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Race and Education: Another Look at the Missionary Joe Martin Richardson, Maxine Deloris Jones. Education for Liberation: The American Missionary Association and African Americans, 1890 to the Civil Rights Movement. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2009. xvii + 287 pp. $49.50, cloth, ISBN 978-0-8173-1657-0. Reviewed by Adam Laats Published on H-Education (July, 2010) Commissioned by Jonathan Anuik (University of Alberta) A frst read through the leading works of edu‐ During the period the authors focus on in this cational history could leave students with a decid‐ volume, the educational mission of the AMA shift‐ edly negative image of what might be called the ed. As Richardson and Jones describe, the organi‐ missionary tradition in U.S. education. Books such zation’s wide-ranging efforts in the Reconstruc‐ as James Anderson’s Education of Blacks in the tion era to educate all African Americans changed South (1988) and David Wallace Adams’s Educa‐ to a focus on higher education and civil rights ac‐ tion for Extinction (1995) paint a convincingly tivism. As soon as they were able, AMA adminis‐ dark portrait of missionary educators. Ignorant trators turned over elementary and secondary and condescending at best, aggressively genocidal schools to local public administration. at worst, these well-intentioned busybodies come In the early years of this story, the AMA main‐ off as a lesson for today’s teachers of what not to tained a number of “common” schools. There do. were ffty-one such schools in 1891. By 1920 the Joe M. Richardson and Maxine D. Jones offer number had dwindled to four, and by 1930 to another perspective in Education for Liberation: only one. In most cases, according to Richardson The American Missionary Association and and Jones, the schools closed as soon as public African Americans, 1890 to the Civil Rights Move‐ schools became available for African Americans. ment. The book picks up where Richardson’s In many cases, the AMA sold or gave away its Christian Reconstruction (1986) left off. Like schools to municipal school boards. Richardson’s earlier work, it is notably sympathet‐ A more important goal for the AMA in the ic to the black and white educators behind the decades between 1890 and 1930 was training American Missionary Association's (AMA) long ca‐ African American teachers. Most of the teachers reer in African American education. in African American schools, public or private, H-Net Reviews were African American, many of them trained in numbers of students in higher-level academic AMA secondary and normal schools. Some of the classes increased. By World War II AMA colleges Reconstruction-era stereotypical “Yankee School‐ taught over two thousand students at the college marms” remained but, by necessity and design, level (p. 135). the AMA hired mainly younger African American By the time Japan invaded Pearl Harbor, the teachers. As the authors note, by 1931, of 560 AMA AMA had decisively changed its approach to workers, 340 were African American, 30 were Na‐ African American education in the South. In 1942 tive American Indian, 29 were Puerto Rican, 5 it officially shifted its focus to its colleges and its were classified as “Spanish-American and Japa‐ civil rights activism. That activism, centered in a nese,” and 171 were white (p. 46). new Race Relations Department, became an im‐ By the 1930s, however, the AMA shifted its fo‐ portant tool in the formation of the civil rights cus to concentrate on liberal arts higher educa‐ movement. For example, starting in 1944, the tion for African Americans. Such institutions as AMA hosted institutes at Fisk University that Fisk University in Nashville, Tennessee; Talladega brought together church, labor, academic, and le‐ College in Talladega, Alabama; Dillard University gal experts to discuss interracial democracy and in New Orleans, Louisiana; Tillotson College in activism. The institutes, as the authors describe Austin, Texas; LeMoyne College in Memphis, Ten‐ them, tended to the dry, academic side. And, as nessee; Straight University (1868-1934) in New Or‐ the authors note, it can be difficult to assess the leans; and Tougaloo College in Jackson, Mississip‐ impact of such institutes on the fedgling civil pi became the focus of AMA efforts to educate rights movement. However, with hundreds of par‐ southern blacks. One of the challenges that faced ticipants over the twenty-five years of their exis‐ the AMA administrators was the sensitive ques‐ tence, including such luminaries as Martin Luther tion of leadership. The AMA had been dedicated King Jr. and Thurgood Marshall, it is not a stretch since its inception, at least in theory, to encourag‐ to assert, as the authors do, that these institutes ing African American leadership of its institu‐ contributed a great deal to the developing ideolo‐ tions. However, throughout much of the South, vi‐ gy of the movement. If nothing else, as Richard‐ olent white supremacist sentiment forbade black