Land Ownership and Migration Impact on the Muslim Secessionist Conflict in the Southern Philippines

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Land Ownership and Migration Impact on the Muslim Secessionist Conflict in the Southern Philippines View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Calhoun, Institutional Archive of the Naval Postgraduate School Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 2009-12 Land ownership and migration impact on the Muslim secessionist conflict in the Southern Philippines Aquino, Reynaldo M. Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/4396 NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS LAND OWNERSHIP AND MIGRATION: IMPACT ON THE MUSLIM SECESSIONIST CONFLICT IN THE SOUTHERN PHILIPPINES by Reynaldo M. Aquino December 2009 Thesis Advisor: Douglas A. Borer Second Reader: Mark T. Berger Approved for public release; thesis is unlimited THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED December 2009 Master’s Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE Land Ownership and Migration: 5. FUNDING NUMBERS Impact on the Muslim Secessionist Conflict in the Southern Philippines 6. AUTHOR(S) Reynaldo M Aquino 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 8. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION Naval Postgraduate School REPORT NUMBER Monterey, CA 93943-5000 9. SPONSORING /MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND 10. SPONSORING/MONITORING ADDRESS(ES)N/A AGENCY REPORT NUMBER 11. SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES The views expressed in this thesis are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defense or the U.S. Government. 12a. DISTRIBUTION / AVAILABILITY STATEMENT 12b. DISTRIBUTION CODE Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited 13. ABSTRACT (maximum 200 words) The secessionist conflict in southern Philippines erupted in the 1970s to assert Muslim self-determination and establish a Bangsamoro state. Despite the government’s peace efforts, the conflict persisted for more than four decades, causing instability and hindering progress in the region. For centuries, Muslim sultanates had dominated and ruled Mindanao and Sulu based on Islamic laws and practices. However, colonization and post-colonial influence significantly altered the Muslims’ distinct identity as a dominant ethno-religious group of people. Notwithstanding strong Muslim resistance, colonial and post-colonial rule prevailed and eventually transformed the Muslims into the minoritized group in Mindanao. This study looked into the impact of colonial and post-colonial land ownership and migration policies on the rise of Muslim secessionist conflict, and found that Muslims were discriminated against, marginalized, and dispossessed of their ancestral lands and domination in Mindanao. Muslim resentments and grievances that developed over time fueled the rise of the contemporary secessionist conflict in Mindanao. Moro ancestral domain and territory were vital and contentious issues in the efforts to settle the secessionist conflict. Deeper understanding of the complexities of this problem is a key to attaining a viable solution for a lasting settlement of the Muslim conflict in Mindanao. 14. SUBJECT TERMS Land ownership, migration and settlements, Muslim 15. NUMBER OF secessionist conflict, colonization PAGES 91 16. PRICE CODE 17. SECURITY 18. SECURITY 19. SECURITY 20. LIMITATION OF CLASSIFICATION OF CLASSIFICATION OF THIS CLASSIFICATION OF ABSTRACT REPORT PAGE ABSTRACT Unclassified Unclassified Unclassified UU NSN 7540-01-280-5500 Standard Form 298 (Rev. 2-89) Prescribed by ANSI Std. 239-18 i THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK i i Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited LAND OWNERSHIP AND MIGRATION: IMPACT ON THE MUSLIM SECESSIONIST CONFLICT IN THE SOUTHERN PHILIPPINES Reynaldo M. Aquino Lieutenant Colonel, Philippine Army B.S., Philippine Military Academy, 1986 Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE IN DEFENSE ANALYSIS from the NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL December 2009 Author: Reynaldo M. Aquino Approved by: Douglas A. Borer Thesis Advisor Mark T. Berger Second Reader Gordon McCormick Chairman, Department of Defense Analysis iii THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK i v ABSTRACT The secessionist conflict in southern Philippines erupted in the 1970s to assert Muslim self-determination and establish a Bangsamoro state. Despite the government’s peace efforts, the conflict persisted for more than four decades, causing instability and hindering progress in the region. For centuries, Muslim sultanates had dominated and ruled Mindanao and Sulu based on Islamic laws and practices. However, colonization and post-colonial influence significantly altered the Muslims’ distinct identity as a dominant ethno-religious group of people. Notwithstanding strong Muslim resistance, colonial and post-colonial rule prevailed and eventually transformed the Muslims into the minoritized group in Mindanao. This study looked into the impact of colonial and post-colonial land ownership and migration policies on the rise of Muslim secessionist conflict, and found that Muslims were discriminated against, marginalized, and dispossessed of their ancestral lands and domination in Mindanao. Muslim resentments and grievances that developed over time fueled the rise of the contemporary secessionist conflict in Mindanao. Moro ancestral domain and territory were vital and contentious issues in the efforts to settle the secessionist conflict. Deeper understanding of the complexities of this problem is a key to attaining a viable solution for a lasting settlement of the Muslim conflict in Mindanao. v THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK v i TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ............................................1 A. BACKGROUND .........................................1 B. PURPOSE AND SCOPE ..................................7 C. RELATED LITERATURE .................................9 D. