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Grassroots Catholic Groups and Politics in Brazil
GRASSROOTS CATHOLIC GROUPS AND POLITICS IN BRAZIL, 1964-1985 Scott Mainwaring Working Paper #98 - August 1987 Scott Mainwaring is Assistant Professor of Government and member of the Kellogg Institute, University of Notre Dame. He has written extensively on the Catholic Church and politics, social movements, and transitions to democracy. The author wishes to thank Caroline Domingo, Frances Hagopian, Margaret Keck, Alfred Stepan, and Alexander Wilde for helpful suggestions. ABSTRACT During most of its lengthy history, the Catholic Church in Latin America has been identified with dominant elites and the state. This situation has changed in recent decades as Church leaders have supported popular protest aimed at changing unjust social structures. At the forefront of the process of ecclesiastical change have been a panoply of new grassroots groups, the most famous of which are the ecclesial base communities (CEBs). This paper examines the relationship between such grassroots groups and politics in Brazil. The author calls attention to the strong linkages between these groups and the hierarchy. He also underscores the central religious character of CEBs and other groups, even while arguing that these groups did have a political impact. The paper traces how the political activities of CEBs and other grassroots groups evolved over time, largely in response to macropolitical changes. It pays particular attention to the difficulties poor Catholics often encountered in acting in the political sphere. RESUMEN Durante la mayor parte de su larga historia, la Iglesia Católica en Latinoamérica se ha identificado con las élites dominantes. Esta situación ha cambiado en las décadas recientes ya que líderes de la Iglesia han apoyado la protesta popular dirigida al cambio de estructuras sociales injustas. -
Post-Christendom, Post-Constantinian, Post-Christian…Does the Label Matter?
Post-Christendom, Post-Constantinian, Post-Christian…does the label matter? Post-Christendom The term ‘post-Christendom’ has become increasingly familiar in conversations about church and mission in contemporary western societies. Some first encountered this term in the ‘After Christendom’ series, published by Paternoster and written by members of the Anabaptist Network since 2004. 1 These books offer resources to help us understand and engage creatively with the challenges and opportunities of post-Christendom culture. But many others are also using this language, and have done so for many years, even if its significance has not been widely recognised until quite recently. ‘Post-Christendom’ appears to be a significant lens through which to view the emerging cultural landscape. However, different people use the term ‘post-Christendom’ in different ways. Sometimes this helps us engage with the issues we face; but sometimes it simply causes confusion. In the emerging church conversation, for instance, ‘post-Christendom’ is often used as if it were a synonym for post-modernity. Understanding and engaging with post-modernity is undoubtedly important, but referring to this as ‘post-Christendom’ does not aid clarity of thinking. The transition from modernity to post-modernity and from Christendom to post- Christendom confronts us with a cultural and missional ‘double whammy’. These shifts overlap, complement and reinforce each other in various ways, so we do need to explore their inter-relationship and dual impact. But post-Christendom is not the same as post- modernity. Post-Christendom presents different challenges and opportunities. The first book in the ‘After Christendom’ series offered a definition of post-Christendom: the culture that emerges as the Christian faith loses coherence within a society that has been definitively shaped by the Christian story and as the institutions that have been developed to express Christian convictions decline in influence. -
Concordia Theological Quarterly
Concordia Theological Quarterly Volume 76:1-2 Januaryj April 2012 Table of Contents What Would Bach Do Today? Paul J. Grilne ........................................................................................... 3 Standing on the Brink of the J01'dan: Eschatological Intention in Deute1'onomy Geoffrey R. Boyle .................................................................................. 19 Ch1'ist's Coming and the ChUl'ch's Mission in 1 Thessalonians Charles A. Gieschen ............................................................................. 37 Luke and the Foundations of the Chu1'ch Pete1' J. Scaer .......................................................................................... 57 The Refonnation and the Invention of History Korey D. Maas ...................................................................................... 73 The Divine Game: Faith and the Reconciliation of Opposites in Luthe1"s Lectures on Genesis S.J. Munson ............................................................................................ 89 Fides Heroica? Luthe1" s P1'aye1' fo1' Melanchthon's Recovery f1'om Illness in 1540 Albert B. Collver III ............................................................................ 117 The Quest fo1' Luthe1'an Identity in the Russian Empire Darius Petkiinas .................................................................................. 129 The Theology of Stanley Hauerwas Joel D. Lehenbauer ............................................................................. 157 Theological Observer -
