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The Herodotos Project (OSU-Ugent): Studies in Ancient Ethnography
Faculty of Literature and Philosophy Julie Boeten The Herodotos Project (OSU-UGent): Studies in Ancient Ethnography Barbarians in Strabo’s ‘Geography’ (Abii-Ionians) With a case-study: the Cappadocians Master thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master in Linguistics and Literature, Greek and Latin. 2015 Promotor: Prof. Dr. Mark Janse UGent Department of Greek Linguistics Co-Promotores: Prof. Brian Joseph Ohio State University Dr. Christopher Brown Ohio State University ACKNOWLEDGMENT In this acknowledgment I would like to thank everybody who has in some way been a part of this master thesis. First and foremost I want to thank my promotor Prof. Janse for giving me the opportunity to write my thesis in the context of the Herodotos Project, and for giving me suggestions and answering my questions. I am also grateful to Prof. Joseph and Dr. Brown, who have given Anke and me the chance to be a part of the Herodotos Project and who have consented into being our co- promotores. On a whole other level I wish to express my thanks to my parents, without whom I would not have been able to study at all. They have also supported me throughout the writing process and have read parts of the draft. Finally, I would also like to thank Kenneth, for being there for me and for correcting some passages of the thesis. Julie Boeten NEDERLANDSE SAMENVATTING Deze scriptie is geschreven in het kader van het Herodotos Project, een onderneming van de Ohio State University in samenwerking met UGent. De doelstelling van het project is het aanleggen van een databank met alle volkeren die gekend waren in de oudheid. -
Ptolemaic Foundations in Asia Minor and the Aegean As the Lagids’ Political Tool
ELECTRUM * Vol. 20 (2013): 57–76 doi: 10.4467/20800909EL.13.004.1433 PTOLEMAIC FOUNDATIONS IN ASIA MINOR AND THE AEGEAN AS THE LAGIDS’ POLITICAL TOOL Tomasz Grabowski Uniwersytet Jagielloński, Kraków Abstract: The Ptolemaic colonisation in Asia Minor and the Aegean region was a signifi cant tool which served the politics of the dynasty that actively participated in the fi ght for hegemony over the eastern part of the Mediterranean Sea basin. In order to specify the role which the settlements founded by the Lagids played in their politics, it is of considerable importance to establish as precise dating of the foundations as possible. It seems legitimate to acknowledge that Ptolemy II possessed a well-thought-out plan, which, apart from the purely strategic aspects of founding new settlements, was also heavily charged with the propaganda issues which were connected with the cult of Arsinoe II. Key words: Ptolemies, foundations, Asia Minor, Aegean. Settlement of new cities was a signifi cant tool used by the Hellenistic kings to achieve various goals: political and economic. The process of colonisation was begun by Alex- ander the Great, who settled several cities which were named Alexandrias after him. The process was successfully continued by the diadochs, and subsequently by the follow- ing rulers of the monarchies which emerged after the demise of Alexander’s state. The new settlements were established not only by the representatives of the most powerful dynasties: the Seleucids, the Ptolemies and the Antigonids, but also by the rulers of the smaller states. The kings of Pergamum of the Attalid dynasty were considerably active in this fi eld, but the rulers of Bithynia, Pontus and Cappadocia were also successful in this process.1 Very few regions of the time remained beyond the colonisation activity of the Hellenistic kings. -
Prehistory - Central Balkans Cradle of Aegean Culture
