Peripheral Vision Navigating the Constraints of the Ummah: A Comparison of Christ Movements in Iran and Bangladesh by Christian J. Anderson

iscipleship to Jesus always takes place within the contours of particular social contexts, whether it fits smoothly into these social constraints, or rubs abrasively against them. For those following Je- Dsus in the Muslim-majority world, religion is an essential and unavoidable part of this social context. Islam is rarely a privatized or compartmentalized set of beliefs—the practices of its “Five Pillars” are public. Muslim religion interpen- etrates community life, not only intertwining with culture, but integrating with social and political structures. Yet missiologists have often overlooked this key socio-political dimension of Muslim context. Structures (Not Just Culture) as Discipleship Context

In the long history and eventual decline of the historic Christian churches in the Muslim world across Asia, the limitations imposed by Muslim socio-political structures were fundamental to the working out of a public, witnessing presence.1 Those constraints continue to be basic to the dynamics of how Christians living under Muslim governments in Asia and Africa congregate and witness. Yet with regard to Muslim-background Christ fellowships and discipleship movements within Islam, western missiology has preferred to focus on religion in terms of cultural contextualization, often neglecting Islam’s social structures as an essential part of that discipleship context. It was anthropologist Charles Kraft’s application of dynamic equivalence theory to the cultural forms that the church might take in a mission context that helped set the direction for the Insider Movement debates.2 The concept of the “homogenous unit principle,” developed by Donald McGavran Christian J. Anderson is presently a and mission anthropologist Alan Tippett, focused on contextualizing the Bible and PhD student at Asbury Theological Seminary, researching insider move- Christian witness within distinct “people groups,” as delineated by language, eth- ments and their implications for the nicity, and culture. Social structure was acknowledged only as boundaries defined transmission of World Christianity. He has served as an Anglican pastor by these local affinities, potentially isolating these groups—and any people move- and church planter in Sydney, Austra- ments within them—from one another in the spread of the gospel.3 David Shenk, lia, and became interested in missiol- however, soon noticed the problems of over-emphasizing these ethnic delineations ogy through leading short-term teams to South Asia. in the Muslim world with its larger sense of collective religious identity.4

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When John Jay Travis introduced his other contribution is a recent article ethnic identities with respect to important category of “C5” Christ- by John Jay Travis and Anna Travis in religious ones) centered communities that remained which they examine the “Societal Fac- 4. Individual factors (relating to the “legally and socially” within Islam, it tors Impacting Socioreligious Identi- integrity and experience of Islam 11 was still in a framework that empha- ties of Muslims Who Follow Jesus.” on a personal level) 13 sized cultural-religious appropriation. They look at discipleship of Muslim- As I will demonstrate, these are very The sociological context of a C5 com- background believers through the lens pertinent observations. But the factors munity of faith was obscured. Travis of Muslim social structures and focus listed are not ordered by importance distinguished between types of believ- on a similar question to the one I wish nor arranged systematically. Since the ing communities that used religiously to pursue: “why different groups of authors are (understandably) reluctant neutral language and cultural forms Muslim-background believers gravitate to publish the names of the countries (C3), Islamic cultural forms (C4), and toward different types of fellowships.”12 where certain types of fellowships have Islamic forms and aspects of Islamic In analyzing 2007 data from 5,800 emerged, it is difficult to go further and theology (C5).5 The important aspect surveys completed by field workers connect particular societal factors with of social identity in Travis’ model has across the Muslim world, the Tra- particular types of fellowship. only been pursued more recently, with vis research first pointed to a large David Greenlee’s edited collection I hope that this article will stimulate distribution of Christ fellowships in Longing for Community: Church, Um- ideas for taking socio-political context their three categories of C3 (28%), C4 mah, or Somewhere in Between? It is seriously as we compare different (37%), and C5/Insider (21%), with a book full of illuminating studies on Jesus-discipleship movements in the how individual Muslim-background Muslim world. I want to give special believers negotiate their personal attention to the Muslim ummah, that identity within Muslim society and in fundamental socio-religious struc- relation to both Muslim and Christian ture of global Muslim identity. First, communities.6 But far less has been Anthropology has I will look at the ummah as a basic written focusing on Muslim social force serving to bind together Muslim structures themselves, taking seri- traditionally society, a force with which all Muslim- ously their capacity to affect whole background movements to Christ discipleship movements (not just been more influential must come to terms. But I will argue individual identity). This deficiency than sociology. that there are variations in the potency reflects North American missiology’s of the ummah’s structural layers— interaction with the social sciences, variations which may help explain where anthropology has traditionally why a particular type of discipleship been more influential than sociology.7 movement would more likely occur Clifford Geertz’s anthropology of a further 8% in the C6 category of in one part of