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ISSN: 1810—2174 Balochistan

Review Volume XXIV No. 1, 2011

(HEC RECOGNIZED)

Editor Naseeb Ullah

BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE UNIVERSITY OF BALOCHISTAN, QUETTA-PAKISTAN

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Published bi-annually by the Balochistan Study Centre, University of Balochistan, Quetta-Pakistan.

@ Balochistan Study Centre 2011-1

Subscription rate (per annum) in Pakistan: Institutions: Rs. 300/- Individuals: Rs. 200/-

For the other countries: Institutions: US$ 50 Individuals: US$ 30

Contact: Balochistan Review—ISSN: 1810-2174 Balochistan Study Centre, University of Balochistan, Quetta-Pakistan. Tel: (92) (081) 9211255 Facsimile: (92) (081) 9211255 E-mail: [email protected] [email protected] Website: uob.edu.pk

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Editorial Board

Patron in Chief: Prof. Dr. Abdul Nabi Vice Chancellor, University of Balochistan, Quetta-Pakistan. Patron Prof. Dr. Abdul Razzaq Sabir Director, Balochistan Study Centre, UoB, Quetta-Pakistan. Editor Naseeb Ullah Assistant Professor, Dept. of Mass Communication, UoB, Quetta-Pakistan. Members: Prof. Dr. Andriano V. Rossi Vice Chancellor & Head Dept. of Asian Studies, Institute of Oriental Studies, Naples, Italy. Prof. Dr. Saad Abudeyha Chairman, Dept. of Political Science, University of Jordon, Amman, Jordon. Prof. Dr. Bertrand Bellon Professor of Int’l, Industrial Organization & Technology Policy, University de Paris Sud. Dr. Carina Jahani Inst. of Iranian & African Studies, Uppsala University, Sweden. Prof. Dr. Muhammad Ashraf Khan Director, Taxila Institute of Civilization, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad Prof. Dr. Rajwali Shah Khattak Professor, Pashto Academy, Peshawar University Pesh-Pakistan. Mr. Ayub Baloch Member, Balochistan Public Service Commission, Quetta. Prof. Dr. Mehmood Ali Shah, Professor Emeritus, University of Balochistan, Quetta.

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Guidelines/Parameters for the Contributors: Following are the Guidelines/Parameters for the scholars/researchers contributing articles to the bi-annual research journal of BSC “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW ISSN: 1810-2174”.

The article should be in a ready to print form Authors are entitled to five free off-prints and a copy of the issue in which their article is published. The articles should accompany a soft copy as well; to be sent through email preferably in PDF file format. Articles must focus on latest researches made in different fields/areas i.e. arts and crafts, architecture, archaeology, literature, language, economy, management, heritage and culture, politics, media, history etc. relevant to Balochistan. Any queries regarding the publication or acceptance of the article can be sought at the given address: Editor “Balochistan Review”, Balochistan Study Center, University of Balochistan, Quetta-Pakistan. [email protected]

Style

The title should appear at the middle position of the first page The brief title (5 to 7 words) with author’s name also appearing in the top-left header position in the rest of the pages (running head). All authors’ full name and affiliations should also be explicit on the first page with the corresponding author’s postal and email addresses. The article should comprise an abstract, introduction (including review literature and rationale), results, discussion (including limitations and suggestions), and the references. The abstract should be of about 150-170 words. The article should be of maximum 4000 words in New Times Roman, font 12 with 1.5 line Spacing. Main heading should be bold with italic subheadings. Tables and figures should be in a separate file, in a ready to print form with sources given below the tables. All statistical symbols present in the article should be italic. References should be in author/date style throughout the text in the APA format

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BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011

Comtents Page No(s)

Economics

“MICRO– CREDIT” A STRATEGY FOR POVERTY ALLEVIATION 9 AMONG RURAL WOMEN IN BALOCHISTAN Shakira Bukhari & Jahangir Achakzai

Education

TEACHING OF ISLAMIC STUDIES AS A SUBJECT IN 19 THE SECONDARY SCHOOLS AND MADARIS IN PAKISTAN Dr.Abdul Razzaq Sabir Abdul Nasir

Geography

THE QUETTA CITY SPATIAL BUSINESS INTENSITY PATTERN 31 Muhammad Nawaz

History

AN ANALYSIS OF THE DIFFERENT THEORIES 45 ABOUT THE ORIGIN OF THE PASHTOONS Dr. Hanif Khalil Javed Iqbal