Prehistory - Central Balkans Cradle of Aegean culture By Antonije Shkokljev Slave Nikolovski – Katin Translated from Macedonian to English and edited By Risto Stefov Prehistory - Central Balkans Cradle of Aegean culture Published by: Risto Stefov Publications [email protected] Toronto, Canada All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system without written consent from the author, except for the inclusion of brief and documented quotations in a review. Copyright 2013 by Antonije Shkokljev, Slave Nikolovski – Katin & Risto Stefov e-book edition 2 Index Index........................................................................................................3 COMMON HISTORY AND FUTURE ..................................................5 I - GEOGRAPHICAL CONFIGURATION OF THE BALKANS.........8 II - ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCOVERIES .........................................10 III - EPISTEMOLOGY OF THE PANNONIAN ONOMASTICS.......11 IV - DEVELOPMENT OF PALEOGRAPHY IN THE BALKANS....33 V – THRACE ........................................................................................37 VI – PREHISTORIC MACEDONIA....................................................41 VII - THESSALY - PREHISTORIC AEOLIA.....................................62 VIII – EPIRUS – PELASGIAN TESPROTIA......................................69 IX – BOEOTIA – A COLONY OF THE MINI AND THE FLEGI .....71 X – COLONIZATION -
Maxim M. KHOLOD1
Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica 26(2): 199–211 On the Ionian League in the Fourth Century BC Maxim M. KHOLOD1 Abstract. The author argues that the revival of the Ionian League, most likely dissolved by the Persians right after 494, happened ca. 373 BC. The sLeague seems to have been refounded then as a purely religious association. Its life was very long this time: the League most probably did not cease to exist not only during the rest of the 4th century BC but it was the same one which functioned almost interruptedly throughout further several centuries and disappeared only at a moment after the mid-3rd century AD. Rezumat. Autorul susține că renașterea Ligii Ionice, cel mai probabil dizolvată de perși imediat după 494, s-a produs aprocimativ în 373 î.H. Liga pare să fi fost reîntemeiată atunci ca o asociație pur religioasă. Existența sa a fost foarte îndelungată: Liga nu numai că nu a încetat cel mai probabil să existe pe parcursul secolului al IV-lea î.Hr., ci a funcționat aproape neîntrerupt în secolele care au urmat și a dispărut imediat după mijlocul secolului al III-lea d.Hr. Keywords: Ionian League, Panionion, Panionia, Persian Empire, Alexander the Great. The evidence for the Ionian League (also named the Panionian League) in the Classical period, after the suppression of the Ionian revolt by the Persians in 4942, is scarce. It is absolutely absent for the rest of the 5th century, a fact speaking, in all likelihood, that the League did not exist at this time3. Furthermore, it is significant that Herodotus describing the Panionion, a sacred place of the Ionians at Mycale in the territory of Priene, writes about a festival of the Ionian League in honour of Heliconian Poseidon held at this place, the Panionia, as if it is no longer celebrated in his time (I, 148)4. -
The Linguistic Case for the Aiolian Migration 433
HESPERIA JJ (2OO8) THE LINGUISTIC Pages43I~4^4 CASE FOR THE AIOLIAN MIGRATION RECONSIDERED ABSTRACT Ascribingthe presence of speakers of Lesbian in thenortheast Aegean dur- inghistorical times to themigration of Aiolian tribes from mainland Greece receivesno supportfrom linguistics. Migration is notthe only or even primary wayin whichlanguages and dialectsmay spread. Moreover, on reexamina- tion,the idea of an Aiolicdialect group falls apart. Boiotian, separated by the FirstCompensatory Lengthening from Lesbian and Thessalian, appears as a conservativedialect, most closely related to WestGreek. In turn,Lesbian andThessalian are both archaic branches of Greek that share no demonstrable commoninnovations. They are bestviewed as twoseparate relic areas of a relativelyunaltered early Greek. - To pass fromthis legendary world an aggregateof streamsdis- tinctand heterogeneous,which do notwillingly come intoconflu- ence,and cannotbe forcedto intermix- intothe vision afforded by Herodotus,we learnfrom him that in the500s B.C.the whole coast-regionfrom Dardanus southward to thepromontory of Lektum(including the town of Ilium),and fromLektum eastward to Adramyttium,had been Aeolised,or was occupiedby Aeolic - Greeks likewisethe inland towns of Skepsisand Kebren.1 This papergrew out of the researchof BrianRose, as set out in the pre- cedingarticle in thisissue