the Muslim world and religion has been especially prominent “secret believers.” Why the different not another. As evidence for this, I will in our missiology, and we more readily C-spectrum fellowships in different then compare discipleship movements view religion as a set of symbols that places? With the caveat that mission- in Iran and Bangladesh. evocatively communicate worldview aries themselves may have influenced meaning; we are less prone to accept the kinds of fellowship that form, the The Muslim Ummah and Jesus Talal Asad’s critique that wider social authors then identify a string of on- Discipleship processes shape the meaning of those 14 8 the-ground factors, which include: Theummah —the worldwide “Mus- symbols, or to use Peter Berger’s lim community” that’s experienced analysis of religion and societal struc- 1. Political factors (including how 9 locally and perceived globally—has ture as mutually dependent. Islamic law is enforced with con- version penalties) been held together by strong social Two recent contributions may indicate 2. Communal factors (at the family and political bonds from its inception. a correction of this tendency to focus and neighborhood level where The Qur’an uses the word “ummah” only on culture. Fuller Theological peer pressure occurs) sixty-two times, with slightly different Seminary’s 2016 Missiological Lectures meanings.15 While for the most part 3. Religious, demographic, and were devoted to trying to understand an ummah is a religious community to cultural factors (including the the “Dynamics of Contemporary Mus- which God has sent a prophet, there history of Muslim-Christian lim Societies” as vital preliminary work seems to be a progression in the latter 10 relations and the strength of 16 to any missionary engagement. The Medinan surahs, where more often it

International Journal of Frontier Missiology Christian J. Anderson 119 refers to Muhammad’s community— those who have truly submitted to he ummah’s unifying force is stronger in some God under the prophet’s teaching, and places, and the different institutional structures who have now become exemplary, “the best of all communities that has been that hold the ummah together vary in strength. 17 T brought forth.” based on Muslim religious confession Whether pulled into the ummah or It was in Medina that Muhammad and practice, and an outward exclu- pushed away from it, Tim Green re- united Arabs across tribal lines into a sion of the non-Muslim who must be minds us that discipling communities socially and legally separate from the also face the issue of next-generation single community, while rallying them 25 to fight in the name of Islam against ummah. These forces bring a range continuity. For Muslim-background those from their own tribe and blood- of related challenges for a fruitful Christ fellowships that have pulled lines. Ties to the ummah now trumped disciple-making movement, which I away from the ummah, the next tribe and kin. But many characteristics associate with: generation is likely to pull further away from the possibility of discipling of Arabian tribal life would be carried 1. Faithful presence over: primary loyalty to the Muslim new Muslims: either they develop 2. Faithful distinction their own religious identity (if the “tribe,” religio-political headship, 3. Next-generation continuity spatial territoriality, and impositions on Muslim-background community is non-members.18 Muhammad saw the First, consider the difficulty of faith- large enough to marry into), or they ummah as being a place of political and ful presence alongside the ummah. join a Christian church. Christ fellow- ships that remain inside the ummah economic protection (dhimma) for non- These social forces may not allow Jesus risk being reabsorbed back into a Muslims willing to submit to its overall discipleship a tenable “alongside” posi- “non-Jesus following Islam,” through authority, evidenced initially in the tion. The ummah protects those within the inexorable pressures of inter- monotheistic Jewish community’s being it and opposes those who depart with marriage, orthodox Islamic teaching in allowed to exist alongside the Muslims the zeal of wounded tribal honor. For their socio-religious networks, and a with only hints of a lower sub-ummah the new Christ followers who do leave, 19 weak connection to the global body of status. But as Muhammad’s Medinan they often forfeit family inheritance, Christ. Green suggests that the most revelations became more legislative, employment networks, marriage pros- 22 stable position might be as a tolerated theocratic pressures were exerted on the pects, even a home to live in. Though sect within Islam, though finding a three Jewish tribes, two of whom were such a sacrificial decision in Jesus’ 20 stable identity may be at odds with exiled and one attacked. name can be initially a powerful act of witness, they must then join Christ sustaining an outward-looking dis- 26 A trajectory had begun where Moham- communities that are cut off from cipleship movement. medan monotheism was to be insepara- former Muslim families and networks. However, discipleship does not take bly intertwined with lines of social and Even when they can negotiate a degree place merely against the backdrop political organization, and the whole 23 of continuity in those relationships, of the ummah’s singularity but also would be referred to as the Muslim the challenge remains: How can they against its variation across contexts. ummah. Although today there is no fruitfully disciple members of the um- Though it exerts a consistent and longer an overall political structure mah if it has shunned them? powerful socio-religious influence governing all Muslims, there is an in- across the Muslim world, this unifying grained Muslim belief in the ummah as Not surprisingly, the large 2007 study I force is stronger in some places than in a global society under one God and his referred to earlier indicated that Christ others, and the different institutional sharia.21 This global consciousness has fellowships