Liberation Theology: Problematizing the Historical Projects of Democracy and Human Rights
Revista Sociedade e Cultura | ISSN: 1980-8194 DOI: 10.5216/sec.v23.e59897 Liberation Theology: problematizing the historical projects of democracy and human rights Teologia da Libertação: problematizando os projetos históricos da democracia e dos direitos humanos Teología de la liberación: problematizando los proyectos históricos de democracia y derechos humanos Graham McGeorch Faculdade Unida, Vitória, Espírito Santo, Brasil [email protected] Abstract: Liberation Theology and Liberation Christianity continue to inspire social movements across Latin America. Following Michael Lowy’s analytical and historical distinction between Liberation Christianity (emerging in the 1950s) and Liberation Theology (emerging in the 1970s), this paper seeks to problematize the historical projects of democracy and human rights, particularly in relation to the praxis of Liberation Christianity and the reflection of Liberation Theology. Liberation Theology emerged across Latin America during a period of dictatorship and called for liberation. It had neither democracy nor human rights as its central historical project, but rather liberation. Furthermore, Liberation Christianity, which includes the legacy of Camilo Torres, now seeks to ‘defend democracy’ and ‘uphold human rights’ in its ongoing struggles despite the fact that the democratic project has clearly failed the majority of Latin Americans. Both redemocratization and ‘pink tide’ governments were not driven by liberation. At the beginning of the first Workers’ Party government in Brazil, Frei Betto – a leading liberation theologian – famously quipped ‘we have won an election, not made a revolution’. In dialogue with Ivan Petrella, this article suggests that Liberation Theology Revista Sociedade e Cultura. 2020, v. 23: e59897 Revista Sociedade e Cultura | ISSN: 1980-8194 DOI: 10.5216/sec.v23.e59897 needs to ‘go beyond’ broad narratives of democracy and human rights to re-establish a historical project of liberation linked to what the Brazilian philosopher, Roberto Mangabeira Unger, calls institutional imagination. -
The Politics of the Cross: the Theology and Social Ethics of John Howard Yoder
3377 Bayview Avenue TEL: Toronto, ON 416.226.6620 TYNDALE M2M 3S4 www.tyndale.ca UNIVERSITY Note: This Work has been made available by the authority of the copyright owner solely for the purpose of private study and research and may not be copied or reproduced except as permitted by the copyright laws of Canada without the written authority from the copyright owner. Carter, Craig A. The Politics of the Cross: The Theology and Social Ethics of John Howard Yoder. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Brazos Press, 2001. The Politics of THE Cross The Theology and Social Ethics of John Howard Yoder Craig A. Carter Brazos Press A Division of Baker Book House Co Grand Rapids, Michigan 49516 © 2001 by Craig A. Carter Published by Brazos Press a division of Baker Book House Company P.O. Box 6287, Grand Rapids, MI 49516-6287 Printed in the United States of America All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval sys tem, or transmitted in any form or by any means—for example, electronic, photocopy, recording—without the prior written permission of the publisher. The only exception is brief quotations in printed reviews. Scripture is taken from the HOLY BIBLE, NEW INTERNATIONAL VERSION®. NIV®. Copy right © 1973,1978,1984 by International Bible Society. Used by permission of Zondervan Publishing House. All rights reserved. Scripture marked as “Phillips” is taken from The New Testament in Modern English. Copy right © by J. B. Philips 1996. Used by permission of Touchstone/Simon & Schuster, Inc. All rights reserved. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Carter, Craig A. -
“Who'll Be a Witness for My Lord?”
“Who’ll Be a Witness for My Lord?” Exploring the Power to Be a Witness ANDREW SUDERMAN* The Christian church’s expansive zeal has often, throughout its history, walked hand in hand with the colonial pursuits of empires and nation-states. This cooperative approach between church and empire, which is most apparent in Christendom, has implicated the church, and the Christian faith in general, with the oppressive and violent exploitation that has come through colonialism and its painful history. This Christendom legacy and its corresponding Con- stantinian imagination1 have left their mark on how the church and its role are understood in the South African context. * Andrew Suderman is a lecturer of theology, peace, and mission at Eastern Mennonite University in Harrisonburg, Virginia, as well as the Secretary for the Mennonite World Con- ference Peace Commission. He, along with his wife, Karen, worked as Mennonite Church Canada Witness Workers in South Africa for seven years (2009–2016) where he served as Director of the Anabaptist Network in South Africa (ANiSA). He is completing a PhD in theology at the University of KwaZulu-Natal. 1 Although terms such as “Christendom” and “Constantinianism” have become common and mostly synonymous, it may still be useful to offer a definition of the way these terms will be used in this paper. Both Christendom and Constantinianism refer to the impulse to synthesize the purposes of the church and state into a reconciled and compatible partnership. This synthesis was energized over a period of time that includ- ed the conversion to Christianity of the Roman Emperor Constantine in 312 CE; the legalization of the Christian faith within the Empire declared in the Edict of Milan in 313 CE; Theodosius I making Christianity the official religion of the Empire in 380 CE; and the declaration of the illegality of pagan religions in the Empire in 392 CE, which in effect made the Christian faith mandatory and compulsory for all citizens of the Empire. -