TREATY OF KALAT 1758 BETWEEN QANDHAR 55 AND KALAT AND ITS IMPACTS Ghulam Farooq Baloch

Language & Literature

SOME COMMENTS ON INVALID HYPOTHESIS ABOUT BRAHUI LANGUAGE 71 Liaqat Ali Sunny Shabir Ahmed Shahwani Manzoor Ahmed Baloch AN OLD PHONOLOGICAL STUDY OF NEW PERSIAN AND 79 BALOCHI Hamid Ali Baloch Dr. Abdul Saboor Dr.Bilal Ahmed

Media

FM RADIO AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN QUETTA CITY 89 Sadaf Naqvi, Mohammad Fahim Baloch Babrak Niaz Mirwais Kasi

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Philosophy

THE RISE AND IMPACT OF ISLAMIC FUNDAMENTALISM 101 IN PAKISTAN AFTER THE SOVIET INVASION IN AFGHANISTAN WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO KHYBER PUKHTOONKHWA AND BALOCHISTAN Malik Mohammad Tariq

Psychology

BULLYING AMONG PRISON INMATES IN PAKISTAN 119 AN EXPLORATION OF THE PROBLEM Dr. Muhammad Azam Tahir & Bairakataris Konstantinos

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BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011

“MICRO– CREDIT” A STRATEGY FOR POVERTY ALLEVIATION AMONG RURAL WOMEN IN BALOCHISTAN

Economy

Shakira Bukhari & Jahangir Achakzai*

ABSTRACT:

Pakistan being an under developed country is faced with many socio-economic challenges. Among them the issue of poverty ranks at the top. The available statistics confirm an increase in the incidence of poverty in the country in recent years. Furthermore, rural women are the most vulnerable groups to the poverty incidence. They are denied access to productive resources most especially credit. Micro credit is now a proven strategy for the poverty alleviation among poor rural women. In other words, the micro- credit enables the beneficiaries get out of the vicious circle of poverty. The conventional credit programs only provide a limited amount of credit to rural women. The establishment of special credit programs targeting poor rural women is the need of the hour. Both Government and Non Government Organization need to handle this problem.

Women Development:

Pakistan is confronted with many social as well as economic problems. The root cause of almost all these issues is the rapidly growing poverty in the country which has now arrived at an alarming situation. To combat this menace the country requires exploitation of all its resources in order to attain the desirable level of socio-economic development. In a situation where capital resources are very scarce, human resources can go a long way in

* The authors are lecturer Commerce Department and Assistant Professor Economics Department University of Balochistan , Quetta respectively.

- 10 - attaining such objectives. In Pakistan, human resources are in abundance and extensive efforts are required for the development and utilization of such useful asset. The women folk form about 50% of the total population of the country, whereas their participation in economic activities is minimal. If seen in historical perspective, it becomes clear that the situation with regard to female labour force participation has not improved much. Keeping in view the above historical fact, there is now a growing realization in the country that the dream of sustainable development cannot materialize until and unless women are made to play an active role in the economy.

Situation Analysis in Balochistan: It is a common concept in Balochistan that women are “just housewives and are not playing any significant role at the economic front. But various studies show that women play a crucial role in the rural economy, including agriculture, livestock, and cottage industries. They play far more active role in the rural economy than is generally believed. Women undertake a wide range of activities both in the field and at home. Although their involvement in farm work is lowest in the earlier stages of crop production when field preparation is largely undertaken by men but in the later stages of the production cycle in the harvesting and post harvesting phase their participation is very high. Home based post harvest operations such as drying, cleaning, and storage of grains are almost exclusively carried out by women. Their contribution is also significant in seed preparation, collecting farm yard manure, weeding, harvesting, and various other farm operations. Their involvement towards looking after the livestock and poultry is remarkable. Women take primary responsibility for cutting fodder, cleaning sheds, processing of animal products and care of sick animals. They look after the herds, do the milking, collect wool, spin it and make bi- products, and are also involved in weaving and so on. Besides the above mentioned economic activities, on direct income generating side many women are engaged in rural non-farm economic activities like handicrafts, embroidery, quilt making, wool spinning, and tailoring, etc.

