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The Ethiopian Perception of the Repatriated Rastafari by Erin

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The Ethiopian Perception of the Repatriated Rastafari by Erin Leaving Out of Babylon, Into Whose Father’s Land? The Ethiopian Perception of the Repatriated Rastafari By Erin Christine MacLeod Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the PhD in Communications McGill University 2009 2 Abstract This project is the first to investigate the way in which Ethiopians view the Rastafari, a post-colonial religious faith. Since originating in Jamaica in the 1930s, Rastafari have moved to the East African country to settle, viewing the country as the Promised Land. Given this centrality of Ethiopia to Rastafari, my dissertation documents the perception of Rastafari and Rastafarians within Ethiopia and the role these immigrants play within Ethiopian society. The methodology used is that of thick description—making an attempt to engage with as many different narratives about the Rastafari as possible. Thick description allows for an understanding of what is happening as regards the interaction between Rastafari and Ethiopians, but also provides a sense of context and meaning. After extensive interviewing in the Ethiopian cities of Shashemene and Addis Ababa, a comprehensive review of Ethiopian media coverage as well as analyses of academic, religious and government documents, the multiplicity of perspectives found demonstrated a view of a unique immigrant community, as well as a multifaceted view of Ethiopia and Ethiopianness. I draw from the many narratives about the Rastafari a sense of what these narratives can inform relative to Ethiopian identity itself. Unlike traditional development workers who stay on average two years, Rastafari wish to settle in Ethiopia. The challenge, therefore, to Ethiopians is to find a way to legally recognize these immigrants within the already complex historical and social spectrum of Ethiopian identity. The Rastafarian desire for citizenship and involvement in Ethiopian society challenges the idea of what it means to be Ethiopian and simultaneously demands that Ethiopian and Rastafarian identity re- evaluate its sense of self. As the Rastafari involve themselves more fully in Ethiopia, through the establishment of both humanitarian and business initiatives, and engage with more levels of Ethiopian society, they present a more sustainable identity within the country. The Rasta belief in themselves as Ethiopian stems from a post-colonial understanding of the world. In Ethiopia, this perception comes up against a non- colonial view of the world, as found in Ethiopia's independent consciousness. I demonstrate how the Ethiopian perception of the Rastafari presents a situation in which different conceptions of identity come into dialogue and the notion of cultural citizenship is negotiated. Indeed, the negotiation between Ethiopian and Rastafarian identities ultimately illuminate the fact that as a symbol, Ethiopia is quite clearly defined, yet in reality, it is constantly in dynamic change. 3 Sommaire Ce projet est le premier à explorer la manière dont les Éthiopiens voient le Rastafari, une croyance religieuse post-coloniale. Depuis leur début en Jamaïque au courant des années 1930, les Rastafaris ont déménagé pour s’établir dans le pays d’Afrique de l’Est, le voyant comme la terre promise. Due en partie au rôle central que détient l’Éthiopie au sein de la religion Rastafari, ma dissertation documente la perception du Rastafari et des Rastafariens à l’intérieur de l’Éthiopie et le rôle que joue ces immigrants dans la société éthiopienne. La méthodolie utilisée est celle de « description dense »—tentant d’engager avec autant de récits sur le Rastafari que possible. La méthode de description épaisse permet à la fois une compréhension de l’interaction entre les Rastafariens et les Éthiopiens, tout en fournissant un contexte et un sens. À travers de nombreuses entrevues dans les villes éthiopiennes de Shashamene et d’Addis Abeba, une critique compréhensive de la couverture médiatique de l’Éthiopie, ainsi qu’une analyse de documents académiques, religieux et politiques, la multiplicité des perspectives retrouvées présentent un regard unique sur la communauté immigrante, ainsi qu’un point de vue varié sur l’Éthiopie et l’éthiopicité. De plusieurs récits sur les Rastafariens, je retire un sens de ce que ces récits peuvent dire sur l’identité éthiopienne comme telle. Les Rastafariens diffèrent des traveilleurs en développement international puisque ceux-ci ne restent qu’en moyenne deux ans, alors que les Rastafariens eux, désirent s’établir de façon permanent en Éthiopie. Par conséquent, le défi qui se présente pour les Éthiopiens est de trouver une manière de reconnaître légalement ces immigrants à l’intérieur de la complexité historique et sociale de l’identité