of Hesperia?As head of the post-BronzeAge excavationsat Troy,Rose had long acceptedthe scholarlyconsensus in 1. Grote 1888, vol. 1, p. 305, refer- mightexpect fromthe rulesbut does markany (or an unknown) representa- = ringto Hdt. 1.149-151. not occur.The sign > means "develops tive of that class. So C any consonant; = - 2. Rose 2008. My thanksare due to to" (and the sign < means "develops H any laryngeal;Kw any labiovelar; = = Brian Rose, Don Ringe, Ronald Kim, from")an earlierform by regularsound P any labial; R any resonant(I, r, and the anonymousreviewers for Hes- changes.The sign -> means "is replaced myn); T= any dental; V= anyvowel. -
Euboea and Athens
Euboea and Athens Proceedings of a Colloquium in Memory of Malcolm B. Wallace Athens 26-27 June 2009 2011 Publications of the Canadian Institute in Greece Publications de l’Institut canadien en Grèce No. 6 © The Canadian Institute in Greece / L’Institut canadien en Grèce 2011 Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Euboea and Athens Colloquium in Memory of Malcolm B. Wallace (2009 : Athens, Greece) Euboea and Athens : proceedings of a colloquium in memory of Malcolm B. Wallace : Athens 26-27 June 2009 / David W. Rupp and Jonathan E. Tomlinson, editors. (Publications of the Canadian Institute in Greece = Publications de l'Institut canadien en Grèce ; no. 6) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-0-9737979-1-6 1. Euboea Island (Greece)--Antiquities. 2. Euboea Island (Greece)--Civilization. 3. Euboea Island (Greece)--History. 4. Athens (Greece)--Antiquities. 5. Athens (Greece)--Civilization. 6. Athens (Greece)--History. I. Wallace, Malcolm B. (Malcolm Barton), 1942-2008 II. Rupp, David W. (David William), 1944- III. Tomlinson, Jonathan E. (Jonathan Edward), 1967- IV. Canadian Institute in Greece V. Title. VI. Series: Publications of the Canadian Institute in Greece ; no. 6. DF261.E9E93 2011 938 C2011-903495-6 The Canadian Institute in Greece Dionysiou Aiginitou 7 GR-115 28 Athens, Greece www.cig-icg.gr THOMAS G. PALAIMA Euboea, Athens, Thebes and Kadmos: The Implications of the Linear B References 1 The Linear B documents contain a good number of references to Thebes, and theories about the status of Thebes among Mycenaean centers have been prominent in Mycenological scholarship over the last twenty years.2 Assumptions about the hegemony of Thebes in the Mycenaean palatial period, whether just in central Greece or over a still wider area, are used as the starting point for interpreting references to: a) Athens: There is only one reference to Athens on a possibly early tablet (Knossos V 52) as a toponym a-ta-na = Ἀθήνη in the singular, as in Hom. -
A HISTORY of the PELASGIAN THEORY. FEW Peoples Of
A HISTORY OF THE PELASGIAN THEORY. FEW peoples of the ancient world have given rise to so much controversy as the Pelasgians; and of few, after some centuries of discussion, is so little clearly established. Like the Phoenicians, the Celts, and of recent years the Teutons, they have been a peg upon which to hang all sorts of speculation ; and whenever an inconvenient circumstance has deranged the symmetry of a theory, it has been safe to ' call it Pelasgian and pass on.' One main reason for this ill-repute, into which the Pelasgian name has fallen, has been the very uncritical fashion in which the ancient statements about the Pelasgians have commonly been mishandled. It has been the custom to treat passages from Homer, from Herodotus, from Ephorus, and from Pausanias, as if they were so many interchangeable bricks to build up the speculative edifice; as if it needed no proof that genealogies found sum- marized in Pausanias or Apollodorus ' were taken by them from poems of the same class with the Theogony, or from ancient treatises, or from prevalent opinions ;' as if, further, ' if we find them mentioning the Pelasgian nation, they do at all events belong to an age when that name and people had nothing of the mystery which they bore to the eyes of the later Greeks, for instance of Strabo;' and as though (in the same passage) a statement of Stephanus of Byzantium about Pelasgians in Italy ' were evidence to the same effect, perfectly unexceptionable and as strictly historical as the case will admit of 1 No one doubts, of course, either that popular tradition may transmit, or that late writers may transcribe, statements which come from very early, and even from contemporary sources. -