The irony is that, most of the official data on women’s work in the rural economy do not present the real picture of women participation in economic activities and show unbelievably low female labor force participation rates. Even the Annual Labour Force Surveys gives a low rural female labour force participation rate. More or less the same is the case of population census which shows a massive underestimation regarding the rural female labour force participation rate.

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In spite of the fact that women of poor households do engage in productive labour and play a vital role in the economic and social life, yet they continue to be perceived as marginal to our society. Apart from cultural specific biases, there are also transcultural reasons for the bias against women which are rooted in the analytical framework within which the economic contribution of individuals is assessed.

As a result of the factors causing a situation where women have been marked as inferior in society and the continuing process of their underestimation as economic agents as well as the gender biased development policies pursued so far, most women in Balochistan carry a double burden, that of being poor and of being women.

Micro Credit a Proven Strategy for Poor Women: According to the latest figures given by the Federal Statistics Division, 7.9 million households in the country with an average of six heads each are living under the poverty line with incomes below $60 a month. ''Roughly 60.45 million of the 180 million total population are living below the poverty line and among them about 50% are women. Micro credit is now a proven strategy for reaching poor women. The Micro credit Summit Campaign reports that 16.4 million of the world’s poorest women now have access to financial services—accounting for nearly 80% of the 20.3 million poorest served by microfinance. Yet women in South Asia lag far behind their sisters in the rest of the world regarding access to financial services. There are good reasons to target women. Gender equality turns out to be good for everybody. The World Bank reports that societies that discriminate on the basis of gender have greater poverty, slower economic growth, weaker governance, and a lower standard of living. Women are poorer and more disadvantaged than men. UNDP’s oft-quoted 1995 Human Development Report found that 70% of the 1.3 billion people living on less than $1 a day are women.

Now the question arises that how poverty is to be alleviated among these women.

This could be done through changing the age-old Vicious Circle of Poverty (“low income---- low savings  low investment ----low production  low income”)

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Figure 1: Vicious Circle of Poverty

Low Production

Low Consumption

Low Investment Low Income

Low Saving

Figure 2: Vitruvius Circle of Prosperity

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It is in this context that access to credit which at present is very low for women can make the real difference between the two situations. In other words credit becomes an important tool for poverty alleviation. But unfortunately, women in Balochistan have virtually no access to formal credit, which severely limits their ability to invest in more productive activities. Access to formal credit by women, especially in the rural areas has been denied on the grounds that; a) women are unable to provide collateral to the financial institutions, b) women cannot follow the credit procedures and complicated formats of the financial institutions due to their wide spread illiteracy c) Women take loan for only some limited traditional activities d) they do not make decisions over economic resources, e) their resource base is very slim, f) that they do not own assets that can be used as collateral, g) that their saving capacity is very low, h) That they cannot understand the paperwork and i) That they cannot deal with male loan officers

The above apprehensions are mostly baseless and the ground realities are in contrast to the above factors. There is good evidence (AKRSP, BRSP, Grameen Bank) that women desire, are able and are willing to pay for credit, and that using group guarantees as a substitute for physical collateral leads to very high repayment rates. They also have a greater potential role in saving mobilization than is generally realized. A Large number of women, have for

- 14 - example, been active savers through the traditional rotating savings and loan associations (or “Committee” system). Infact women might be more comfortable dealing with female loan officers-the absence of female staff should not restrict women from access to credit. It is considered respectable, for example, for women to deal as a group with male personnel.

Availability of Micro Credit: According to Professor Dr. Muhammad Yunus the Nobel laureate, a well known Economist, and pioneer of Gramean Bank* working for poverty alleviation through micro credit “The World Bank has failed to achieve the goal of poverty alleviation. This is because of its failure to change its policies with the change of time. To alleviate the poverty first of all World Bank is needed to reform of its structural organization. “World Bank has been established 60 years ago. In this long period World had changed a lot but the World Bank didn’t change its policies. The Bank could not fulfill the objectives for which it was formed. It has adopted, as its functions, to develop the infrastructure, to develop roads and highways. They are doing all these for many a time with stress on this. But to alleviate the poverty one will have to work with the people. He said that he had told WB President, “You have forgotten the common people. But if you cannot attach the people with your work poverty alleviation will not be possible. He said that development program of World Bank is more targeted towards increasing the growth, not towards poverty alleviation. But to eradicate poverty growth should be targeted to the poverty alleviation. He criticized the World Bank for not extending enough monetary support to the micro credit finances saying that World Bank give on an average 20 billion US$ as loan in a year but the micro finance organizations only get 1% of the loan where it deserves to get at least 5% .