“The Fall of the Second Wall”: the Normalization of Relations Between Cuba and the United States and the Role of Pope Francis
Pablo A. Baisotti1 Oригинални научни рад Sun Yat Sen University UDC: 327(729.1:73) China 272-732.2:929 Francis, Pope “THE FALL OF THE SECOND WALL”: THE NORMALIZATION OF RELATIONS BETWEEN CUBA AND THE UNITED STATES AND THE ROLE OF POPE FRANCIS Abstract The pastoral trips of Pope Francis to Cuba and to the United States were not only religious. The political activity that he organized to consolidate the relation- ship between the two recently reconciled countries was remarkable. Through visits, meetings and masses the Pope expressed his position and concerns about various arguments, beyond the recomposed Cuban-American relationship. Dur- ing the trip he addressed subjects including the environment, poverty, family, union, freedom, all of which were themes that the Pontiff had clearly stated in his encyclical Laudato Si ‘(2015) and his Apostolic Exhortation Evangelii Gaudium (2013). With this trip, Pope Francis ended up consolidating his status as a global politician as well as a pastor with a high degree of acceptance not only among Catholics. Keywords: Pope Francisco, Cuba, United States, Obama, Castro, Apostolic Journey Introduction The centrality and notoriety that Pope Francis2 has obtained over the last few years is undeniable. It can even be said that few pontiffs have played as much of a global political role as Francis. This, of course, has raised voices from both defenders and detractors. The former have affirmed that a renewal was neces- sary, and praise the Pope’s approach to addressing the “common” people with simple language and an energetic way of acting, defying the rigid vatican struc- tures. -
SSRN-Id1373826.Pdf (328.4Kb)
Sanctioning Faith: Religion, Politics, and U.S.-Cuban Relations The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Goldenziel, Jill I. "Sanctioning Faith: Religion, State, and US-Cuban Relations." Journal of Law and Politics 25 (2009): 179-210. Published Version https://heinonline.org/HOL/P?h=hein.journals/jlp25&i=183 Citable link https://nrs.harvard.edu/URN-3:HUL.INSTREPOS:37364804 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, WARNING: This file should NOT have been available for downloading from Harvard University’s DASH repository.;This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Open Access Policy Articles, as set forth at http://nrs.harvard.edu/ urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of-use#OAP 1 Sanctioning Faith: Religion, State, and U.S.-Cuban Relations Jill I. Goldenziel1 Forthcoming, 25 J. LAW AND POLITICS 2 (2009) Abstract Fidel Castro’s government actively suppressed religious life in Cuba for decades. Yet in recent years Cuba has experienced a dramatic flourishing of religious life. Since the fall of the Soviet Union, the Cuban government has increased religious liberty by opening political space for religious belief and practice. In 1991, the Cuban Communist Party removed atheism as a prerequisite for party membership. One year later, Cuba amended its constitution to deem itself a secular state rather than an atheist state. Since that time, religious life in Cuba has grown exponentially. All religious denominations, from the Catholic Church to Afro-Cuban religious societies and the Jewish and Muslim communities, report increased participation in religious rites. -
Interpretations of Church and State in Cuba, 1959–1961
INTERPRETATIONS OF CHURCH AND STATE IN CUBA, 1959–1961 BY JOHN C. SUPER* Unrestrained excitement greeted Fidel Castro when he entered Ha- vana on January 8, 1959. More than any other leader of the revolution- ary forces,he personified Cuba’s potential to become a progressive and democratic republic. Castro’s immense popularity helped to overcome for a brief period the divisions over political philosophies and programs that soon fractured Cuban life. The Catholic Church stood at the center of the controversies that un- folded, for both what it did and did not do. Until recently, the Church was one of the least studied aspects of the Cuban revolution, almost as if it were a voiceless part of Cuban society,an institution and faith that had little impact on the course of events. Beginning in the 1980’s more extensive and serious analyses of the revolution began to appear, and for the most part these studies lacked the emotional charges and coun- tercharges so common in revolutionary historiographies. Instead of at- tempting systematically to survey all of the literature, this essay selects works that represent the main interpretations of church-state relations. Among the many works available, those of Juan Clark and John M. Kirk deserve notice at the outset.1 Though their works differ in tone, focus, *Dr.Super is a professor of history in West Virginia University.He wishes to thank Juan M. Clark and Antonio de la Cova for their many helpful suggestions on this essay. 1Juan Clark,Cuba:Mito y Realidad.Testimonios de un Pueblo (Miami,1990),which in- cludes much of his Religious Repression in Cuba (Coral Gables: 1985); John M. -