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ..............................12 E. CHAPTER SUMMARY ...................................12 1. Chapter II: Rise and Struggles of the Muslims in Mindanao ..........................12 2. Chapter III: Land Ownership and Migration in Mindanao .....................................13 3. Chapter IV: Muslim Secessionist Insurgency ...13 4. Chapter V: Summary and Conclusions ...........14 II. RISE AND STRUGGLES OF THE MUSLIMS IN MINDANAO ..........15 A. CONTEMPORARY MUSLIMS IN MINDANAO ..................15 B. MINDANAO IN THE PRE-COLONIAL PERIOD (PRIOR TO 1565) .............................................19 1. Ethnic Inhabitants and the Coming of Islam ...19 2. Islamization and the Rise of the Sultanates ..20 3. Rise of the Early Muslim States in Mindanao ..21 C. SPANISH COLONIAL PERIOD (1565-1898) ...............23 D. AMERICAN COLONIAL PERIOD (1898-1946) ..............25 E. COMMONWEALTH PERIOD (1935-1946) ...................30 F. POST-COLONIAL PERIOD (1946–ONWARDS) ...............30 III. LAND OWNERSHIP AND MIGRATION IN MINDANAO ...............33 A. TRADITIONAL MUSLIM CONCEPTS OF LAND OWNERSHIP .....33 B. COLONIAL CONCEPT OF LAND OWNERSHIP ................34 C. DISCRIMINATORY COLONIAL LAND LAWS AND POLICIES ....36 1. Land Registration Act No. 496 of 1902 ........36 2. Public Land Act No. 496 and the Philippine Bill of 1902 .................................38 3. The Philippine Commission Act No. 718 of 1903 .........................................39 4. The Public Act 926 of 1903 ...................39 5. The Mining Law of 1905 .......................40 6. The Cadastral Act of 1907 ....................41 D. LAND SETTLEMENT POLICIES ..........................41 E. COMMONWEALTH AND POST-COLONIAL LAND LAWS AND SETTLEMENT POLICIES ...............................43 F. IMPACT ON MUSLIMS IN MINDANAO .....................46 IV. RISE OF MUSLIM SECESSIONIST CONFLICT ...................49 A. TRIGGERING CONDITIONS .............................49 vii B. MUSLIMS’ RESPONSE .................................50 C. THE MORO NATIONAL LIBERATION FRONT (MNLF) .........51 1. Impact of the MNLF Rebellion .................52 2. Organizational Split .........................53 3. Ceasefire Collapse and the Final Settlement with GRP .....................................54 D. THE MORO ISLAMIC LIBERATION FRONT (MILF) ..........55 E. THE ABU SAYYAF GROUP (ASG) ........................59 V. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS ................................61 A. SUMMARY ...........................................61 B. CONCLUSION ........................................63 1. Loss of Muslim Domination and Ancestral Domain .......................................64 2. Effects on Muslims in Mindanao ...............66 3. Ancestral Domain Issue and the Settlement of the Muslim Secessionist Conflict .............66 LIST OF REFERENCES ..........................................69 INITIAL DISTRIBUTION LIST ...................................75 viii LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. Philippine map. (From:
Recommended publications
  • Toward Peace in the Southern Philippines
    UNITED STATES InsTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT G. Eugene Martin and Astrid S. Tuminez In 2003 the U.S. Department of State asked the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) to undertake a project to help expedite a peace agreement between the government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). The MILF has been engaged in a rebellion against the GRP for more than three decades, Toward Peace in the with the conflict concentrated on the southern island of Mindanao and the Sulu Archipelago. This report highlights USIP activities in the Philippines from 2003 to 2007. It Southern Philippines describes the conflict and its background, the substance of ongoing negotiations, USIP efforts to “facilitate” the peace process, and insights on potentially constructive steps for A Summary and Assessment of the USIP moving the Philippine peace talks forward. It concludes with a few lessons learned from USIP’s engagement in this Philippine Facilitation Project, 2003–2007 specific conflict, as well as general observations about the potential value of a quasi-governmental entity such as USIP in facilitating negotiations in other conflicts. G. Eugene Martin was the executive director of the Philippine Facilitation Project. He is a retired Foreign Summary Service officer who served as deputy chief of mission at the • The Muslim inhabitants of Mindanao and Sulu in the southern Philippines, known U.S. Embassy in Manila. Astrid S. Tuminez served as the project’s senior research associate.