CONCLUSION

Pakistan is confronted with many socio-economic problems. The root cause of almost all these issues is the rapidly growing poverty in the country which has now arrived at an alarming situation. Although, about one third of the population is victim of the menace of poverty, among them rural women are the most vulnerable groups affected by this menace. They have very limited access to productive resources as well as credit.

*Daily Dawn 05-11-2007

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Micro credit is now a proven strategy for the poverty alleviation among poor rural women to enable them gets out of the vicious circle of poverty. The conventional credit programs only provide a limited amount of credit to rural women. The establishment of special credit programs targeting poor rural women is the need of the hour. Both Government and Non Government Organization need to handle this problem. As the majority of the women in rural Balochistan are illiterate, the procedures and related formats for availing credits and repayment of loans should be made simple and easy for rural women. Last but not the least, keeping in view the wide spread poverty in the province in general and rural women in particular, in the absence of formal collateral for credit, the formation of groups of rural women to be recognized as substitute of hard collateral is very crucial to the success of special credit programs for women.

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REFERENCES

1. Aurat. 1992. Special issues on rural women in Pakistan. Aurat Foundation. 2. Buthe, T., 2000. Banker to the poor: Micro lending and the battle against world poverty. J. Int. Affairs, Columbia University of International Public affairs 3. Carr, M., M. Chen and R. Jabvala, 1996. Speaking Out, Women’s Economic Empowerment in South Asia, IT Publications, London, UK 4. Choudhry. M. G and Khan. Z. 1987. Female Labor participation rates in rural Pakistan. Islamabad. P.I.D.E. 5. Dr. Stella Pieters Kwiers.1991. Crucial role of women in development. 6. Fourth World Conference on women. Beijing. 1995. Pakistan national report. 7. Government of Pakistan, 2005. Economic survey of Pakistan, Economic Wing Finance Division, Islamabad, Pakistan 8. Jaffri, Y.S., 1999. Assessing Poverty in Pakistan, a Profile of Poverty in Pakistan, Mahbub-ul-Haq center for Human Development, Islamabad, Pakistan 9. Mumtaz Khawar and Farida Shaheed. 1987. Women of Pakistan: Two steps forward. One step back. Lahore. Vanguard Books Ltd. 10. Mrs. Zuekha Zar. 1991. Education. Skill development and employment of women. 11. National Consultant Group for poverty alleviation through Social Mobilization Multan 1997. First national workshop on poverty alleviation through social mobilization. 12. NRSP, 1999. Sixth Annual Report. National Rural Support Programme, Islamabad, Pakistan 13. Rutherford, S.,2002. The Poor and their Money, Oxford University Press, London, UK 14. Shehla Abbasi. 1990. Profile of women of Balochistan. Quetta. Government of Balochistan and UNICEF. 15. S.M. Arif. T.M. Faiz. Overview of economics position of Balochistan.

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16. Shahnaz Kazi. 1994. A strategy for supporting employment and income generation of poor women in Pakistan. 17. Shaheed, Farida and Khawar Mumtaz. 1990. Women’s economics participation in Pakistan. UNICEF Islamabad. 18. Tariq Hussain. Asad Azfar EDC (Private) Ltd. Islamabad. 1994. Community Mobilization and Poverty Alleviation. 19. UNICEF. 1980. Socio-economic Survey of rural areas of Balochistan. 20. World Bank. 1989. Women in Pakistan: An economics and social strategy. Volume 1. World Bank. Washington D.C. 21. Yunus, M., 1999. Banker to the poor: Micro-lending and the Battle against World Poverty, Public Affairs, New York. Amazon Publishers.