remaining in the ummah structures that hold the ummah to- taken on powerful social and legal flesh (C5) were more successful at seeing gether vary in strength. For the sake of in distinctive ways in diverse Muslim the gospel permeate and transform their existing social networks.24 But to conceptualization, I will try to simplify societies. This is what I want to explore. remain within the Muslim commu- the ummah’s complex socio-religious This socio-religious “oneness” of the nity brings another problem: that of bonds into a set of three strata: ummah is the right starting point for faithful distinction. The inward pull of 1. The individual level seeing the challenging socio-political Muslim social structures is towards a 2. The family and mosque network context for Muslim-background religious unity around a Muhammad- level discipleship. It implies two pressures mediated monotheism. How can acting as a “forcefield” within which disciples live within these structures 3. The collective and state level disciples of Jesus make their spiri- and still, with integrity, uphold Jesus By the use of this three-fold strata I tual decisions: an inward acting bond as God’s supreme mediating authority? am aligning with Tim Green’s analysis

35:3 Fall 2018 120 Navigating the Constraints of the Ummah: A Comparison of Christ Movements in Iran and Bangladesh of personal identity negotiation among Don Little’s recent study into the of discipleship movements that are Muslim-background Christ followers, obstacles faced by sixty Muslim-back- occurring, and then examine how their which he believes takes place at the ground disciple-makers in the Arab features interact with the strength of levels of “core identity,” “social iden- world demonstrates that the ummah the ummah’s ties at the individual, fam- tity,” and “collective identity.”27 Here, presents different challenges in differ- ily/mosque, and state/collective level. though, I am more interested in ana- ent church planting contexts, and Little Iran lyzing the ummah’s bonding influence also found it helpful to categorize them toward the Muslim identity. into Green’s three levels of identity ne- In Iran, there are now about 100,000 gotiation. He found that the three most Muslim-background Christ follow- At each of these levels (i.e., individual, frequently cited obstacles were at the ers—still a tiny portion of its popula- family/mosque, and collective/state) level of social identity: pressure from tion of 82 million, but growing rapidly there are certain agents, patterns, ritu- family, from the religious community, from as few as 500 Muslim-background als, and penalties which engender loy- and from economic vulnerability; also, believers when the revolution occurred 29 alty to the ummah. At the individual frequently cited were personal fears at in 1979. Duane Alexander Miller’s re- level, heart loyalty to the ummah may the core level, and at the collective level search indicated that these new believ- emerge from factors such as house- the challenges of marriage, child-rear- ers have decisively turned away from the hold upbringing, ongoing personal ing, and education laws.28 But my point ummah, and from the authority of the prayers, personal convictions about is that these are more than problems of Qur’an and Muhammad, and are em- Muhammad and the truth of Islam, or individual identity negotiation. Each bracing an evangelical form of Christi- conceivably from a demonic bondage. anity.30 Forbidden by law to enter into 31 Family and mosque network could rein- established Christian churches, they force Muslim loyalty to the ummah in meet in small, secret home gatherings as regularly as security permits, and may a myriad of ways: mosque and festival 32 participation, a particular imam’s author- Certain agents, not even use their real names. Accord- ity in social and religious matters, the ing to Christian news sites, these are requirement to marry another Muslim, patterns, rituals, usually small groups of five to twelve people, and if they get any bigger, they the strong social and economic support 33 extended to fellow Muslims, the with- and penalties will tend to form new groups. Some holding of this same support from non- engender loyalty of these groups are led via the internet Muslims, and the threat of banishment, by pastors who have fled the country, physical punishment, or honor killing for to the ummah. and many make use of Farsi Christian those who attempt to leave Islam. television channels broadcast from out- side Iran.34 Leaders appear to be quickly At the collective and state level, bonds raised up; new converts frequently begin to the ummah could be fortified by the organizing their own house groups joining of national/ethnic identity with “obstacle” that Little identifies are within six months, at which point they Islam, laws of apostasy and intermar- features of a larger socio-political land- are likely to come under monitor- riage, pervasive legal and judicial bias scape in that part of the Muslim world. ing by the Iranian government.35 The against non-Muslims, the fixed reli- They are clues to the social contexts government’s Revolutionary Guard gious status of citizenship cards, or by that shape and transform what “effec- have increased harassment strategies extra-judicial arrests and persecution. tive discipling” will look like. to prevent new Christ followers from progressing along a path from worship, Straightaway, it is obvious that dif- A Comparison of Iran and to baptism, on to evangelism: they begin ferent ummah structures will vary in with warnings, but eventually proceed strength and importance across differ- Bangladesh to imprisonment, flogging, or exile to ent contexts. A spiritually disillusioned By taking a look at two Muslim- 36 remote parts of Iran. Muslim woman in Tehran and a proud background discipleship movements in Muslim Indonesian immigrant in Iran and Bangladesh, I want to begin to Let us take a step back and look at the London are both tied into the same test the hypothesis that fruitful Christ three strata of the ummah as a con- universal ummah, but through dif- movements in the Muslim world will text for this extraordinary movement ferent local structures. Even within a vary in form according to the strength of Iranian Muslims to Christ. At the single country, the ummah’s cohesion and relative importance of the different state/collective level, the Iranian govern- may vary significantly between regions structures of the ummah. For each of ment takes strong measures to bind Iran and across an urban-rural axis. these locations I will describe the kind as a nation to the Muslim ummah and