The Divinity of Hellenistic Rulers
OriginalverCORE öffentlichung in: A. Erskine (ed.), A Companion to the Hellenistic World,Metadata, Oxford: Blackwell citation 2003, and similar papers at core.ac.uk ProvidedS. 431-445 by Propylaeum-DOK CHAPTKR TWENTY-FIVE The Divinity of Hellenistic Rulers Anßdos Chaniotis 1 Introduction: the Paradox of Mortal Divinity When King Demetrios Poliorketes returned to Athens from Kerkyra in 291, the Athenians welcomed him with a processional song, the text of which has long been recognized as one of the most interesting sources for Hellenistic ruler cult: How the greatest and dearest of the gods have come to the city! For the hour has brought together Demeter and Demetrios; she comes to celebrate the solemn mysteries of the Kore, while he is here füll of joy, as befits the god, fair and laughing. His appearance is majestic, his friends all around him and he in their midst, as though they were stars and he the sun. Hail son of the most powerful god Poseidon and Aphrodite. (Douris FGrH76 Fl3, cf. Demochares FGrH75 F2, both at Athen. 6.253b-f; trans. as Austin 35) Had only the first lines of this ritual song survived, the modern reader would notice the assimilaüon of the adventus of a mortal king with that of a divinity, the etymo- logical association of his name with that of Demeter, the parentage of mighty gods, and the external features of a divine ruler (joy, beauty, majesty). Very often scholars reach their conclusions about aspects of ancient mentality on the basis of a fragment; and very often - unavoidably - they conceive only a fragment of reality. -
A Preview of Mages and Ionians Revisited
A preview of Mages and Ionians revisited The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Nagy, Gregory. 2018.12.21. "A preview of Mages and Ionians revisited." Classical Inquiries. http://nrs.harvard.edu/ urn-3:hul.eresource:Classical_Inquiries. Published Version https://classical-inquiries.chs.harvard.edu/a-preview-of-mages- and-ionians-revisited/ Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:41364302 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA Classical Inquiries Editors: Angelia Hanhardt and Keith Stone Consultant for Images: Jill Curry Robbins Online Consultant: Noel Spencer About Classical Inquiries (CI ) is an online, rapid-publication project of Harvard’s Center for Hellenic Studies, devoted to sharing some of the latest thinking on the ancient world with researchers and the general public. While articles archived in DASH represent the original Classical Inquiries posts, CI is intended to be an evolving project, providing a platform for public dialogue between authors and readers. Please visit http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:hul.eresource:Classical_Inquiries for the latest version of this article, which may include corrections, updates, or comments and author responses. Additionally, many of the studies published in CI will be incorporated into future CHS pub- lications. Please visit http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:hul.eresource:CHS.Online_Publishing for a complete and continually expanding list of open access publications by CHS. -
History of the Name “Macedonia”
HISTORY OF THE NAME “MACEDONIA” It is generally accepted today that the ethnic name MuxEftmv, from which by adding the ending -ux the geographical term MuxeSovux was formed, derives from the ancient Greek adjective (xuxEftvo;. The latter was formed by the stem of the noun [xàxo;=pfjxo;, with the suffix -ft-1 and the ending -vôç : puxE-ft-vôç, and already occurs in Homer (Odys. t) 106) old te <pôÀ/ux urxxeftvtj; ulyEipoio. The name Mxxxeôcov, plural Muxeôôveç, belongs to the ethnic names denoting a physical characteristic, like the ancient MuxooxÉxpcdoi (long-heads), Iluypuloi (Pygmies=fist-sized) and the teutonic Langobardi (long-beards), Chauci (tall), Quadi (ugly, bad) \ The Macedonians probably distinguished themselves amid the other Greek tribes by their height, as it often happens