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BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011

TEACHING OF ISLAMIC STUDIES AS A SUBJECT IN THE SECONDARY SCHOOLS AND MADARIS IN PAKISTAN

Dr.Abdul Razzaq Sabir* Abdul Nasir† ABSTRACT

In Pakistan it is mandatory for all Muslim students up to Secondary school level to study Islamic Studies as a compulsory subject. In the government sector and private sector secondary schools provide education to the general youth of the country to perform services in all fields of life. Islamic Studies to the masses is also main component of the syllabi of the Islamic religious schools or Madaris in the country. These Islamic religious schools or Madaris mostly provide to the youth from poor class and those learning to be Islamic clerics. In the paper Education Policy of Pakistan with reference to Islamic Education will be discussed the education policy of the country clearly mentions that Education and training should enable the citizens of Pakistan to lead their lives according to the teachings of Islam as laid down in the Qur'an and Sunnah and to educate and train them as a true practicing Muslim. There are two main education systems running parallel in the country modern education system and religious education. The education policy of the country assures to evolve an integrated system of national education by bringing Deeni Madaris and modern schools closer to each stream in curriculum and the contents of education. In the primary education system Nazira Qur'an is introduced as a compulsory subject from grade I to VIII while at secondary level translation of the selected verses from the Holy Qur'an is also offered.

The paper will further discusses the teaching methodology regarding teaching of Islamic Studies, criteria for selection of Islamic Studies teachers, and their qualification. The paper will further discuss the course contents of Islamic Studies text b ooks teaching in the

* Dean Faculty of Social Sciences University of Balochistan, Quetta-Pak † Lecturer Department of Education, University of Balochistan, Quetta-Pak

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government secondary schools and their comparison with the courses of other religious schools or Madaris.

KEY WORDS:

Islamic Studies, Islamic Education, System of Education, Secondary Schools, Madaris or Madrasaas, Pakistani educational system, Quranic education, knowledge, objectives of education, curriculum, teaching methodology, education, Masjid Schools.

INTRODUCTION

It is a fact that Pakistan is an ideological state, hence, due preference has always been given to such recommendations that help strengthen the Islamic values of education. In addition to the recommendations contained in this study those suggestions that flash the view-points of individuals and organizations of Pakistan will also be incorporated in the study and hopefully this will provide a short moment of thinking to the state officials and educationists both. The paper will also be interesting and helpful to the outside world to know the steps taken by the governments time to time regarding teaching of Islamic Studies as a compulsory subject in the country.

PAKISTAN’S EDUCATION POLICY

Since the inception of Pakistan in 1947, five Educational Policy Reports have been produced. These are:-

(1) Educational Conference, 1947. (2) Commission on National Education, 1959. (3) New Educational Policy, 1969. (4) National Education Policy, 1972 and (5) Educational Policy, 1978 (6) National education Policy 1998-2010.

In the silent features of the Pakistan’s Education Policy 1998-2010 the aim and objectives about teaching of Islamic Education clearly mentions that “Education and training should enable the citizens of Pakistan to lead their lives according to the teachings of Islam as laid down in the Qur'an and Sunnah and to educate and train them as a true practicing Muslim. To evolve an integrated system of national education by bringing Deeni Madaris and

- 21 - modern schools closer to each stream in curriculum and the contents of education. Nazira Qur'an will be introduced as a compulsory component from grade I-VIII while at secondary level translation of the selected verses from the Holy Qur'an will be offered.( Pakistan’s National Education Policy:1998-2010:2) According to the national education policy of the country Education and training should enable the citizens of Pakistan to lead their lives according to the teachings of Islam as laid down in the Qur'an and Sunnah and to educate and train them as a true practicing Muslim. To evolve an integrated system of national education by bringing Deeni Madaris and modern schools closer to each stream in curriculum and the contents of education. Nazira Qur'an is introduced as a compulsory component from grade I-VIII, while at secondary level translation of the selected verses from the Holy Qur'an are also being offered.

SECONDARY EDUCATION IN PAKISTAN

Secondary education or secondary school education in Pakistan commence from class 9th. Upon completion of class 10th, students are expected to take a standardized exam taken by a Board of Intermediate and Secondary Education (BISE). After successful completion of this examination, the students are awarded a Secondary School Certificate locally known as 'matriculation certificate' or 'matric' later on students eligible for entrance to a college and complete grades 11 and 12 or inter classes. Upon completion of grade 12, they again take an exam test which is also administered by the regional boards. Upon successful completion of this examination, students are awarded the Higher Secondary School Certificate or HSC. This level of education is also known as F.A/ F.Sc. or 'intermediate'. During these classes students have choice to choose pre-medical, pre- engineering, computer science, social sciences, commerce etc.