International Journal of Frontier Missiology Christian J. Anderson 121 to violently repress any religious alterna- tive. Nor is there a legal religious identity he apparent disconnect between Iranian families available to Iranian converts, since they and local mosque authority may explain how the are not allowed to associate with the offi- Christ discipleship movement spreads so effectively. cial Christian churches (who themselves T are prohibited from conducting services go even once a week.43 Compared to Bangladesh 37 in Farsi). Once found out, Muslim- religious leaders in other Muslim societ- Moving from Iran to Bangladesh, we background Christians also face bu- ies, the Shiite clerics have had their own find another significant movement reaucratic obstacles to employment and influence reduced by politicization from of people to Christ from a Muslim 38 44 education. From what we have out- above. Iranian reformist writers Abdol- background, but who are remaining lined, the threat of the state is arguably karim Soroush and Muhammad Muj- within the ummah, calling themselves the dominant social context to which tahid Shabestari have objected to Iran’s “Isai Muslims”50 (isa imandars).51 Isai the dynamics of the Christ fellowships religious authority being concentrated Muslims in Bangladesh were first must adjust. The pressure to conform in the hands of the government rather identified as “insider movements” in to the ummah is not coming from a than in the hands of pious, independent western missiology discussions in the 45 senior family member or mosque leader, religious scholars. The apparent discon- 1980s.52 Since then, the movement has but from the regime above, leading to a nect between Iranian families and local grown: the World Christian Database dynamic of covertness, as distinct from mosque authority may help explain how estimates that by 2015, the major- insider-ness or an isolated invisibility the Christ discipleship movement seems ity of Muslim-background believ- (C5 and C6 on Travis’ spectrum). to spread so effectively through family ers in Bangladesh were members of and relational networks.46 If Iran’s family There is, however, another element insider movements—100,000 out of networks are inherently strong, but their 180,000.53 Finding and publishing ac- that can weaken this state strata of the ties to the ummah are weak, this would ummah in Iran: a collective sense of curate information on Bangladeshi Isai make it possible for whole groups to Muslims in particular is not straight- Persian identity that runs so deep as to quickly shift allegiance to Christ.47 rival Islam as a unifying force. The two forward; those within the fellowships, corporate identities are competing “eth- At the personal level, Iranians’ ties to the and the cross-cultural workers who are nocultural loyalties,” according to Har- ummah also appear very weak. Disillu- in contact with them, want to keep a old Rhode.39 The Persian civilization sionment with the autocratic tendencies certain level of anonymity, so a lot of long preceded Islamic conquest, and its of the Islamic Republic has contributed to information must be included under a 48 history, language, and literature evoke a disillusionment with Islam itself. The larger heading of “South Asia.” (This pride even when it contradicts Islam.40 tendency for new believers in Jesus to do itself says something about these The Muslim-background believers to away with all Muslim forms of worship, believers’ global sociological position- whom Miller spoke were evidently especially when the state is not watching, ing: whereas Iranian underground ready to re-connect to this Persian col- indicates that house church members churches have many advocates among lective identity.41 It’s quite conceivable do not feel much loyalty to the ummah’s migrants’ groups, human rights’ groups, that a future Iranian government could devotional patterns of approaching God. and western denominations, Bangla- choose to bind national unity to Persian Similarly, when Iranians have attempted deshi Isai Muslims only have obscure ethnicity instead of to the ummah.42 to make a new start in Europe, many are missionary voices, who themselves quick to dissociate themselves from Islam are treated with suspicion by many The ummah’s “middle” identity level and convert to Christianity, either genu- Christian stakeholders.) Tim Green, of mosque and family networks appears inely or in order to increase their chances quoting a trusted informant in Dhaka, much weaker in binding people to the of asylum.49 Collating these observations gives a helpful overview of how Isai Muslim community. Mosque atten- for Iran, we can then sum up the relative Muslims fit socially into the Bangla- dance in Iran is exceptionally low for strengths of the ummah strata as shown deshi Christ-followers landscape: the Muslim world: only 27% of Iranians in table 1 below. [i] The first group is made up of the Table 1. Levels of Ummah Cohesion (Iran) ones we call “Christian.” They are com- pletely assimilated in the traditional State/Collective (Ummah strata) High (strength) church with its festivals, language and Mosque and extended family Low social relationships. They no longer have any contact with their Muslim Personal Low relatives. [ii] In the second group are the ones called “Isai.” 54 They mostly Type of Discipleship Movement Covert/Underground, outside the Ummah live in the Christian community but