éthiopienne. Le désir Rastafarien de citoyenneté et d’implication au sein de la société éthiopienne pose un défi à l’idée de ce que cela veut dire d’être Éthiopien et en même temps exige que l’identité éthiopienne et rastaferienne ré-évalue son sens de soi. Comme les Rastafariens s’impliquent davantage au sein de l’Éthiopie à travers des initiatives d’affaires et humanitaires, et s’impliquent à plusieurs niveaux de la société éthiopienne, ils présentent une identité plus durable à l’intérieur du pays. La croyance Rasta qu’ils sont eux-mêmes Éthiopiens est issue d’une compréhension post-coloniale du monde. En Éthiopie, cette perception s’affronte contre un point de vue non-colonial sur le monde, retrouvée dans la conscience indépendante de ce pays. Je démontre comment la perception éthiopienne du Rastafari présente une situation à l’intérieur de laquelle différentes conceptions d’identité entrent en dialogue et la notion de citoyenneté culturelle est négociée. En effet, la négociation entre les identités éthiopiennes et rastafariennes illumine le fait qu’en tant que symbole, l’Éthiopie est clairement définie, mais dans la réalité, elle est en changement constant et dynamique. 4 Foreword This dissertation has been a while in the making. I have not done this by myself and have had help at every stage. Thanks to my advisor, Dr. Jonathan Sterne, who made me feel as if this was a fascinating topic and encouraged me throughout. I know I wouldn’t have finished without him. Also, thank you to Dr. Jenny Burman for both feedback and support, and Dr. Will Straw for asking excellent questions. Thanks to all of my interviewees in Ethiopia and beyond; Rasta, habesha and otherwise, your ideas and insights have built this project. Big love and thanks to Dr. Sam and Cheryl Crow, two incredible individuals whose hospitality was beyond compare. Also, in Ethiopia, thank-you to Heruy Arefe-Aine, who introduced me to so many people and made me feel at home. Also, thanks go to my research assistant Salamawit Kidane who was able to wade through archives and come out with exactly what I required. Terefe Worku also deserves credit for connecting me with many important individuals. Thank-you to Habitat for Humanity International, without whom I would never have made my way to Ethiopia and subsequently fallen in love with the country. Thanks go to my parents, who supported not only that idea, but also just about every other crazy idea that I’ve had and the resulting successes as well as failures. Large amounts of gratitude go to my brother, Grant, and sister-in-law, Marnie. Their interest, support and, of course, care, has been invaluable. And thank-you also to my cousin Alison McKechnie-Popp, who brought up the idea of going to 5 Ethiopia in the first place. Much gratitude also to the entire staff of Habitat for Humanity Ethiopia and all their affiliates throughout the country. Special thanks to Genene Tasew, who has been an excellent translator, confidante and friend. If ever I was frustrated with anything—from being sick of fasting food to being mad at bus conductors for ripping me off, Genene was always willing to listen. In Montreal, thanks to Micah Locilento, who has always been willing to take a look at pretty much everything I write and gives both comments as well as much needed support. Thanks also to my many supportive friends, but especially Aurora Flewwelling-Skup, Cynthia Taylor and Tasha Anestopoulos, who listened to my complaining. Thanks to Julie Girard for translation, but also for coming and visiting me in Addis and loving every minute of it! Much gratitude to Dr. Paulos Milkias, Dr. Gunilla Bjeren, Atakilte Beyene and Dr. Fikru Gebrekidan for suggesting sources and always being great sources of ideas and inspiration. I also wish to thank my tireless Amharic tutors—Emebet Emissa and Hibret Asbetha. Though my Amharic still needs work, I learned so much from both of you. Tons of thanks go to Matthew Cain, who may regret having sat next to me on the plane, but who has been an unbelievable wealth of information and linguistic ability. I would not have been able to write large sections of this thesis without Matt’s help. His translations and conversations have been invaluable. 6 Also thanks to Dr. Barry Chevannes, Dr. Jahlani Niaah and Dr. Michael Barnett of the University of the West Indies, as well as Dr. Giulia Bonacci, who all provided encouragement to me and made me feel like this project was indeed of value. Also, to the Crossroads Conference 2008 and its organizers, especially Dr. Sonjah Stanley Niaah. Thank you for your invitation. The conference was a major turning point in my research. Thanks also to Joshua Chamberlain—the final stages of this project were made all the better, knowing that both support and commentary were only a phone call, text or email away. The Social Science and Humanities Research
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