ISLAMIC EDUCATION AS A SUBJECT A Historical Study of the Determinants and Evolution of the Islamic System of Education relates to the analysis of factors that have led and still contain the ingredients for building a strong system of education in Pakistan. Islam, as a religion, contrasts with the European concept of a religion. It encompasses the totality of Muslim life that draws its inspiration from the Quran and Sunnah. This is a wide conceptual difference between the two

- 22 - approaches – the one apparently individualistic and the other socialistic. In order to bring it home to the modern mind, Islam, as such, with all its radiations, through its fundamental sources, on the Islamic philosophy of life that vindicates the socio-economic, political, philosophical and ethical foundations, has been discussed in detail. Since, these aspects of life are fully expressed in the ideology of Pakistan which still continues to remain a living force in our country, today, this discussion would firm up the base on which the edifice of Islamic Education on stands.(Tirmizi:258)

The relationship between the ideology of Pakistan and Islam as a polity has been precisely expounded so that the modern mind may well understand the influence of Islamic philosophy of life that provides firm roots for developing a viable system of education in Pakistan. It is a chain development descending down as blending of revelational and rational knowledge that tightens together these determinants to promote and organize the education norm that bears its own credibility. It endears a growing entirety of its own, distlinguishable from other concepts.

Islamic concept of knowledge, objectives of education, curriculum, teaching methodology, evaluation, teacher-student relationship, education travels, women education and the role of Masjid (mosque) are a queer pronged manifestation of these determinants, spotted and seen in every Muslim society. The rationale behind the organizing and analyzing of these determinants is to evoke and foster scores of multifarious researches in multiple ways. This may eventually provide a norm-base to testify the think- tank of the educators and the active role of the educational institutions. (Tirmizi: 258)

ISLAMIC VALUES AND THE SUBJECT OF ISLAMIC STUDIES AT SECONDARY LEVEL

Education in Pakistan remains within the public sector at all levels even though elite institutions are much more likely to be found within the private sector. The curriculum for the large number of public sector schools is given final approval by the Curriculum Wing of the Federal Ministry of Education. The textbooks prepared by the provincial textbook boards follow the guidelines given by the Curriculum Wing repeatedly emphasize the need to inculcate a narrowly defined set of Islamic Values.

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The emphasis on Islamic studies became much more pronounced after General Zia Ul Haq‟s coup in 1977. Islamiyat had been a compulsory subject from Class I up to Class X but it was now made compulsory up to B.A/B.SC (Bachelor of Arts/Science degree equivalent to 14 years of schooling). But it is not required at the M.A. stage, but when students appear in professional examinations such as MBBS (Bachelor of Medicine Bachelor of surgery) or CSS (competitive examinations for the Federal civil services) they again have to study Islamiyat as a separate subject and can qualify only if they pass in this exam as well. Under General Zia, from Class VI to Class VIII, it was made compulsory for students of all religions to learn Arabic. The justification was to enable Muslim students to acquire a better comprehension of Quraanic teachings. Previously, Arabic had been an optional subject. During the same period, a section of the Islamiyat syllabus was separated for Sunnis and Shias at the level of Class IX and X. Separate books were introduced for students of the two sects but a common book was re- introduced in 1999. However, they attempt distinct sections of the examination paper. (Faizi: 2010:98)

From Class I to Class VIII the subject of Diniyat (Religious Studies) was taught in government schools. But, in 1997, the subject of Islamiyat (Islamic Studies) was introduced. The former subject included space for an introduction of other religions, though in practice this does not appear to have been implemented on any significant scale in the classrooms. For students of persuasions other than Islam, there are few practicable options to studying Islamiyat. In Class VIII, there is special paper civics for non-Muslims, for which students of minority communities may appear. However, schools seldom have any provisions for the teaching of this subject. In 1987, a book on ethics to be used by minority communities‟ students was produced by the Sindh Textbook Board and subsequently printed by the Punjab Textbook Board, as well. Moreover, it is not now available. Mostly non-Muslims students take up Islamiyat as a subject even though it is not compulsory for them. In schools, children generally have at least two or three periods of Islamiyat a week, sometimes more, of 45 minutes each. The Islamiyat curriculum places a premium on inculcating a Muslim identity among Pakistani children. In the subject of Islamiyat, concepts such as Jihad are framed in terms of waging war against the infidels rather than in the broader interpretation that would privilege Jihad against poverty, illiteracy or inequity. (Faizi: 2010:99)

