Constantine the Great
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Constantine's Constantinople
Ezra’s Archives | 55 Constantine’s Constantinople: A Christian Emperor, A Pagan City Mary Balzer On 11 May, 330 C.E., Emperor Constantine stood at the head of the ceremonial festivities that officially consecrated his new capital in the East.1 Constantinople, as the new city was called, heralded a new era of Constantine’s reign with him ruling as the sole emperor. His last co- emperor, Licinius, was defeated at the battle of Chrysopolis in 324.2 Following this, Constantine selected a site for his new capital and began building what he would later call the “New Rome.”3 Constantine had begun his rule as one of four co-emperors, but by 324 he was the one and only ruler. Although the historians of the time agree on the date of the ceremonies, each author gives a unique description of Constantine’s vision for his new capital. The Christian sources Eusebius, the Easter Chronicle, and Zonaras highlight Constantine’s Christian building program in his new capital. But the archaeological record does not corroborate their emphatically Christian accounts. Zosimus, one of the last pagan historians, has historically been overlooked because of his anti-Christian stance. Concerning Constantinople as his account does not describe any 1 Timothy Barnes, Eusebius and Constantine (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981), 222. 2 Averil Cameron and Stuart G. Hall, “Introduction” in Eusebius: Life of Constantine, translated by Averil Cameron and Stuart G. Hall (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999) 41. 3 Sozomen, History of the Church: From A.D. 324 to A.D. 440, trans. Edward Walford (London: Henry G. -
Constantine: Unconquered Emperor, Christian Victor Free Download
CONSTANTINE: UNCONQUERED EMPEROR, CHRISTIAN VICTOR FREE DOWNLOAD Paul Stephenson | 352 pages | 04 Aug 2011 | Quercus Publishing | 9780857381668 | English | London, United Kingdom Constantine: Roman Emperor, Christian Victor A cross appeared to him in the sky with an exhortation, generally translated as 'By this sign conquer'. I was astonished to find myself reading a version of history that clashed with everything I had ever read about this period. Further, while Constantine may have seen a vision prior to the battle at Milvian Bridge inthe legend that he had a vision from the Christian god the night before Christian Victor battle was a later retelling Constantine: Unconquered Emperor what actually happened, as Constantine was reinterpreting his life in light of his faith. My library Help Advanced Book Search. Email to friends Share on Facebook - opens in a new window or tab Share on Twitter - opens in a new window or tab Share on Pinterest - opens in a new window or tab. Sellers declare the item's customs value and must comply with customs declaration laws. Instead, our system considers things like how recent a review is and if the reviewer bought the item on Amazon. Stephenson, like other writers, caution that the sins of Constantine: Unconquered Emperor church and empire occurred alongside many humble or devoted and loving people who adhered more to the "love thy neighbor" and spiritual lessons drawn from Jesus' and his apostles' lives and teachings. More filters. Constantine: unconquered emperor, Christian victor. He cautions about the veracity and accuracy of much of the primary sources from the ancient world as they are definitely o This book pointed out to me that history is often written by the Constantine: Unconquered Emperor. -
Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy Charles Matson Odahl Boise State University
Boise State University ScholarWorks History Faculty Publications and Presentations Department of History 1-1-2007 Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy Charles Matson Odahl Boise State University Publication Information Odahl, Charles Matson. (2007). "Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy". Connections: European Studies Annual Review, 3, 89-113. This document was originally published in Connections: European Studies Annual Review by Rocky Mountain European Scholars Consortium. Copyright restrictions may apply. Coda: Recovering Constantine's European Legacy 111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111 Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy Charles Matson Odahl, Boise State University1 rom his Christian conversion under the influence of cept of imperial theocracy was conveyed in contemporary art Frevelatory experiences outside Rome in A.D. 312 until (Illustration I). his burial as the thirteenth Apostle at Constantinople in Although Constantine had been raised as a tolerant 337, Constantine the Great, pagan polytheist and had the first Christian emperor propagated several Olympian of the Roman world, initiated divinities, particularly Jupiter, the role of and set the model Hercules, Mars, and Sol, as for Christian imperial theoc di vine patrons during the early racy. Through his relationship years of his reign as emperor -
Post-Christendom, Post-Constantinian, Post-Christian…Does the Label Matter?