son and Jones argue, bringing together a group of leadership of white workers. To have an African white and black men and women for weeks of liv‐ American college president would mean, in prac‐ ing, eating, and working together in an aggres‐ tice, the abandonment of an interracial faculty. sively white supremacist southern city made an Both national AMA leaders and the faculties of important statement. many AMA colleges rightly considered their inter‐ One of the great strengths of this book is in racial faculties among their proudest accomplish‐ the authors’ work to salvage some of the personal ments and they were loath to give them up for stories of AMA teachers, students, and administra‐ any reason. tors. Some, such as that of white activist and long- Another difficulty the authors described for time AMA leader Frederick Brownlee, are fairly AMA colleges, especially before the Great Depres‐ accessible from other sources. But other stories sion, resulted from the relatively low numbers of can only be hinted at, such as the apocryphal stu‐ academically qualified African American college dents who walked six or even ten miles to their students in the South. In 1925 AMA colleges AMA elementary schools every day, both ways, taught only 305 students in college-level classes. through swamps and past lecherous white preda‐ Many more students at AMA colleges studied at tors. Or the young women teachers, white and the elementary or secondary level. With time, the black, who devoted years to teaching in AMA 2 H-Net Reviews schools. Sometimes the record of such teachers goals: to defray the costs of running their schools was only in the evidence they left behind of their and to force state and local governments in the painstaking extracurricular labor, such as a built- South to acknowledge their responsibility for eq‐ in sideboard and brick walk built by one of the uitable African American education. However, young teachers at Cotton Valley School in Macon many African American parents and students County, Alabama. protested when the AMA closed its schools as an Richardson and Jones’s book is at its best inferior public school option became available. when it digs deeply into the Amistad Research One AMA administrator chastised such parents as Center archives, now at Tulane University in New “selfish” for not thinking of the greater good for Orleans, and recovers archival gems. However, the greater number of African Americans (p. 108). due to the nature of that collection, much of the Such administrators pointed to the significant in‐ authors’ material about the late nineteenth and crease in enrollment once tuition-free public early twentieth centuries comes from AMA schools became available for African Americans. fundraising materials. Although the authors note However, they noted with chagrin that such pub‐ that the AMA’s magazine, American Missionary, lic schools often offered education of a much low‐ constituted the organization’s primary “propagan‐ er quality and they no longer featured the interra‐ da tool,” they tend to repeat the stories in its cial faculties that had made AMA schools such a pages rather uncritically (p. 64). haven. Another highlight of this volume is the chap‐ The narrative also drops fascinating but un‐ ter on the AMA’s push to include a “functional” explored hints about the important religious curriculum in its schools from the mid-1930s. theme behind AMA activism. The organization, af‐ Around that time, national leaders such as Brown‐ ter all, began as an explicitly religious missionary lee became enamored of John Dewey and the pos‐ enterprise. Its early schools, as the authors de‐ sibilities of progressive education. Brownlee scribe, were profoundly religious in nature (pp. hoped that AMA schools could veer away from the 12-13). As it did at other schools, that education deadening traditional curricula of “customary edged closer to secular norms as the twentieth standardized mass education” (p. 73). However, as century developed. However, even in the World with other attempts to implement progressive War II years, the language of many AMA activists pedagogy from the top down, Brownlee found was consistently in favor of a “Christian” solution that actual implementation of non-traditional to racial difficulties. Perhaps it is too much to ask teaching ideas was much harder to achieve. As for a thorough inclusion of the religious backdrop Arthur Zilversmit described in Changing Schools of the times. After all, trying to include such (1993), traditional educational attitudes can prove weighty topics as the Social Gospel, the funda‐ persistent. This book confirms that notion and mentalist and modernist controversies, and the gives a fascinating case study of the interplay be‐ plunging participation in mainline Protestant de‐ tween curricular decisions at the top and teaching nominational life that occurred throughout the decisions in the classroom. period under study might make for a cumber‐ some project.
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