Solving the Moro Problem: Legalizing the Bangsamoro Peace Process
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The Bangsamoro Peace Process and Peacebuilding in Mindanao: Implications to Philippine Studies and National Development
Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Volume 19, Number 3, 2016 The Bangsamoro Peace Process and Peacebuilding in Mindanao: Implications to Philippine Studies and National Development Juvanni A. Caballero Mindanao State University – Iligan Institute of Technology, Philippines Mark Anthony J. Torres Mindanao State University – Iligan Institute of Technology, Philippines INTRODUCTION As early as 1931, Moro leaders who were in favor of Moro integration into the Philippine body politichad already expressed their concerns on the marginalization of Mindanao and its native inhabitants. Datu Ibra, then representative of Lanao to the Philippine Legislature once said in his privilege speech: A nation is like a human body. To be healthy, all its parts must be healthy. A man cannot be said to be healthy because his arms are strong provided his feet are weak… A beautiful Manila does not constitute a beautiful Philippines, and so we ask you to pay more serious attention to the problems of the south, which in progress is far behind the north.1 The above speech of Datu Ibra gives us a lot of insights. First, it reminds us that the Philippines cannot be complete without Mindanao. Hence, if we talk about Philippine development, Mindanao cannot be detached from it. Second, the speech reminds us that the problem in Mindanao is a Philippine problem. Thus, people from other parts of the country should not say: “Mindanao is too far from us” or “The problem in Mindanao is not our problem”. After all, the war efforts to contain “Moro rebellion” are financed by Filipino taxpayers; Soldiers recruited to fight the Moro “rebels” often come from other regions of the Philippines; and Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) from Mindanao migrate to overcrowded cities in Luzon and Visayas. -
INSTITUTIONAL STICKINESS and the MORO INSURGENCY by Ethan Roberts
No. 16-31 Summer 2016 MERCATUS GRADUATE POLICY ESSAY THE ECONOMICS OF CONFLICT IN THE SOUTHERN PHILIPPINES: INSTITUTIONAL STICKINESS AND THE MORO INSURGENCY by Ethan Roberts The opinions expressed in this Graduate Policy Essay are the author’s and do not represent official positions of the Mercatus Center or George Mason University. Abstract The ongoing insurgency in the southern Philippines is generally believed to be a religious war. Historical evidence shows that this belief is unsatisfactory. Viewing the conflict through the framework of institutional stickiness leads to a more robust explanation of the insurgency by exposing the institutional misalignments that are at the root. These institutional misalignments lead to conflict over property rights, protection of indigenous culture, and fair provision of government services. This approach also informs policy by highlighting the problems with the national government’s attempts to quell the insurgency through the use of force. If the national government’s goal is to end the insurgency, a policy response that focuses on the use of local knowledge and that increases local autonomy is most likely to succeed. Author Bio Ethan Roberts is an alumnus of the Mercatus Center MA Fellowship at George Mason University. He currently teaches economics at the British International School in Kuala Lampur. Roberts graduated from the University of Wisconsin at Madison with a BA in political science and from the University of Washington with a MEd in social studies. During the spring of 2013, he participated in the Koch Internship Program as an education policy intern at the Reason Foundation. He spent the spring of 2015 interning at the Millennium Challenge Corporation. -
Toward Peace in the Southern Philippines
UNITED STATES InsTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT G. Eugene Martin and Astrid S. Tuminez In 2003 the U.S. Department of State asked the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) to undertake a project to help expedite a peace agreement between the government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). The MILF has been engaged in a rebellion against the GRP for more than three decades, Toward Peace in the with the conflict concentrated on the southern island of Mindanao and the Sulu Archipelago. This report highlights USIP activities in the Philippines from 2003 to 2007. It Southern Philippines describes the conflict and its background, the substance of ongoing negotiations, USIP efforts to “facilitate” the peace process, and insights on potentially constructive steps for A Summary and Assessment of the USIP moving the Philippine peace talks forward. It concludes with a few lessons learned from USIP’s engagement in this Philippine Facilitation Project, 2003–2007 specific conflict, as well as general observations about the potential value of a quasi-governmental entity such as USIP in facilitating negotiations in other conflicts. G. Eugene Martin was the executive director of the Philippine Facilitation Project. He is a retired Foreign Summary Service officer who served as deputy chief of mission at the • The Muslim inhabitants of Mindanao and Sulu in the southern Philippines, known U.S. Embassy in Manila. Astrid S. Tuminez served as the project’s senior research associate. -