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preserve a little contact with their That is, Bangladeshi national identity Muslim Isai, too, face pressure from Muslim relatives, visit them at Eid and is not exclusively tied to Islam; there their families and local networks for so on. They switch between Christian and Muslim terminology according to is a degree of religious freedom for their commitment to Jesus. Jor- Christians, and in theory, freedom for gensen’s interviewees reported that the group they are with . . . their Mus- 62 lim relatives view them as heretical Muslims to convert to Christianity. their families treated the move with but not beyond the bounds of social But there has always been a competi- great suspicion, or even accused them contact. [iii] Next we have . . . “Isai tion in Bangladeshi politics between of madness; one described how his Muslim.” They are mostly in the Mus- a secularist Bengali national vision— village court had ruled that other vil- lim community but they preserve a represented by founding father Sheik lagers should sever social and business little contact with Christians. They use Mujib’s generation, who fought for ties with them.68 With community- Muslim terminology . . . Muslims view independence against Pakistan in level authority functioning to protect them as an odd kind of Muslim, but 1971—and an Islamic nationalism, against even the Muslim Isai type of acceptable within the range of Mus- which rose up after Mujib’s assassina- lim sects. [iv] Finally we have those deviation, we can see these Muslim tion in 1975. While Islamic politics who follow Jesus but are called “Mus- Isai as having developed a feasible have gained influence in the last lim.” They remain within the Muslim 63 but difficult social position—one that community . . . [and] have no contact decade, the government has not coheres with their faith in Jesus, and with Christians . . . [Some] Believers in directly persecuted Christians (barring finds a place for it in a very taut, even this group meet for fellowship with land displacement pressures in rural 64 claustrophobic, socio-religious setting. each other . . . Others . . . do not meet areas ). Unlike Iran, churches with up with other Jesus-followers.55 Muslim-background believers do not At the individual level of the ummah, currently face legal pressure. it is difficult to estimate how deep Even though Green’s point is to show Bangladeshi loyalty to the ummah At the mosque/family network level, that there is a range of identity options goes. In the 2012 Pew Survey, 81% the ummah bonds are far stronger. for the Muslim who turns to Christ, we of Bangladeshi Muslims said that While weekly mosque attendance can still see a social gap between the first religion was important to them, yet (53%) is only medium in comparison two options (outside the ummah) and 65 only 39% said they prayed several to other Muslim populations, those the second two (inside the ummah), and times a day.69 A window onto Bangla- in religious authority at the communi- hints that the gap is determined by their deshi personal commitment to Islam is extended family. We get a more detailed ty level wield considerable influence. A study of communities in the Dinajpur provided by Isai Muslims themselves. snapshot in Jonas Adelin Jorgensen’s field In Jorgensen’s study, some of the in- study, where he interviewed forty-four district described a popular desire for moral order to be regulated at the level terviewees are more enthusiastic than members of three Jesus imandar groups others with keeping the term “Muslim” 56 of the samaj (local or kinship commu- in Dhaka during 2002 and 2004. 70 nity), with the mosque playing a key as a self-description. What does Fitting into Green’s third “Isai Muslim” 66 seem clear is that there is an apprecia- category, these members have a small role. It is communal rather than state violence that Christian churches have tion of the Muslim worship forms amount of contact with the Christian (more than Muslim religious struc- community57 but meet as (com- to fear. The U.S. State Department’s jamaat tures), and various levels of un-enthu- munity) fellowships, mainly in homes but 2016 report into religious freedom in Bangladesh highlights community siasm about the Christian churches sometimes in offices or slum areas, retain- 71 and even “Christianity” as a religion. ing Muslim forms and redirecting them violence against religious minorities, The contrast here with Iranian con- to Jesus.58 Most had been baptized.59 documenting fifteen of the year’s worst verts is striking. With admittedly more Most continued to attend the mosque in incidents, in both rural and urban research needed on this last stratum, some way, either regularly or when they settings. This included the attempted 60 we can surmise the following levels visit their family in the village. murder of a Muslim convert to Chris- tianity in May 2015, and 60 Catholics of ummah cohesion for Bangladesh, Looking at Bangladesh’s ummah being beaten by sticks in June.67 shown in table 2 below. structures as a context for the growth of Table 2. Levels of Ummah Cohesion (Bangladesh) Isai Muslims, we see that ummah ties at the state/collective level have a degree of State/Collective (Ummah strata) Low slackness. The constitution is ambivalent: Mosque and extended family High The state religion . . . is Islam, but the state shall ensure equal rights in the Personal Medium practice of the Hindu, Buddhist, Chris- Type of Discipleship Movement Isai Muslim prayer fellowships, inside the Ummah tian . . . religions.61