    [Show full text]
  • The State-Moro Conflict in the Philippines
    The State-Moro Conflict in the Philippines Lisa Huang, Victor Musembi and Ljiljana Petronic June 21, 2012 INAF 5439 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The struggle for self-determination by the Moro people in the Southern Philippines began in 1565 under Spanish colonial rule and is still an unresolved conflict today. Rooted in primordial notions of homeland, indoctrination, social marginalization, and historical displacement, the Moro people and the government have engaged in multiple rounds of negotiations and produced several agreements. Currently, the Moro conflict is one of two large, deeply-rooted, and long lasting insurgencies featuring repeated peace processes in the Philippines; the other being the stop-start process of peace negotiations with the communist insurgents. The Moro people are composed of Sunni Muslims with varying linguistic groups which lack unity. The fragmented rebel groups, including the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) group and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), have weak legitimacy and bargaining power because of varying interests. The Muslim community perceives that there is a lack of government commitment to provide public goods in tandem to the latter‘s claim of authority over their territory. Furthermore, even though the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) is richly endowed with natural and human resources, poverty and development remain as large concerns. The Moro people view territory as a means to securing an identity, while Manila‘s view of territory is directly linked to its physical survival. In addition to territorial claims, the Moro people have experienced social, political and economic discrimination, creating grievances, which, however, are not considered ‗atypically severe‘1 but rather limited to ‗neglect and remedial policies‘2.
    [Show full text]
  • U.S. Policy Against the Abu Sayyaf Terrorist Group in the Post 9/11 World
    U.S. POLICY AGAINST THE ABU SAYYAF TERRORIST GROUP IN THE POST 9/11 WORLD A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of The School of Continuing Studies and of The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Liberal Studies By Krishna Legaspi Aniel, B.A. Georgetown University Washington, D.C. May 1, 2009 U.S. POLICY AGAINST THE ABU SAYYAF TERRORIST GROUP IN THE POST 9/11 WORLD Krishna Legaspi Aniel, B.A. Mentor: Pamela Sodhy, Ph.D. ABSTRACT Since 1991, the Philippines has been plagued by the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG), a terrorist organization linked to al-Qaeda. After September 11, 2001, President Gloria Arroyo fervently supported the U.S. global war on terror by linking it with the Philippines’ struggle against terrorism. With Philippine cooperation, came considerable U.S. military assistance, training, and intelligence support for the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) to combat the war on terror’s “second-front” in Southeast Asia. The aim of this five part thesis is to examine the development and effectiveness of U.S. policy in combating the ASG while covering the scope of the George W. Bush Administration from 2001 to 2008. To provide the necessary background for understanding the Abu Sayyaf problem, Chapter I will outline the plight of the Moros in the Philippines under Spanish and American colonial rule from 1521 to 1946. Chapter II will examine the deteriorating conditions of the Moros under Christian Filipino rule from independence to 2001, when they were further marginalized.