The State-Moro Conflict in the Philippines
The State-Moro Conflict in the Philippines Lisa Huang, Victor Musembi and Ljiljana Petronic June 21, 2012 INAF 5439 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The struggle for self-determination by the Moro people in the Southern Philippines began in 1565 under Spanish colonial rule and is still an unresolved conflict today. Rooted in primordial notions of homeland, indoctrination, social marginalization, and historical displacement, the Moro people and the government have engaged in multiple rounds of negotiations and produced several agreements. Currently, the Moro conflict is one of two large, deeply-rooted, and long lasting insurgencies featuring repeated peace processes in the Philippines; the other being the stop-start process of peace negotiations with the communist insurgents. The Moro people are composed of Sunni Muslims with varying linguistic groups which lack unity. The fragmented rebel groups, including the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) group and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), have weak legitimacy and bargaining power because of varying interests. The Muslim community perceives that there is a lack of government commitment to provide public goods in tandem to the latter‘s claim of authority over their territory. Furthermore, even though the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) is richly endowed with natural and human resources, poverty and development remain as large concerns. The Moro people view territory as a means to securing an identity, while Manila‘s view of territory is directly linked to its physical survival. In addition to territorial claims, the Moro people have experienced social, political and economic discrimination, creating grievances, which, however, are not considered ‗atypically severe‘1 but rather limited to ‗neglect and remedial policies‘2. -
Lumads-Our-People-Too.Pdf
The Lumads Are Our People, Too! • By Rudy B. Rodil ♥ Introduction The Lumad are the indigenous peoples of Mindanao. They constitute approximately five percent, clearly the minority, of the total Mindanao population in the 1990 census. The rest of the inhabitants in the region are Muslims, also indigenous, estimated at 20 percent; settlers and their descendants roughly make up the balance of 75 percent. It should be pointed out that a good portion of or assimilated into the latter segment are descendants of native inhabitants who were converted to Christianity in the Spanish period, mostly from northern and eastern Mindanao. How they became minorities is the story of this paper. Not only have they been reduced to a numerical minority in their own lands, they have also been marginalized in other aspects of our national life. Their minoritization involved, mainly the state machinery, with unwitting participation from the major segments of the population. It is not our intention to find fault, merely to lay down the facts in the hope that we may be able to help secure for them a well deserved social space in the Filipino nation. Their situation is not beyond help. This presentation is divided into four parts. Part I is on the Lumad communities and their ancestral domains in Mindanao. Part II focuses on the process of marginalization. Part III discusses the actual process of dispossession. Part IV explores the tri-people approach to peace and development in the region. PART I The Lumad Communities and Their Ancestral Domains in Mindanao The Lumad are the Indigenous Cultural Communities of Mindanao, namely, in alphabetical order: the Ata, Bagobo, Banwaon, Bla-an, Bukidnon, Dibabawon, Higaunon, Mamanwa, Mandaya, Mangguwangan, Manobo, Mansaka, Matigsalug, Subanen, Tagakaolo, Talaandig, T'boli, Teduray and Ubo. -
U.S. Policy Against the Abu Sayyaf Terrorist Group in the Post 9/11 World
U.S. POLICY AGAINST THE ABU SAYYAF TERRORIST GROUP IN THE POST 9/11 WORLD A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of The School of Continuing Studies and of The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Liberal Studies By Krishna Legaspi Aniel, B.A. Georgetown University Washington, D.C. May 1, 2009 U.S. POLICY AGAINST THE ABU SAYYAF TERRORIST GROUP IN THE POST 9/11 WORLD Krishna Legaspi Aniel, B.A. Mentor: Pamela Sodhy, Ph.D. ABSTRACT Since 1991, the Philippines has been plagued by the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG), a terrorist organization linked to al-Qaeda. After September 11, 2001, President Gloria Arroyo fervently supported the U.S. global war on terror by linking it with the Philippines’ struggle against terrorism. With Philippine cooperation, came considerable U.S. military assistance, training, and intelligence support for the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) to combat the war on terror’s “second-front” in Southeast Asia. The aim of this five part thesis is to examine the development and effectiveness of U.S. policy in combating the ASG while covering the scope of the George W. Bush Administration from 2001 to 2008. To provide the necessary background for understanding the Abu Sayyaf problem, Chapter I will outline the plight of the Moros in the Philippines under Spanish and American colonial rule from 1521 to 1946. Chapter II will examine the deteriorating conditions of the Moros under Christian Filipino rule from independence to 2001, when they were further marginalized. -