to highland tribes compared to tribes of the plains. The Macedonians, as it is accepted by all unbiased ethnologists, historians and linguists, are a Hellenic tribe3. Their names, those that have 1. The suffix -8- is known from other nouns too, as dkyrj-S-wv, k«|iJii|-8-d>v, /ixiot)—ö—ci'jv, xe).i-0-d)v. From this compound ending -Scov, derive by alternance the endings-Srxvôç, as in Àrp'lf-fiuvôç, Jteuxr-Savôç, (Hyr-ôavô;, rqxf-Savôç, Trike-Savog, and -Svoç, as in yoe-Ôvdç, puxE-8vôç, jirki-Svoç, o7o<pu-8vôç, ipE-Svö;. See f. i. G. N. Hadjidakis, ' AxaàrgiEixà dvayvcoa/iaxa 1,71 and 2,405 and also E. Schwyzer, (Griechische Grammatik 1,489. 2. Pauly-Wissowa, Realencyclopädie, in word Makedonia, p. 6822. 3. See Ulrich Wilcken, Griechische Geschichte im Rahmen der Alterlitms- geschichte. -
PDF Printing 600
REVUE BELGE DE. NUMISMATIOUE ET DE SIGILLOGRAPHIE. PUBLU:.E. so~s LES A~SPICES nE LA snCIÉTÉ ROYALE nE NI,IM1SMAT lOUE AVEC LE CONCOURS DU GOUVERNEMENT DIRECTEURS: MM. MARCEL HOC, Dr JULES DESNEUX ET PAUL NASTER 1956 TOME CENT DEUXIÈME BRUXELLES 5, RUE DU MUSÉE 1956 KûINON Ir II()AEQN A Study of the Coinage of the ~ Ionian League)) (*) The coins which specifically refer to the thirteen cities of the Ionian Federation, KOINON 1r no/\ EON, bear the portraits of three emperors: Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelîus and Commodus, It is this series to which this article is devoted. There are two later issues of coins from the City of Colophon during the reigns ,ofTrebonianus Gallus and Valerian which have lîttle direct con- ....... ,,' :neèthm with the Ionian Federation as such. An example of the \\~.~~m.~p~~~:~;:d.P::~~;:~:~::~~i~eW;:~~ieD~ :>\Ve:are::d~ePiYlndebted: ACI{NOWLEDGEMENTS To the fpllowingfor valuable suggestions and assistance in ohtainlng material for thtsartfcle: Colin M~ Ki"aay, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. Dr. T. O. Mahbott, Hunter College, New York. Sydney P. Noe, American Nunùsmatic Society, New York. Dr. David Magie) Princeton University. Edward Gans, Berkeley, California. H. Von Aulock, Istanbul. To the following for furnishing casts and photographs and assistance in procuring them: Dr. Karl Pink and Dr. Eduard Holzmair, National Collection, Vienna. Dr. W. Schneewind, Historlcal Museum, Basel. Miss Anne S. Robertson, Hunterian Museum, University of Glasgow. M. Jean Babelon, Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris. P. K. .Ienkins, British Museum, London. Dr. G. Erxleben, National Museum, Berlin. Sr. Gian Guido Belloni, Sforza Museum, Milan. And to tlle following dealers for their generons cooperation: 32 .r. -
Mimnermus and Pylos Huxley, G L Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Apr 1, 1959; 2, 2; Proquest Pg
Mimnermus and Pylos Huxley, G L Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Apr 1, 1959; 2, 2; ProQuest pg. 101 MIMNERMUS AND PYLOS G. L. HUXLEY N HIS Nanno Mimnermus of Colophon alluded to the com I ing of his people from Pylos, the home of the N eleids in Messenia, to Asia in ships. Having taken Colophon by force they settled there, and at a later date they captured Aeolian Smyrna.1 In the same poem he also wrote that Andraemon a Pylian was a founder of Colophon.2 Both fragments are pre served by Strabo, who used them in his account of early Ionian history. The text of the poetical fragment is given as follows in the latest edition of the Anthologia Lyrica Graeca: 3 - V E7TEL, , 'TE IIVJ\ov '\ N 7]J\\ 7]LOV' a<T'TV" M7TOV'TEc;\' lP,EP'Ti]V •AU'L7]V V7JV<TLV o.CPLK6p,EOa, e~ ~' epa'T7}v KoAocpwva {jL7]V lJ7rEpo7TAov EXOV'TE~ E,6p,EfJ' o.pyaAE7]C; V{jPLO~ 7rrEp,OVE~ . KEiOEV t8La<Tn]EV'TOC; a7TopvVp,EVOL 7ToTap,oio OEf;w {jOVA-ryL !,p,vPV7]V ErAop,EV AloAL8a. No satisfactory emendation of the first line has yet been pro posed. Bergk printed <Hp,EZc; ~' al.m, IIVAov N7]A-r]LoV lJ,U'TV ).t7TOvTEc; but 'Hp,Eic; is a conjecture of Xylander and seems to be without any manuscript authority.4 E7TELTE is good Ionic, besides being found in F, a good manuscript of Strabo (Vat. Gr. 1329), of which Kramer wrote that it was "omnium primus nominan dus" and "non unam ob causam maxime memorabilis." 5 It is written by thirteen different hands and begins at Book XII, p.