International Journal of Frontier Missiology Christian J. Anderson 123 Conclusion hese Muslim Isai have developed a feasible but I have laid out a way that we can take social context seriously as we consider difficult social position that coheres with their faith what kind of fruitful disciple-making in Jesus in a claustrophobic socio-religious setting. movements God is causing to flourish in T Endnotes 6 David Greenlee ed. Longing for Com- the Muslim world. Tim Green, in calling 1 munity: Church, Ummah, Or Somewhere in Samuel Moffatt, in the conclusion to for a reframing of the polarized debate Between? (Pasadena, CA: William Carey his first volume of the history of Asian Chris- over Insider Movements, remarks Library, 2013). tianity, says: “The church might better have 7 . . . the debate is too generalized. The withstood violence. Sharp persecution breaks Robert Priest, “Anthropology and socio-cultural contexts of such coun- off only the tips of the branches; it produces Missiology: Reflections on the Relationship,” tries as Algeria, Iran, Bangladesh and martyrs and the tree still grows. Never-ending in Charles Edward van Engen, Darrell L. Indonesia are very different from social and political repression, on the other Whiteman, and John Dudley Woodberry, Paradigm Shifts in Christian Witness: Insights each other. Why, then, do we persist hand, starves the roots; it stifles evangelism and the church declines. Such was the history from Anthropology, Communication, and in homogenizing them all with the Spiritual Power: Essays in Honor of Charles H. 72 of the church in Asia under Islam.” A History same lines of argument? Kraft (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 2008). of Christianity in Asia: Volume 1: Beginnings 8 (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis 1998), 504. Talal Asad, Genealogies of Religion: In comparing contexts, I have argued to 1500 2 Charles H. Kraft, “Psychological Stress Discipline and Reasons of Power in Christi- we need to pay attention to the um- Factors among Muslims,” in Media in Is- anity and Islam (Baltimore, MA: The John mah as a fundamental socio-religious Hopkins University Press, 1993), 43–54. lamic Culture (1974): 137–44; and “Dynamic 9 constraint operating at all levels of Equivalence Churches in Muslim Society,” Peter L. Berger, The Sacred Canopy in The Gospel and Islam: a 1978 Compendium (Garden City, NY: Anchor, 1967). Muslim society, and thereby pulling on, 10 or pushing against, any Jesus disciple- (1979): 114–128. For a commentary on the These lectures have since been role of Kraft’s dynamic equivalence ideas published as Evelyne A. Reisacher, ed., ship movement that occurs. By exam- in the historical development of the insider Dynamics of Muslim Worlds: Regional, Theo- ining the strength of these forces on movement debates, see Henry J. Wolfe, “The logical and Missiological Perspectives (IVP three different levels of social structure Development of the Insider Movement Academic, 2017). in Iran and Bangladesh, I have tried to Paradigm,” Global Missiology 4, no. 12 (2015). 11 John and Anna Travis, “Societal Fac- show that there is a logic to the kind 3 Donald McGavran and C. Peter Wag- tors Impacting Socioreligious Identities of of discipleship movement that emerges ner, Understanding Church Growth (Grand Muslims Who Follow Jesus,” in Harley Tal- man and John Jay Travis, eds., Understanding and proves fruitful. I hope that oth- Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1990) 153–178. As one critic noted, “McGavran identifies ‘a few Insider Movements: Disciples of Jesus within ers will engage with the initial model typical elements of social structure’ as: the Diverse Religious Communities (Pasadena, I’ve proposed, suggesting where it is unique self-image, marriage customs, elite CA: William Carey Library, 2015); pub- either inadequate or useful, especially or power structure, landrights, sex mores, lished in an earlier form as “Factors Affecting in its application to other Muslim people consciousness, geographical location the Identity that Jesus Followers Choose,” in J. Dudley Woodberry, ed. From Seed to Fruit: populations—whether in the Muslim- and language. What is particularly surprising is his omission of religion from his discussion Global Trends, Fruitful Practices, and Emerg- majority world or outside of it. I believe of social structure. As he acknowledges in ing Issues among Muslims (Pasadena, CA: it has predictive value, but we must How Churches Grow, the missionary requires William Carey Library, 2008), 193-205. see if that value extends to the further knowledge of actual beliefs and practices in 12 Travis and Travis, “Societal Factors,” challenges which ensue in the social other religious systems. Religion in many 600. 13 positioning of the second generation.73 non-Western societies, however, is an Travis and Travis, 602–604. integral part of the social structure and must 14 The Arabic wordummah comes No genuine follower of Jesus from a be understood within a particular social from either the Hebrew am (nation) or the Muslim background chooses an easy context.” Wayne McClintock, “Sociological arabic umm (meaning ‘mother’ or ‘the source’ Critique of the Homogeneous Unit Prin- path. In fact, those we have looked of something born). For a discussion on ciple,” International Review of Mission 77, etymology, see Frederick M. Denny, “Mean- at in Iran and Bangladesh are willing no. 305 (1988): 107–116, italics added. ing of Ummah in the Qur’ān,” History of to defy their most powerful ummah 4 David W. Shenk, “The MuslimUmma Religions 15, no. 1 (1975): 36–42, and Nadia stakeholders (the state and the com- and the Growth of the Church,” in Wilbert. R. Amin Rehmani, “Debating the Term Ummah munity respectively). Yet, they do it in Shenk (ed.), Exploring Church Growth (Grand as a Religious or Social and Political Notion,” Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1983), 151–152. Hamdard Islamicus 33, no. 1:9, 2010. ways that make sense in their socio- 5 15 political context, ways that prove John Travis,“The C1 to C6 Spectrum: It refers at different times to follow- A Practical Tool for Defining Six Types of ers of the prophet, a religious congregation, feasible for the gospel of Jesus to take ‘Christ-Centered Communities’ (‘C’) Found a minority religious population, a nation, or root and flourish among Muslim in the Muslim Context,” Evangelical Mis- a species. Gabriele Marranci, The Anthropol- peoples and their societies. IJFM sions Quarterly 34(4) (1998): 407–408. ogy of Islam (New York: Berg, 2008), 108.