'Battle of Marawi': Death and Destruction in the Philippines
‘THE BATTLE OF MARAWI’ DEATH AND DESTRUCTION IN THE PHILIPPINES Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2017 Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons Cover photo: Military trucks drive past destroyed buildings and a mosque in what was the main battle (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. area in Marawi, 25 October 2017, days after the government declared fighting over. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode © Ted Aljibe/AFP/Getty Images For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2017 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: ASA 35/7427/2017 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS MAP 4 1. INTRODUCTION 5 2. METHODOLOGY 10 3. BACKGROUND 11 4. UNLAWFUL KILLINGS BY MILITANTS 13 5. HOSTAGE-TAKING BY MILITANTS 16 6. ILL-TREATMENT BY GOVERNMENT FORCES 18 7. ‘TRAPPED’ CIVILIANS 21 8. LOOTING BY ALL PARTIES TO THE CONFLICT 23 9. -
Democracy in India Volume 4 Rising from the Ashes of Conflict Moving out of Poverty
Deepa Narayan and Patti Petesch, editors Public Disclosure Authorized Rising from Public Disclosure Authorized the Ashes of Confl ict Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized MOVING OUT OF POVERTY, VOLUME 4 Rising from the Ashes of Conflict About the Series The Moving Out of Poverty series presents the results of new comparative research across more than 500 communities in 15 countries on how and why poor people move out of poverty. The findings lay the foundations for new policies that will promote inclusive growth and just societies, and move millions out of poverty. The series was launched in 2007 under the editorial direction of Deepa Narayan, former senior adviser in the World Bank. She earlier directed the pathbreaking Voices of the Poor project. Titles in the Moving Out of Poverty series: Volume 1 Cross-Disciplinary Perspectives on Mobility Volume 2 Success from the Bottom Up Volume 3 The Promise of Empowerment and Democracy in India Volume 4 Rising from the Ashes of Conflict Moving Out of Poverty VOLUME 4 Rising from the Ashes of Conflict Deepa Narayan and Patti Petesch, editors A COPUBLICATION OF PALGRAVE MACMILLAN AND THE WORLD BANK ©2010 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank 1818 H Street, NW Washington, DC 20433 Telephone: 202-473-1000 Internet: www.worldbank.org E-mail: [email protected] All rights reserved 1 2 3 4 12 11 10 09 A copublication of The World Bank and Palgrave Macmillan. PALGRAVE MACMILLAN Palgrave Macmillan in the UK is an imprint of Macmillan Publishers Limited, registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire, RG21 6XS. -
Chapter I Introduction
CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1.1. Background The Philippines as an archipelagic state is composed from more than seven thousand islands and also home for ninety million inhabitants. Three main islands in Philippines have its own uniqueness and rich by their own commodity. Mindanao is one of the three main islands and is the most different with the other two main islands because not only it is located in the southernmost part of the Philippines, also it is considered as the source of much of the country’s needs.1 Over the last thirty years, the population of Mindanao has been commonly categorized into three major groupings – Lumad,2 Moros or Muslims3 and Christians (also called Migrants or Settlers). Among all regions in the Philippines, Mindanao is the only region that faced the longest and most intense political conflicts—composing of ethnic and religious unrest, with Bangsamoro as its highlight. 1 Cristina J. Montiel, Rudy B. Rodil, Judith M. de Guzman, Running Head: The Moro Struggle in Southern Philippines, Centre for Dialogue La Trobe University, pg 3 – 42. 2 Lumad is a Cebuano Bisayan term which means “indigenous”. 3 Bangsamoros is the term originally used by Spaniards for Muslims who occupied Iberian Peninsula. However, when they found Muslims in Philippines, they started to call them Moros. 1 Figure 1.1. Map of The Bangsamoro (2012)4 Historically, Muslim in Mindanao came from Arab missionaries – traders who subsequently married into the local population. A grave marker with Arabic scripts found in 1380 indicates the sign of earliest Islamic presence in Mindanao. However, most of the time, people believe that Muslim was in its throne during 16th century and it even helped the conversion to Island of the inhabitants and rise of Muslim Sultanates (in Maguindanao and Sulu). -