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MADRASA OR RELIGIOUS SCHOOL EDUCATION IN PAKISTAN

There are three main types of religious institutions or Koranic schools where only the Koran is taught, Mosque schools where both Koranic and secular subjects are taught and Madrassas where only Islamic learning takes place. The mission of most Madrassas in Pakistan is to prepare students for religious duties. Adhering to strict religious teachings, Madrassas teach Islamic subjects such as the Koran, Islamic law and Jurisprudence, Logic and the Prophet’s traditions. Depending upon the level of the Madrassa (primary, middle or high), the concentration of religious teachings increases. Hafiz-e- Koran (the one who memorizes the Koran fully) or Qari (theone who can recite the Koran with good pronunciation and in a melodic tone) are produced at the lower level of Madrassas. The higher levels of Madrassas produce Alim – the Islamic scholar and/or teacher. An Alim certificate from a Madrassa is equivalent to an MA degree in Islamic studied or Arabic from a regular university. A Madrassa student after graduating from grade 10, is qualified enough to declare Fatwas – religious edicts. Those students who enroll in Madrassas full time do so with the knowledge that they will become well versed in religious studies only and will find jobs in the religious sector since very few Madrassas supplement religious education with secular subjects. (Uzma Anzar:2003:14-16)

There are five major Islamic schools of thought in Pakistan: Deobandi, Bareili, Ahle- Hadith, Salafi, and Shia. Each sect has their own Madrassas in which they teach their own version of Islam. The two main sects of Sunni Islam - Deobandi and Bareili - dominate the Madrassas system in Pakistan26. Deobandi schools are most commonly found along the Afghan-Pakistan border and within the city centers. The Deobandi and Bareili sects originated in the colonial Indian sub-continent in response to the perceived imperial plot to destroy Islam and its followers by enforcing its own version of education. The Deobandi sect is considered the most conservative and anti-west. The core religious curriculum in Pakistani Madrassas is similar to any other Madrassa in the world except that it had a few more books in Persian. It focuses on the teachings of Islam – Hadith, Fiqa, Tafseer, Sunna and the like. A typical model of what is taught in Madrassa schools in Pakistan is provided as under:-. First Year Biography of the Prophet (Syrat), Conjugation-Grammar (Sarf), Syntax (Nahv), Arabic Literature, Chirography, Chant illation (Tajvid)

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Second Year Conjugation-Grammar (Sarf), Syntax (Nahv), Arabic Literature, Jurisprudence (Fiqa), Logic, Chirography (Khush-navisi), Chant illation, (Tajvid) Third Year Koranic Exegesis, Jurisprudence: (Fiqh), Syntax (Nahv), Arabic Literature, Hadith, Logic, Islamic Brotherhood, Chant illation: (Tajvid), External study (Tareekh Millat and Khilafat-e-Rashida – these are Indian Islamic movements). Fourth Year Koranic Exegesis, Jurisprudence (Fiqa), Principles of Jurisprudence, Rhetorics, Hadith, Logic, History, Cant illation, Modern Sciences (sciences of cities of Arabia, Geography of the Arab Peninsula and other Islamic countries) Fifth Year Koranic Exegesis, Jurisprudence, Principles of Jur isprudence, Rhetoric, Beliefs (Aqa'id), Logic, Arabic Literature, Chant illation, External study (History of Indian Kings) Sixth Year Interpretation of the Koran, Jurisprudence, Principles of Interpretation & Jurisprudence, Arabic Literature, Philosophy, Chant illation, Study of Prophet’s traditions Seventh Year Sayings of the Prophet, Jurisprudence, Belief (Aqa'ed), Responsibility (Fra'iz), Chant illation, External Study (Urdu texts) Eighth Year Ten books by various authors focusing on the sayings of the Prophet. (Course Contents Dar-ul-Uloom Dewband) Pakistani Madrassas pay heavy emphasis to the teachings of Arabic and Persian. The languages in the Pakistani Madrassas are not taught for their real worth but because they facilitate mastery of the religion and because they are necessary for an Alim. For this purpose Arabic, of course, occupies the centre stage. Persian, which was socially and academically necessary in Muslim India, still forms part of the curriculum. Urdu is generally the medium of instruction in Pakistani Madrassas. Urdu is, indeed, the language in which Madrassa students become most competent in most of the Madrassas. Most of the books from which languages are taught are very old Arabic and Persian books that were written in the 1500’s or before. Pakistani Madrassas today still teach many of the Dars-e-Nizami texts. These are some of the oldest exiting Arabic books. Students also study the Persian translation of Arabic books. “The Arabic books are treatises on grammar in rhymed couplets. One of the best known among them, Kafia Ibne- Malik, is so obscure that it is always taught through a commentary called the Sharah Ibn-e-Aqil. The commentary is often the dread of students and a source of pride for the teacher who has mastered it. In the Madrassas Arabic is not taught as a living language. (Rehman:1998 :197-214)