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16 E.g., surah 2:128a: “Our Lord, and 28 Don Little, Effective Discipling in Iran: Politics, Culture and Religion (Lan- make us Muslims in submission to You Muslim Communities: Scripture, History and ham, MD: Lexington Books, 2015). and from our descendants a Muslim nation Seasoned Practices (Downers Grove: IVP 40 In July 2000, after the death of Ah- [ummah] in submission to You.” See Denny Academic, 2015), 136–139. mad Shamlou (an atheist poet) 30,000 Irani- “Meaning of Ummah,” 43. 29 Duane Alexander Miller, and Patrick ans lined the streets of Tehran to pay their last 17 Surah 3:110a. See Denny, “Meaning Johnstone, “Believers in Christ from a Mus- respects. Mark Bradley, Iran and Christianity: of Ummah,” 34–35. lim background: a Global Census,” Inter- Historical Identity and Present Relevance, 34. 18 For a description of some of the disciplinary Journal of Research on Religion 41 “There is also the deep conviction I Arabian influences on Muhammad, includ- 11 (2015); Duane Alexander Miller, “Power, found in many of my interviews with Iranian ing Bedouin clans, see Ira M. Lapidus, A Personalities and Politics: the Growth of Christians, that Islam is a form of socio-reli- History of Islamic Societies (Cambridge: Iranian Christianity since 1979,” Mis- gious colonialism—that it was unjustly imposed Cambridge University Press, 2014), 23–45. sion Studies 32, no. 1 (2015): 66–86; Jason by Arabs (an unaccomplished and uncultured 19 See discussion of article 25 of the Mandryck, Operation World (7th edition) group of warriors, in this view) on the rich and Constitution in Frederick M. Denny, “Um- (Colorado Springs, CO: Biblica, 2010), 465. great culture of Persia. As one interviewee said, 30 mah in the Constitution of Medina,” Journal Miller, “Power, Personalities and ‘Islam was a step up for the Arabs, because they of Near Eastern Studies 36, no. 1 (1977): 44. Politics,” 69. moved from fighting with each other to unity; 31 20 Ira M. Lapidus, A History of Islamic US State Department, 2016 Report but for Iran it was a step down.’” Miller, “Power, Societies, 35–36. on International Freedom: Iran, accessed Personalities and Politics,” 75. 42 21 Sumaya Mohamed Saleh, and Shadiya May 2018 https://www.state.gov/ Rhode, “The Unending Battle between Mohamed Baqutayan. “What is the Islamic documents/organization/269134.pdf. the Persian and Islamic identities of Iran,” 17. 32 43 Society?” International Review of Social Sciences Mark Bradley, Iran and Christianity: Tezcur, Gunes Murat, Taghi and Humanities 2, no. 2 (2012), 118. For a Historical Identity and Present Relevance Azadarmaki, and Mehri Bahar. “Religious study in the pervasiveness of, but variations in (A&C Black, 2008), 178. participation among Muslims: Iranian “Ummah consciousness” across the Muslim 33 “Rapid Church Growth, How is it exceptionalism.” Critique: Critical Middle world, see Riaz Hasan, Faithlines: Muslim Happening?”, Elam Ministries, accessed Eastern Studies 15.3 (2006): 217–232. Conceptions of Islam and Society (Karachi, Paki- May 2018, https://www.elam.com/page/ 44 See Olivier Roy, “The Crisis of Reli- stan: Oxford University Press, 2003), 84–105. rapid-church-growth-how-it-happening; gious Legitimacy in Iran,” The Middle East 22 Sufyan Baig describes how his own “Country Policy and Information Note; Journal (1999): 201–216. conversion to Christ as a young man resulted Iran: Christians and Christian Converts,” 45 Kathleen Foody, “Interiorizing Islam: in his Indian father banishing him from his UK Home Office, accessed May 2018. Religious Experience and State Oversight home and family business. His unprepared http://www.refworld.org/docid/58b42f774. in the Islamic Republic of Iran.” Journal of pastor could only send him to an orphanage: html, citing an interview with Open Doors. the American Academy of Religion 83, no. 3 “One day I was living as a wealthy business- 34 “Many New Church Plants Thanks (2015): 599–623. man; the next day, for the sake of food and to the Internet,” Elam Ministries, accessed 46 Family networks tend to safeguard shelter, I was cleaning toilets in an orphan- May 2018, https://www.elam.com/Iran30/ the house churches from government-aligned age for street children.” His research in India many-new-church-plants-thanks-internet; strangers joining. See Austrian Red Cross/ revealed many similar stories of leaving the K. A. Ellis, “Evangelism, Iranian Style,” Austrian Centre for Country of Origin & ummah—and the frequent discovery that the Christianity Today, June 21, 2017. Asylum Research and Documentation, “Iran: church could not provide adequate commu- 35 “Country Policy and Information House Churches,” June 2017 accessed May nity. Baig, “The Ummah and Christian Com- Note; Iran,” UK Home Office, accessed 2018, https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/ munity,” in Longing for Community: Church, May 2018 http://www.refworld.org/ file/975066/download, accessed May 2018), 7. Ummah, or Somewhere in Between? (Pasa- docid/58b42f774.html, 16. 