Post-Christendom, Post-Constantinian, Post-Christian…does the label matter? Post-Christendom The term ‘post-Christendom’ has become increasingly familiar in conversations about church and mission in contemporary western societies. Some first encountered this term in the ‘After Christendom’ series, published by Paternoster and written by members of the Anabaptist Network since 2004. 1 These books offer resources to help us understand and engage creatively with the challenges and opportunities of post-Christendom culture. But many others are also using this language, and have done so for many years, even if its significance has not been widely recognised until quite recently. ‘Post-Christendom’ appears to be a significant lens through which to view the emerging cultural landscape. However, different people use the term ‘post-Christendom’ in different ways. Sometimes this helps us engage with the issues we face; but sometimes it simply causes confusion. In the emerging church conversation, for instance, ‘post-Christendom’ is often used as if it were a synonym for post-modernity. Understanding and engaging with post-modernity is undoubtedly important, but referring to this as ‘post-Christendom’ does not aid clarity of thinking. The transition from modernity to post-modernity and from Christendom to post- Christendom confronts us with a cultural and missional ‘double whammy’. These shifts overlap, complement and reinforce each other in various ways, so we do need to explore their inter-relationship and dual impact. But post-Christendom is not the same as post- modernity. Post-Christendom presents different challenges and opportunities. The first book in the ‘After Christendom’ series offered a definition of post-Christendom: the culture that emerges as the Christian faith loses coherence within a society that has been definitively shaped by the Christian story and as the institutions that have been developed to express Christian convictions decline in influence. -
Concordia Theological Quarterly
Concordia Theological Quarterly Volume 76:1-2 Januaryj April 2012 Table of Contents What Would Bach Do Today? Paul J. Grilne ........................................................................................... 3 Standing on the Brink of the J01'dan: Eschatological Intention in Deute1'onomy Geoffrey R. Boyle .................................................................................. 19 Ch1'ist's Coming and the ChUl'ch's Mission in 1 Thessalonians Charles A. Gieschen ............................................................................. 37 Luke and the Foundations of the Chu1'ch Pete1' J. Scaer .......................................................................................... 57 The Refonnation and the Invention of History Korey D. Maas ...................................................................................... 73 The Divine Game: Faith and the Reconciliation of Opposites in Luthe1"s Lectures on Genesis S.J. Munson ............................................................................................ 89 Fides Heroica? Luthe1" s P1'aye1' fo1' Melanchthon's Recovery f1'om Illness in 1540 Albert B. Collver III ............................................................................ 117 The Quest fo1' Luthe1'an Identity in the Russian Empire Darius Petkiinas .................................................................................. 129 The Theology of Stanley Hauerwas Joel D. Lehenbauer ............................................................................. 157 Theological Observer -
The Politics of the Cross: the Theology and Social Ethics of John Howard Yoder
3377 Bayview Avenue TEL: Toronto, ON 416.226.6620 TYNDALE M2M 3S4 www.tyndale.ca UNIVERSITY Note: This Work has been made available by the authority of the copyright owner solely for the purpose of private study and research and may not be copied or reproduced except as permitted by the copyright laws of Canada without the written authority from the copyright owner. Carter, Craig A. The Politics of the Cross: The Theology and Social Ethics of John Howard Yoder. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Brazos Press, 2001. The Politics of THE Cross The Theology and Social Ethics of John Howard Yoder Craig A. Carter Brazos Press A Division of Baker Book House Co Grand Rapids, Michigan 49516 © 2001 by Craig A. Carter Published by Brazos Press a division of Baker Book House Company P.O. Box 6287, Grand Rapids, MI 49516-6287 Printed in the United States of America All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval sys tem, or transmitted in any form or by any means—for example, electronic, photocopy, recording—without the prior written permission of the publisher. The only exception is brief quotations in printed reviews. Scripture is taken from the HOLY BIBLE, NEW INTERNATIONAL VERSION®. NIV®. Copy right © 1973,1978,1984 by International Bible Society. Used by permission of Zondervan Publishing House. All rights reserved. Scripture marked as “Phillips” is taken from The New Testament in Modern English. Copy right © by J. B. Philips 1996. Used by permission of Touchstone/Simon & Schuster, Inc. All rights reserved. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Carter, Craig A. -
The Extension of Imperial Authority Under Diocletian and the Tetrarchy, 285-305Ce
University of Central Florida STARS Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 2012 The Extension Of Imperial Authority Under Diocletian And The Tetrarchy, 285-305ce Joshua Petitt University of Central Florida Part of the History Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Masters Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STARS Citation Petitt, Joshua, "The Extension Of Imperial Authority Under Diocletian And The Tetrarchy, 285-305ce" (2012). Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019. 2412. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd/2412 THE EXTENSION OF IMPERIAL AUTHORITY UNDER DIOCLETIAN AND THE TETRARCHY, 285-305CE. by JOSHUA EDWARD PETITT B.A. History, University of Central Florida 2009 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History in the College of Arts and Humanities at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Fall Term 2012 © 2012 Joshua Petitt ii ABSTRACT Despite a vast amount of research on Late Antiquity, little attention has been paid to certain figures that prove to be influential during this time. The focus of historians on Constantine I, the first Roman Emperor to allegedly convert to Christianity, has often come at the cost of ignoring Constantine's predecessor, Diocletian, sometimes known as the "Second Father of the Roman Empire". The success of Constantine's empire has often been attributed to the work and reforms of Diocletian, but there have been very few studies of the man beyond simple biography. -
“Who'll Be a Witness for My Lord?”
