Ute Bruning, "Unterricht Joost Schmidt.

28 Joost Schmidt, sketch for a light sans-serif typeface, ca. 1925. At the Bauhaus, letterforms derived not from handwriting but from geometrical forms course indicates, Schmidt's understanding of type was closely connected to the requirements of the fast-growing field of advertising. Letters, he maintained, ought to be developed rationally and should be uniform and clearly readable. It was on this basis that a series of geometric alphabets were developed - none of which, however, was ever cut and cast. In this way ideas of type design that were propagated by avant-garde circles were condensed and systematically developed at the Bauhaus, yet the translation of these ideas into applicable and commercially viable scripts was carried out by other institutions.22 While the revolutionary ideas of New Typography proved suitable to the field of commercial art, its influence on the literary book, whose form stood at the center of Friedlaender's and Moshe Spitzer's endeavors, was slight. This may be explained by the fact that this core element of book design relies more on continuity and therefore on tradition, consequently not lending itself to rash, incisive transformations.

Vorkurs, Schrift und Reklame," ibid, pp. 193-205. 22 Robin Kinross, "Das Bauhaus im Kontext der Neuen Typographie," ibid, p. 12.

29 A Hebrew typeface in the spirit of Bauhaus topography is Haim,23 which was cast in Warsaw in 1929 and which, in comparison with its immediate Latin predecessors, experienced a successful career as a display type. This type, which lacks any round forms or serifs and is put together by evenly thick bars, represents a break with all the rules of traditional design. The creator of Haim, Jan LeWitt, was born in Polish Silesia. He visited Tel Aviv in 1927, where he experienced the boom following the immigration wave that had begun in 1924.24 Thanks to a bustling cultural and commercial life in the "first Hebrew city" there was demand for modern design in advertising. Soon after his 1928 return to Warsaw, where he worked as a commercial artist, LeWitt began working on sketches for a Hebrew typeface which was to be as modern as the Latin sans­ serif type Futura by Paul Renner. The latter was successfully marketed since 1927 by the Bauer Foundry in Frankfurt as the "typeface of our times." In contrast to Renner's versatile type, whose letters seem as if they are made of geometric forms - circles and straight lines - which are in fact slightly altered to make the typeface more pleasant to the eye and legible (the circles are somewhat oval and the lines are of unequal thickness), Haim Haim typeface on a Yiddish book jacket designed in constructivist style, 1931 was a script of almost brutal modernity.

23 The typeface was originally marketed as Chaim. Haim is the usual modern spelling. 24 Some sources attribute the creation of the font to the Hungarian-born Pesach Ir-Shay. The attribution is based on a statement by Ir-Shay himself, in which he claims to have designed the first sans-serif Hebrew typeface. It is possible that when visiting Tel Aviv LeWitt saw and was influenced by Ir-Shay's avant-garde advertisements, but they were obviously not his only inspiration and it can reasonably be argued that he was also influenced by the commercial designer and artist Henryk Berlewi, who lived in Warsaw at that time. There is evidence that the typeface itself was produced by the Warsaw foundry Jan ldzdkowski i S-ka. See Agata Szydtowska and Marian Misiak, "Chaim: owoc wielokutturowej Warszawy," in Paneuropa, Kometa, He/. Szkice z historii projektowania liter w Po/see (Krakow 2015), pp. 76-81; Herbert Read, Jean Cassou, and John Smith, Jan Le Witt (Paris, 1972).

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Left: Advertisement using two weights of the typeface Aharoni and Heinrich Jost's geometric slab-serif typeface Beton, 1938; Right: Page from an Aharoni type specimen, 1935-36, cast in 1935 by Ludwig & Mayer, Frankfurt am Main

Another Hebrew typeface designed along the lines of New Typography was Aharoni, which was prepared in 1935 in two styles by the Ludwig & Mayer Foundry in Frankfurt am Main. The typeface was named after its creator, Tuvia (Tadek) Aharoni, a Tel Aviv-based commercial artist. This script, marketed only in Palestine, was a refinement of the more crude and elementary Haim. By stressing the reading direction, Aharoni was far more readable than LeWitt's face and seemed generally more elegant. It was a respectable counterpart to the Latin sans-serif and slab-serif faces of the time. The fact that the letters of both scripts were designed with strokes of equal thickness made it possible to match the two writing systems, which in fact differed strongly in their appearance because of the opposite alignment of the thick-and-thin contrast within the letters themselves. According to the English-language Palestine Post, these radically modernistic Hebrew letterforms were enthusiastically received in the advertising field in Palestine. The British author points out that the preference for monolinear sans-serif faces has led to "a species of [Hebrew] typography which is as unlike traditional Hebrew as ~he modern European Jew is unlike the ancient Israelites."25 Alongside the obvious need for contemporary Hebrew types, the triumph of the