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy in India Volume 4 Rising from the Ashes of Conflict Moving out of Poverty
    Deepa Narayan and Patti Petesch, editors Public Disclosure Authorized Rising from Public Disclosure Authorized the Ashes of Confl ict Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized MOVING OUT OF POVERTY, VOLUME 4 Rising from the Ashes of Conflict About the Series The Moving Out of Poverty series presents the results of new comparative research across more than 500 communities in 15 countries on how and why poor people move out of poverty. The findings lay the foundations for new policies that will promote inclusive growth and just societies, and move millions out of poverty. The series was launched in 2007 under the editorial direction of Deepa Narayan, former senior adviser in the World Bank. She earlier directed the pathbreaking Voices of the Poor project. Titles in the Moving Out of Poverty series: Volume 1 Cross-Disciplinary Perspectives on Mobility Volume 2 Success from the Bottom Up Volume 3 The Promise of Empowerment and Democracy in India Volume 4 Rising from the Ashes of Conflict Moving Out of Poverty VOLUME 4 Rising from the Ashes of Conflict Deepa Narayan and Patti Petesch, editors A COPUBLICATION OF PALGRAVE MACMILLAN AND THE WORLD BANK ©2010 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank 1818 H Street, NW Washington, DC 20433 Telephone: 202-473-1000 Internet: www.worldbank.org E-mail: [email protected] All rights reserved 1 2 3 4 12 11 10 09 A copublication of The World Bank and Palgrave Macmillan. PALGRAVE MACMILLAN Palgrave Macmillan in the UK is an imprint of Macmillan Publishers Limited, registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire, RG21 6XS.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter I Introduction
    CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1.1. Background The Philippines as an archipelagic state is composed from more than seven thousand islands and also home for ninety million inhabitants. Three main islands in Philippines have its own uniqueness and rich by their own commodity. Mindanao is one of the three main islands and is the most different with the other two main islands because not only it is located in the southernmost part of the Philippines, also it is considered as the source of much of the country’s needs.1 Over the last thirty years, the population of Mindanao has been commonly categorized into three major groupings – Lumad,2 Moros or Muslims3 and Christians (also called Migrants or Settlers). Among all regions in the Philippines, Mindanao is the only region that faced the longest and most intense political conflicts—composing of ethnic and religious unrest, with Bangsamoro as its highlight. 1 Cristina J. Montiel, Rudy B. Rodil, Judith M. de Guzman, Running Head: The Moro Struggle in Southern Philippines, Centre for Dialogue La Trobe University, pg 3 – 42. 2 Lumad is a Cebuano Bisayan term which means “indigenous”. 3 Bangsamoros is the term originally used by Spaniards for Muslims who occupied Iberian Peninsula. However, when they found Muslims in Philippines, they started to call them Moros. 1 Figure 1.1. Map of The Bangsamoro (2012)4 Historically, Muslim in Mindanao came from Arab missionaries – traders who subsequently married into the local population. A grave marker with Arabic scripts found in 1380 indicates the sign of earliest Islamic presence in Mindanao. However, most of the time, people believe that Muslim was in its throne during 16th century and it even helped the conversion to Island of the inhabitants and rise of Muslim Sultanates (in Maguindanao and Sulu).
    [Show full text]
  • Breaking the Links Between Economics and Conflict in Mindanao DECEMBER 2003
    Breaking the links between economics and conflict in Mindanao DECEMBER 2003 SYLVIA CONCEPCION • LARRY DIGAL • RUFA GUIAM ROMULO DE LA ROSA • MARA STANKOVITCH Breaking the links between economics and conflict in Mindanao DISCUSSION PAPER Sylvia Concepciòn Larry Digal Rufa Guiam Romulo de la Rosa Mara Stankovitch Presented at the ‘Waging Peace’ conference, Manila DECEMBER 2003 INTERNATIONAL ALERT • BUSINESS AND CONFLICT PROGRAMME Contents Foreword ............................................................................................................................4 Acknowledgements ..................................................................................................................5 Chapter 1: Conflict in Mindanao ..................................................................................6 1.1 Roots of the conflict ................................................................................................6 1.1.1 Diverse cultures ..........................................................................................6 1.1.2 Historical background ................................................................................6 1.1.3 Dispossession ..............................................................................................6 1.1.4 Poverty ........................................................................................................7 1.1.5 Discrimination ............................................................................................8 1.1.6 Political marginalisation ..............................................................................8
    [Show full text]
  • Solving the Moro Problem: Legalizing the Bangsamoro Peace Process
    Technological University Dublin ARROW@TU Dublin Articles Law 2016-3 Solving the Moro problem: legalizing the Bangsamoro peace process Gene Carolan Technological University Dublin, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://arrow.tudublin.ie/aaschlawart Part of the International Law Commons, Law and Politics Commons, and the Military, War, and Peace Commons Recommended Citation Carolan,G. (2016) "Solving the Moro problem: legalizing the Bangsamoro peace process," (2016) 8(3) Journal of Aggression, Conflict and eaceP Research, 212. DOI 10.1108/JACPR-02-2016-0214 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law at ARROW@TU Dublin. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles by an authorized administrator of ARROW@TU Dublin. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-Share Alike 4.0 License Funder: Maynooth University Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research Solving the Moro problem: legalizing the Bangsamoro peace process Gene Carolan Article information: To cite this document: Gene Carolan , (2016),"Solving the Moro problem: legalizing the Bangsamoro peace process", Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research, Vol. 8 Iss 3 pp. 212 - 223 Permanent link to this document: http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/JACPR-02-2016-0214 Downloaded on: 22 June 2016, At: 03:34 (PT) References: this document contains references to 55 other documents. To copy this document: [email protected] The fulltext of this document has been downloaded 6 times since 2016* Access to this document was granted through an Emerald subscription provided by Token:JournalAuthor:B0D8FCC2- EF0E-49B6-804D-2C7FBD5BA1CD: For Authors If you would like to write for this, or any other Emerald publication, then please use our Emerald for Authors service information about how to choose which publication to write for and submission guidelines are available for all.