“Who’ll Be a Witness for My Lord?” Exploring the Power to Be a Witness ANDREW SUDERMAN* The Christian church’s expansive zeal has often, throughout its history, walked hand in hand with the colonial pursuits of empires and nation-states. This cooperative approach between church and empire, which is most apparent in Christendom, has implicated the church, and the Christian faith in general, with the oppressive and violent exploitation that has come through colonialism and its painful history. This Christendom legacy and its corresponding Con- stantinian imagination1 have left their mark on how the church and its role are understood in the South African context. * Andrew Suderman is a lecturer of theology, peace, and mission at Eastern Mennonite University in Harrisonburg, Virginia, as well as the Secretary for the Mennonite World Con- ference Peace Commission. He, along with his wife, Karen, worked as Mennonite Church Canada Witness Workers in South Africa for seven years (2009–2016) where he served as Director of the Anabaptist Network in South Africa (ANiSA). He is completing a PhD in theology at the University of KwaZulu-Natal. 1 Although terms such as “Christendom” and “Constantinianism” have become common and mostly synonymous, it may still be useful to offer a definition of the way these terms will be used in this paper. Both Christendom and Constantinianism refer to the impulse to synthesize the purposes of the church and state into a reconciled and compatible partnership. This synthesis was energized over a period of time that includ- ed the conversion to Christianity of the Roman Emperor Constantine in 312 CE; the legalization of the Christian faith within the Empire declared in the Edict of Milan in 313 CE; Theodosius I making Christianity the official religion of the Empire in 380 CE; and the declaration of the illegality of pagan religions in the Empire in 392 CE, which in effect made the Christian faith mandatory and compulsory for all citizens of the Empire. -
Basiliscus the Boy-Emperor , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 24:1 (1983:Spring) P.81
CROKE, BRIAN, Basiliscus the Boy-Emperor , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 24:1 (1983:Spring) p.81 Basiliscus the Boy-Emperor Brian Croke OR THE FIFTH AND SIXTH centuries the Chronicle of Victor of F Tunnuna is a valuable source that deserves close inspection. What may not always be sufficiently appreciated, because Victor is most frequently referred to as an African bishop and because he wrote in Latin, is that he spent a good deal of his later life in Con stantinople. His Chronicle, which covers the years 444-567, was in fact written in Constantinople and is a generally well-informed source for events in the East during this period.1 Like so many other African bishops, Victor fell foul of his sover eign Justinian by defending the works condemned by the emperor in 543 in the so-called Three Chapters edict. This resulted in a trying period of internment for Victor in the Mandracion monastery near Carthage, then on the Balearic Islands, then Algimuritana, and finally with his episcopal colleague Theodore of Cebaruscitana in the prison of the Diocletianic fortress behind the governor's palace in Alexan dria (Chron. s.a. 555.2, p.204). In 556 after a twelve-day trial in the praetorium Victor and Theodore were transferred to the Tabennesiote monastery near Canopus, twelve miles east of Alexandria (556.2, p.204). Nine years later, at the request of Justinian himself, Victor and Theodore were summoned from Egypt. At the imperial court they stood their ground in the argument over the 'Three Chapters' with both Justinian and the patriarch Eutychius. -
A Medallion of Constantius II Julia Ruff Lawrence University