47 Mark Bradley suggests that whole 36 dena, CA: William Carey Library, 2013), 72. “Country Policy and Information family networks have been known to 23 See Green, “Identity Choices at the Note; Iran,” UK Home Office, accessed convert together, but he does not provide Border Zone,” in Longing for Community: May 2018 http://www.refworld.org/ evidence of it. (Iran and Christianity: His- Church, Ummah, or Somewhere in Between? docid/58b42f774.html, 18–19, drawing torical Identity and Present Relevance, 180). 59–61. on 2017 interviews with Open Doors and 48 Miller, “Power, Personalities and 24 Andrea Gray and Leith Gray, Elam Ministries. Politics,” 74–75. 37 “Transforming Social Networks by Planting “2016 Report on International Free- 49 Koser Akcapar, Sebnem. “Conver- the Gospel,” in J. Dudley Woodberry ed., dom: Iran,” US State Department, https:// sion as a migration strategy in a transit From Seed to Fruit, 287–289. www.state.gov/documents/organization/ 25 country: Iranian Shiites Becoming Chris- Green, “Identity choices at the Bor- 269134.pdf, accessed May 2018. tians in Turkey,” International Migration 38 der Zone,” 63–66. “The Persecution of Christians in Review 40, no. 4 (2006): 817–853; “Iranian 26 Green, 64. Iran,” Christians in Parliament, accessed Refugees Turn to Christianity in the Neth- 27 Tim Green, “Conversion in the Light May 2018, http://www.christiansin erlands,” BBC, August 25, 2017 accessed of Identity Theories,” in Longing for Commu- parliament.org.uk/uploads/APPGs-report- May 2018 http://www.bbc.com/news/av/ nity, 47–50, drawing these categories from on-Persecution-of-Christians-in-Iran.pdf. world-europe-41040163/iranian-refugees- Benjamin Beit-Hallahmi, Prolegomena to 39 Harold Rhode, “The Unending turn-to-christianity-in-the-netherlands; the Psychological Study of Religion (London: Battle between the Persian and Islamic “Muslim Refugees are Converting to Associated University Press, 1989), 96–97. identities of Iran,” Identities in Crisis in Christianity in Germany,” Independent,

International Journal of Frontier Missiology Christian J. Anderson 125

December 19 2016, accessed May 2018, https://www.state.gov/documents/organiza- anxiety. There was also an openness to being https://www.independent.co.uk/news/ tion/269170.pdf, 3. taught a purer form of Islam by traveling world/europe/muslim-refugees-converting- 62 Bangladesh Constitution Part 3: members of the Tablighi Jamaat (140–142). to-christianity-in-germany-crisis-asylum- 41(1): “Subject to law, public order and 67 “2016 Report on International Free- seekers-migrants-iran-a7466611.html. morality—(a) every citizen has the right to dom: Bangladesh,” US State Department, 50 Tim Green, “Identity Choices at the profess, practise or propagate any religion; accessed May 2018, https://www.state.gov/ Border Zone,” in Longing for Community, 61. (b) every religious community or denomina- documents/organization/269170.pdf, 11–13. 51 Jonas Adelin Jorgensen, Jesus tion has the right to establish, maintain and 68 Jorgensen, Jesus Imandars and Christ Imandars and Christ Bhaktas (Frankfurt, manage its religious institutions.” Bhaktas, 210–211, see footnote 337. 63 Germany: Peter Lang, 2008). See, for example, Akhand Akhtar 69 “The World’s Muslims: Unity 52 Jeff Morton,Insider Movements: Hossain, “Islamic Resurgence in Bangladesh’s and Diversity,” in Chapter 2: Religious Culture and Politics: Origins, Dynamics and Biblically Incredible or Incredibly Brilliant? Commitment, Pew Forum Report 2012, Implications,” Journal of Islamic Studies 23, no. 2 (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, accessed May, 2018, http://www.pewforum. (2012): 165–198; Md Maidul Islam, “Secular- 2012), 113–115. org/2012/08/09/the-worlds-muslims-unity- 53 ism in Bangladesh: An Unfinished Revolution,” Todd M. Johnson and Gina A. Zur- and-diversity-2-religious-commitment/. lo, eds. World Christian Database (Leiden/ South Asia Research 38, no. 1 (2018): 20–39. 70 64 Jorgensen, Jesus Imandars and Christ Boston: Brill), accessed April 2018. “2016 Report on International 54 Bhaktas, 231–233. “Isai” is the adjective related to the Freedom: Bangladesh,” accessed May 2018, 71 Jorgensen, Jesus Imandars and Christ Arabic word, “Isa,” or Jesus. https://www.state.gov/documents/ 55 organization/269170.pdf, 11. Bhaktas, 231–233. Green, “Identity Choices at the 72 65 Tim Green, “Identity Choices at Border Zone,” 59–60. Pew Survey 2012, http://www. 56 pewforum.org/2012/08/09/the-worlds- the Border Zone,” Longing for Community: See Jorgensen, Jesus Imandars and muslims-unity-and-diversity-2-religious- Church, Ummah or Somewhere in Between?, 65. Christ Bhaktas, 136–141. 73 57 commitment/. If a community of Jordanian im- Jorgensen, 137–138. 66 58 Joseph Devine, and Sarah C. White, migrants living in the United States, for Jorgensen, 142–144. example, had “High” strength ties to the 59 “Religion, Politics and the Everyday Moral Jorgensen, 155–157. Order in Bangladesh,” Journal of Contempo- ummah at the personal level, but “Low” at 60 Jorgensen, 160–161, 234–236. rary Asia 43, no. 1 (2013): 127–147. The study the communal and state level, what might 61 “2016 Report on International noted that for a community to be without we expect a fruitful discipling movement to Freedom: Bangladesh,” accessed May 2018, a mosque was a source of shame and even look like from a social perspective?

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