By Marina Shelly Havach1 1 Introduction
St Francis Magazine Vol 8, No 3 | June 2012 ST. CONSTANTINE THE GREAT: AN ORTHODOX PERSPECTIVE By Marina Shelly Havach1 Abstract: The policies and person of Roman emperor Constantine I are often seen as having played a negative role in the development of church- state relations. On the other hand, Orthodox Christians venerate him as St. Constantine the Great, Equal to the Apostles. This essay elucidates the Orthodox view of Constantine by engaging with the historical literature to answer some of the most common charges made against him. Key terms: Constantine I, Constantinianism, anti-Constantinianism, Con- stantinian shift, Eastern Orthodox Church, sanctity 1 Introduction Much has been written of late on Roman emperor Constantine I’s role in the history of church-state relations. Some, including prom- inent theologians John Howard Yoder and Stanley Hauerwas, believe that his policies had a very negative effect on the develop- ment of Christianity, a change they call the “Constantinian shift.” In extending his imperial endorsement to a once persecuted group, Constantine is said to have sold out the Church, with far-reaching implications. But was Constantine really as bad as his detractors claim? Even more, was Constantine himself a Constantinian? As I will show, the charges commonly leveled against Constantine do not hold up un- der historical scrutiny. Constantine was neither a cynical crypto-pagan, nor did his poli- cies corrupt a once-glorious Church of martyrs. He was just an- other sinner trying to answer the age-old question: what does it mean to follow Christ right now? In Constantine’s case, that meant 1 Marina Shelly Havach is currently preparing for doctoral study in Russian litera- ture. -
Constantine the Great
Two Versions of Constantine the Great Posted on July 18, 2011 by Fr. Ted I recently finished reading two books about the Emperor Constantine who is also recognized as a saint of the Church since ancient times. The first is Paul Stephenson’s CONSTANTINE: ROMAN EMPEROR, CHRISTIAN VICTOR (you can read my short review of this book). The book was a good history read, and portrays Constantine riding the military to power, but giving some credit to the unconquerable and greatest God – that of the Christians – which brought him to power. The second book is Peter Leithart’sDEFENDING CONSTANTINE (you can read my short review of this book). Leithart’s book is polemical in that he is refuting the Anabaptist version of Christian history promulgated by John Yoder. Yoder basically seems to say with Constantine the Church abandoned Christianity. Leithart’s persuasive argument is that one has to measure Constantine in terms of 4th Century Christianity, not in terms of 21st Century post-Enlightenment liberalism. Constantine does embrace Christianity as he understands it as the Emperor of Rome. His embrace of Christianity is real and does bring a change to the empire, but it also changes Christianity whose 4th Century leadership probably wasn’t prepared to deal with what it meant to be the religion aligned with political power rather than the subject of its persecution. I’m not interested in taking up Leithart’s thesis regarding Yoder since I consider that an internal dispute in the Reformed tradition. But I do intend in the next several blogs to write about Constantine and what his conversion meant for the Church. -
Christianity and Secularism 47
Wright, Christianity and Secularism 47 Christianity and Secularism: Prospects and Possibilities Nigel G. Wright ‘If society would not be Christian, at least the church could be’ David Fergusson, Church, State and Civil Society, p. 43. This article proposes a strategy by which countries that have detached from their Christian or religious roots and embraced some form of secularism may nonetheless be understood in a positive light as arenas for religious liberty and action. It argues, in contrast with common assumptions, that free church or radical baptist perspectives do rightly aspire to a form of Christendom by which nations may be profoundly influenced by non-coercive and non-Constantinian conceptions of church and state that guarantee justice and religious liberty for all. However, such a vision will not be realised until the eschaton and, given the declining state, at least in Europe, of the Christian churches, is a distant prospect. A pragmatic engagement with secular political concepts therefore comes into view. However, a clear and crucial distinction needs to be made between differing versions of secularism. ‘Hard’ or ‘programmatic’ secularism is ideologically hostile to any forms of religion and so cannot act as a constructive conversation partner. By contrast, ‘soft’ or ‘procedural’ secularism views itself as hospitable to religious perspectives and communities, keeping the ring open as a non-sectarian and constructive arbiter for all productive religious contributions. The challenge for free church Christians therefore becomes critiquing all attempts of hard secularists to pursue their agenda by masquerading as soft secularists. Paradoxically, the Christian interest is in maintaining its own guiding visions of what the state and society ought to be while at the same time encouraging soft, hospitable and impartial secularism to be true to itself in the interests of all.