Lawrence University Lux Lawrence University Honors Projects 2005 A Medallion of Constantius II Julia Ruff Lawrence University Follow this and additional works at: https://lux.lawrence.edu/luhp Part of the Byzantine and Modern Greek Commons © Copyright is owned by the author of this document. Recommended Citation Ruff, Julia, "A Medallion of Constantius II" (2005). Lawrence University Honors Projects. 70. https://lux.lawrence.edu/luhp/70 This Honors Project is brought to you for free and open access by Lux. It has been accepted for inclusion in Lawrence University Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of Lux. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This honors these submitted by Julia Ruff has been read and found acceptable for Honors in Independent Study Randall McNeill, Member of the Examinin~ Committee Je#ld Podair, Member of the Examining Committee Carol Lawton, Thesis Adviser A MEDALLION OF CONSTANTIUS II Julia Ruff TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface 1 Introduction 2-3 The Sources 4 Historical Background 4-9 Ammianus Marcellinus 9-12 Reign of Constantius II 13-18 Medallions: Definition 18-19 Medallions: Occasions for Minting 19-22 Medallions: Intended Recipients 23-27 Description of the Medallion 28 Obverse 28-33 Reverse 34-39 Medallions: Production 39-45 The Messages of the Medallion of Constantius 45-50 Conclusions 50-51 Figure 1 52 Figure 2 53 Figure 3 54 Figure 4 55 Figure 5 56 Figure 6 57 Figure 7 58 Figure 8 59 Figure 9 60 Bibliography 61-62 ( 1 ( PREFACE I would like to acknowledge those individuals who have helped to make this work possible. -
By Marina Shelly Havach1 1 Introduction
St Francis Magazine Vol 8, No 3 | June 2012 ST. CONSTANTINE THE GREAT: AN ORTHODOX PERSPECTIVE By Marina Shelly Havach1 Abstract: The policies and person of Roman emperor Constantine I are often seen as having played a negative role in the development of church- state relations. On the other hand, Orthodox Christians venerate him as St. Constantine the Great, Equal to the Apostles. This essay elucidates the Orthodox view of Constantine by engaging with the historical literature to answer some of the most common charges made against him. Key terms: Constantine I, Constantinianism, anti-Constantinianism, Con- stantinian shift, Eastern Orthodox Church, sanctity 1 Introduction Much has been written of late on Roman emperor Constantine I’s role in the history of church-state relations. Some, including prom- inent theologians John Howard Yoder and Stanley Hauerwas, believe that his policies had a very negative effect on the develop- ment of Christianity, a change they call the “Constantinian shift.” In extending his imperial endorsement to a once persecuted group, Constantine is said to have sold out the Church, with far-reaching implications. But was Constantine really as bad as his detractors claim? Even more, was Constantine himself a Constantinian? As I will show, the charges commonly leveled against Constantine do not hold up un- der historical scrutiny. Constantine was neither a cynical crypto-pagan, nor did his poli- cies corrupt a once-glorious Church of martyrs. He was just an- other sinner trying to answer the age-old question: what does it mean to follow Christ right now? In Constantine’s case, that meant 1 Marina Shelly Havach is currently preparing for doctoral study in Russian litera- ture. -
A Late Roman Coin-Hoard from Kiddington, Oxon. by C
A Late Roman Coin-Hoard from Kiddington, Oxon. By C. H. V. SUTHERLAND URING the excavation, in the summer of 1935, of the Roman villa in D Watts Wells Field South near Ditchley (described above, pp. 24 ff.), it became known that Mr. H. M. Gaskell, of Kiddington Hall, was in possession of a hoard of bronze coins1 which had been found at a previous date no more than a few hundred yards from the site of the villa. The actual find spot is uncertain now, but it lay (as marked approximately on the foregoing map, above, p. 26) about 600-700 yards NNE. of the villa, and just north of the hedge between Box Wood and Out Wood,2 on the property of Mr. Gaskell. With the owner's kind consent the hoard was removed to the Ashmolean Museum for cleaning and examination. From the broken sherds which accom panied the hoard it .may probably be inferred that the coins were contained in a pot and that this was broken at some time or other in the process of cultivation. The coins themselves formed a nearly solid mass of metal, moulded in parts to contours suitable to the inside of a pot (PLATE xv A). Mr. W. H. Young, by whose skill and patience the coins have been separated and cleaned, reports that their condition before cleaning was consistent with their having been subject for a considerable period to the chemical action of the soil; their original receptacle was probably shattered some long time ago, for the sherds which are here assumed to be the remains of the pot have their edges blunt and rounded.