Land Ownership and Migration Impact on the Muslim Secessionist Conflict in the Southern Philippines
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Calhoun, Institutional Archive of the Naval Postgraduate School Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 2009-12 Land ownership and migration impact on the Muslim secessionist conflict in the Southern Philippines Aquino, Reynaldo M. Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/4396 NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS LAND OWNERSHIP AND MIGRATION: IMPACT ON THE MUSLIM SECESSIONIST CONFLICT IN THE SOUTHERN PHILIPPINES by Reynaldo M. Aquino December 2009 Thesis Advisor: Douglas A. Borer Second Reader: Mark T. Berger Approved for public release; thesis is unlimited THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED December 2009 Master’s Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE Land Ownership and Migration: 5. FUNDING NUMBERS Impact on the Muslim Secessionist Conflict in the Southern Philippines 6. -
Contesting Land and Identity in the Periphery: the Moro Indigenous People of Southern Philippines*
Contesting Land and Identity In The Periphery: The Moro Indigenous * People of Southern Philippines MYRTHENA L. FIANZA Department of Political Studies Mindanao State University (Main campus, Marawi) Philippines INTRODUCTION Over the past decades, the resurgence of intergroup conflict in the Philippines has led to a significant current in the direction of ethnicity and identity in the study of land tenure problems where the post-colonial state is involved, particularly in land use and resource allocation among indigenous communities. In the Philippine contemporary tenure situation, it is necessary to look at other categories or identities to understand how social unrest has been catalyzed in other areas of the country, as state action and politics in the center are also presently being shaped, more than ever before, by the demands of ethnicity or indigenous voices at the fringe or periphery. This course leads to approaching conflicts as rooted to the land question triggered by the issue of equitable access to land and resources or rights to a territory that contesting groups view should be acquired or reclaimed not solely on the basis of economic rights to private property in the Western liberal sense, or from a more progressive standpoint of redistributive (“land to the tiller”) reform, but as a determinant of the survival of a community and their culture, the basis of their identity as a people. The study proceeds from the perspective that views land as “tied up with the very ethnicity of indigenous peoples, inasmuch as their distinct cultures have developed in interaction with and in adaptation to specific environments” (Cariňo,1994: 5). -
Weaving Peace in Mindanao:Strong Advocacy Through Collective Action
Weaving Peace in Mindanao:Strong Advocacy through Collective Action WEAVING PEACE IN MINDANAO: Strong Advocacy through Collective Action A collective impact case study on the Mindanao Peaceweavers network Michelle Garred May 2018 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgments 4 Executive Summary 5 I. Methodology and Limitations 6 II. Regional Context 8 III. Overview of Mindanao Peaceweavers 10 Structure 10 Founding 10 Stages of action 11 Key contributions 12 IV. Conditions for Collective Impact 13 Collective and emergent understanding of the context 13 Collective intention and action 14 Collective learning and adaptation 15 Continuous communication and accountability 15 Support structure or backbone 15 Other collective impact themes 16 Difficulties and barriers 18 V. Summary of Success Factors and Challenges 21 Key success factors 21 Key challenges 22 Multitier networks 22 VI. Future Considerations for Mindanao Peaceweavers 23 Annexes Annex A: Participants in Interviews & Focus Group Discussions 24 Annex B: Sample Guide Questions for Interviews and Focus Group Discussions 26 Figures A: Map of the Philippines, with Mindanao at south 8 B: Map of Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (current) 9 C: Development of the Peoples’ Agenda 13 D: Action Points of the Peoples’ Agenda 14 E: Campaign Spotlight — Mamasapano and All Out Peace 18 2 Acronyms BBL — Bangsamoro Basic Law BISDAK - Genuine Visayans for Peace CDA — CDA Collaborative Learning Projects CRS — Catholic Relief Services GPPAC — Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict GRP — Government of the Republic of the Philippines IID — Initiatives for International Dialogue MILF — Moro Islamic Liberation Front MPPA — Mindanao Peoples’ Peace Agenda MPW — Mindanao Peaceweavers Acknowledgments CDA specially thanks Initiatives for International Dialogue for its in-country support, which proved essential to writing this case study.