    [Show full text]
  • The Pennsylvania State University Schreyer Honors College
    THE PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIVERSITY SCHREYER HONORS COLLEGE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE CIVIL WAR, GUERRILLA WARFARE, AND TERRORISM: UNDERSTANDING NON- STATE POLITICAL VIOLENCE THROUGH THE PHILIPPINES’ MORO CONFLICT ROBERT Y. CHEN Spring 2015 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for baccalaureate degrees in International Politics and Economics with honors in International Politics Reviewed and approved* by the following: Douglas Lemke Associate Professor of Political Science Thesis Supervisor Gretchen Casper Associate Professor of Political Science Honors Adviser * Signatures are on file in the Schreyer Honors College. i ABSTRACT Civil wars are traditionally studied as distinct from other forms of political dissidence. If a given political conflict does not reach a battle-related death threshold – a standard criterion for classifying a conflict as a civil war – it would fall out of most civil war datasets. I argue that this distinction is arbitrary, and that separating the study of civil war from the study of political conflict both limits and distorts our understanding of all forms of political conflict. In lieu of the separate study of different forms of conflict, I propose a framework from which to consider a particular form of conflict (self-determination) holistically, placing different non-state actor political strategies – terrorism, guerrilla warfare, and interstate war-like conventional warfare – on a spectrum, hypothesizing that actors choose their tactics based on their strength relative to their opponent, the government. In this way, we can understand when, where, and why a non- state actor seeking self-determination will employ terrorism as opposed to attempting to build a de facto state from which to challenge the government.
    [Show full text]
  • RUNNING HEAD: the Moro Struggle in Southern Philippines
    The Moro Struggle in Southern Philippines 1 RUNNING HEAD: The Moro Struggle in Southern Philippines The Moro Struggle and the Challenge to Peace-building in Mindanao, Southern Philippines By Cristina J. Montiel, Department of Psychology, Ateneo de Manila University Rudy B. Rodil, Mindanao Historian and Former Vice-Chair of the GRP-MILF1 Peace Panel Judith M. de Guzman, Department of Psychology, Ateneo de Manila University Author Note: We would like to acknowledge the partial support provided to Cristina J. Montiel, from an AusAID-ALA visiting research fellowship grant to the Centre for Dialogue at La Trobe University. 1 GRP-MILF stands for the Government of the Republic of the Philippines – Moro Islamic Liberation Front Peace Panel for Negotiations. The Moro Struggle in Southern Philippines 2 Abstract In this chapter, we provide an overview of the Moro Struggle in Mindanao, Southern Philippines involving, principally the Moros, and affecting the Lumad (or Indigenous Peoples) and largely Christian settlers. This is also called the Moro conflict or the Mindanao conflict. We trace the history of the problem across different colonization periods and administrations. In addition, we review the ongoing peace-building initiatives undertaken by the different sectors involved in the region – religious, academic, non- government organizations, people’s organizations, and communities. We end this chapter with our own suggestions for peace-building in the region, adopting a multi-dimensional and multi-layered approach to resolving the Mindanao conflict. The Moro Struggle in Southern Philippines 3 The Moro Struggle and the Challenge to Peace-building in Mindanao, Southern Philippines Cristina J. Montiel, Rudy B.