31 modernist trend is to a certain extent explained by the socialist ideology of Labor Zionism, which was predominant among the Jewish community in Palestine at the time. Like the aesthetic avant-garde, Labor Zionism rejected the decisive role of tradition and emphasized the possibility of achieving a radical transformation of culture and society. 26

Farewell to Europe

Despite the existence of an arts and crafts school in Jerusalem since the establishment of Bezalel in 1906, the modernist trends in Palestine developed outside this institution. At Bezalel, until the school's temporary closure in 1929, mainly arts-and-crafts souvenirs and decorative art objects were created. The prevailing style was influenced by a romanticized image of the Orient.27 The aesthetic challenges posed by modernity were hardly engaged with at Bezalel. In the field of lettering and book art, the emphasis was mainly on the design of illustrations and ornamental decorations. Thus the school had little influence on the further development of Hebrew typefaces or on the general quality of books manufactured in Palestine at the time. This changed only once the school reopened in 1935 as New Bezalel. Under its new director, the Berlin artist Josef Budko, the academy was fundamentally reformed and became a hub for a number of German-Jewish designers who had fled their home country but who, despite the "civilizational rupture," maintained a deep connection to German typographic culture. Among others things, the New Bezalel offered a calligraphy and lettering course with emphasis on Hebrew, taught by the Galicia-born Yerachmiel Schechter, an autodidact who, between 1921 and 1927, had undertaken all the calligraphic work for the World Zionist Congress. Under the tutelage of Schechter, the training at Bezalel followed the historically oriented method of Edward Johnston.28 However, by 1940, when Spitzer began to

11 25 Louis Katin, IA Neonising the Hebrew Alphabet, Palestine Post, 10 July 1936, p. 6. 26 On the revolutionary role of the Hebrew language in the context of the Zionist project see Benjamin Harshav, Language in the Time of Revolution (Berkeley, 1993). 27 See Dalia Manor, HOrientalism and Jewish National Art: The Case of Bezalel," in Orienta/ism and the Jews, ed. 1.D. Kalmar and D.J. Penslar (Waltham, Mass., 2005), pp. 142-61. 28 See Leila Avrin, HCalligraphy, Modern Hebrew, 11 in Encyclopaedia Judaica, 2nd Edition, ed. F. Skolnik and M. Berenbaum (Detroit and

32 work on his first publications in Jerusalem, this new initiative at Bezalel had hardly affected the culture of the printed Hebrew book.29 The printers in the country were badly equipped, with typefaces mainly of Polish and German production. Much of the equipment was old and worn, while the display types hardly matched the body types and therefore could not be used properly for headings, titles, and initials. During World War II neither printing machines nor typographical material could be replaced, which resulted in further deterioration of the types', condition. This, at any rate, was the claim made in 1946 by Gershom (Gustav) Schocken, who ten years before had become director of the Haaretz Hebrew daily and its in-house print shop bought by his father, Salman Schocken.30 The majority of existing Hebrew typefaces, maintains Schocken in 1946, are "ugly and corrupt descendants of the beautiful Hebrew types originally cut in Italy in the sixteenth century." With the exception of one or two alphabets suitable for advertisements and publicity works, he complains, the renaissance of the Hebrew language has so far produced no new typefaces. For this reason, one of the main tasks of the Jewish press and publishing industries in Palestine is, to his mind, the manufacturing of new Hebrew types.31 The challenge entailed transcending the dichotomy between traditionalism and modernism by creating letterforms that do justice both to the ancient tradition and to the fundamentally altered status of the Hebrew language. Each of the three designers in the exhibition responded to this challenge in their own way.

Jerusalem, 2007), vol. 4, pp. 366-73. 29 Israel Soifer, HThe Pioneer Work of Maurice Spitzer," The Penrose Annual 63 (1970): 127-45. 30 Gustav Schocken, HPrinting and Publishing," in Palestine's Economic Future: A Review of Progress and Prospects, ed. J.B. Hobman (London, 1946), pp. 251-52. 31 Ibid.

33