    [Show full text]
  • The Case of Mindanao, Philippines (Executive Summary)
    Gender and Conflict / Homework Pre- Reading Differences between Programming Paradigms in Conflict Settings 1. Programming Paradigms in Conflict Settings1 Level of Guiding Programming Understanding of Programming Approach Capacity Implications Principles for Paradigms the Conflict Programming None for Continue with sectoral programming in programming without Typically no a conflict setting; 1. Traditional addressing the potential concerted attempt Funding and staffing thus, there is a Development positive or negative impact to understand the remains the same. real risk of Programming on the conflict context. conflict. exacerbating Program’s key goals are conflict and sectoral. doing harm. Adequate Continue with sectoral understanding of Funding and staffing programming but ensure, at the conflict to levels will remain a minimum, that it does not Do No Harm ensure that the roughly the same, exacerbate the conflict (Mary Anderson) program, at a though new expertise 2. Conflict- context. Program’s key minimum, does not may be required, Sensitive goals are to minimize Conflict exacerbate the depending on the Programming negative and maximize Sensitivity situation and, issues. Staff need to be positive impacts of (International ideally, reduces trained in basic conflict programming on the Alert) dividers and analysis, mainstreaming conflict, as well as on supports existing and sensitivity. sectoral goals. connectors. Increased resources needed to support Do No Harm training for staff and Conduct a stand-alone (Mary Anderson) key partners and for Deeper peacebuilding program. implicit/explicit 3. Direct Conflict understanding of Program’s core aim is to Conflict peacebuilding efforts. Programming the key drivers of reduce the key drivers of Sensitivity (also sometimes conflict and violent conflict and (International New expertise will be called dynamics among contribute to societal-level Alert) required, including Peacebuilding factors and key peace (Peace Writ Large).
    [Show full text]
  • The Mindanao Peace Talks
    UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT The drawn-out peace talks that began in 1997 between the Philippine government and the Moro The Mindanao Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) are entering a critical stage as negotiations on substantive aspects are scheduled to commence in February 2005 in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. An agreement with the MILF is Peace Talks an important piece in finding a solution to more than three decades of secessionist insurgency in the southern Philippines. A settlement will also boost Another Opportunity to Resolve global efforts to put a lid on the resurgence of Islamic extremism in Southeast Asia. This report explains the the Moro Conflict in the Philippines origins of the conflict, the evolution of the peace process, and the challenges facing both sides. It also recommends measures for a successful resolution. Summary This is the first report from the Philippines Facilitation Project of the United States Institute of Peace. The • The stalemate between the Philippine government and the insurgent forces of the report was written by Benedicto R. Bacani, dean of Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), the ongoing global War on Terror, and the the College of Law, Notre Dame University in Cotabato City, Philippines, and currently a senior fellow in the government’s desire for peace in the southern Philippines in order to bolster the Institute’s Jennings Randolph Program for International country’s economy have created an environment conducive to a resolution of the Peace.
    [Show full text]
  • The Philippines' Moro Conflict: the Problems and Prospects In
    THE PHILIPPINES’ MORO CONFLICT: THE PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS IN THE QUEST FOR A SUSTAINABLE PEACE A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of The School of Continuing Studies and of The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Liberal Studies By Mary Beatrice Hernandez, B.A. Georgetown University Washington, D.C. April 14, 2017 THE PHILIPPINES’ MORO CONFLICT: THE PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS IN THE QUEST FOR A SUSTAINABLE PEACE Mary Beatrice Hernandez, B.A. MALS Mentor: Joseph P. Smaldone, Ph.D. ABSTRACT The Moro conflict is a multifaceted, highly complex matter, emanating from centuries of profound societal fragmentation and divisions. In the decades since the conflict began, the Philippine government—with aid from international mediators, civil society, and non-governmental organizations—has drafted and reached various accords with Moro non-state armed groups, namely the Moro National Liberation Front and Moro Islamic Liberation Front. Negotiations, while broadly unsuccessful in achieving long-term peace, have at least been able to shift the insurgent groups’ demands from secession to increased autonomy within the Philippine state. Nevertheless, the violent, extremely protracted conflict remains at an impasse. Many feel that the prospects for peace are dwindling by the minute as the conflict continues to devastate the Mindanao region. For the Moro people, the conflict is representative of their ongoing effort to recover their sovereignty, an objective that the liberation fronts
    [Show full text]