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The teaching style of a typical teacher in a Pakistani Madrassa, especially, in lower grades is very autocratic and little children are punished for not conforming to the rules and regulations. Severe corporal punishment is the norm, which results in high drop out rates. A Majority of the teachers is males who are the product of the Madrassa system. A few have attended Al Azhar University in Cairo to gain specialized Islamic knowledge. Al Azhar University also seconds some of its Islamic scholars to various Madrassas all over the world where they teach religion to students in higher classes (Rehman: 1998:210-11)

According to government statistics, there are currently 11,491 madrasas in Pakistan, although unofficial sources have estimated their numbers to range from 12,000 to 15,000 with a total student enrollment of 1.7 million. Pakistan Education Statistics gives the total number of madrasa students in the country as 1.518 million out of which 140,431 have been listed as enrolled at the tertiary levels, i.e., in Sanavia Aama, Sanavia Khassa, Alia Almia and Darja-e-Takhassus. Most madrasas are identified with a particular school of doctrina orientation—Deobandi, Barelwi, Ahl-e-Hadith and Shia. Each doctrinal school has established its own federation (wafaq) of affiliated madrasas that prescribes curriculum, establishes standards, conducts examinations, and issues diplomas.(Pakistan Education Statistics: 2004:225) The following are the major madrasa federations in Pakistan: Wafaq-ul-Madaris Deobandi Multan 1959 Tanzim-ul-Madaris Barelwi Lahore 1960 Wafaq-ul-Madaris Shia Shia Lahore 1959 Rabitatul-Madaris-al-Islamia Jamaat-e-Islami Lahore 1983 Wafaq-ul-Madaris-al-Salafia Ahl-e-Hadith Faisalabad 1955 (Education System in Pakistan: 2006:26)

CONCLUSION

The syllabi of three types of secondary Education in Pakistan are different from each other, In the private schools Islamic Education is a compulsory but confined upto the Islamic teachings, in the government secondary schools besides other compulsory and elective subjects Islamic Studies is a compulsory while in the madrasas the most of the syllabi based on the Islamic Studies only. If we critically analysis the Islamic Studies subject at secondary level in Pakistan we observe the subjects of Islamic Studies at class lX and Xth levels we come to know that to some extent they

- 27 - cover Islamic values but very less number of students have the complete awareness about Islamic civilization. In the class room the teachers by the help of charts show the reflection of Islamic values in the compulsory subjects of Islamic Studies.. The main causes of non effectiveness of the Islamic Studies at Secondary level besides financial problems are the less interest of the parents, Separate family system, Negative role of media, Illiteracy, parents are busy in their jobs, incomplete material about Islamic values in text books, all subjects have no connection with Islamic values, non sincerity of the teachers in professional training etc. On the other hand education system in the traditional religious schools known as madrasas or madaris or Islamic religious schools have been the focus of Western media in general and the intelligentsia’s attention in particular since the last over three decades. The Pakistani madrasa curriculum remains virtually unchanged. The government blames madrasa authorities for the failure of its reforms. However, these reforms were prepared in haste by government officials with little understanding of traditional education, and without any input from the madrasa ulama. The ulama’s opposition to these reforms was then used by the government to excuse its lack of commitment. Madrasa curriculum may be said to have played a role in creating an environment that encourages hostile or, at least, negative attitudes toward the “other.” However, to claim that there is a direct causal relationship between madrasa education, on the one hand, and anti-Americanism or anti-Westernism, on the other, is, at best, a tenuous proposition. Madrasa education per se is entirely devoid of political content. With the same curriculum, madrasa students were never shown to be anti-American until the 1990s. Furthermore, anti-Americanism is not something that is exclusively confined to the madrasas or, for that matter, to Muslims alone. The Bush administration’s policies in the Middle East; the U.S. invasion and occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq; the scandals of Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo Bay; the widely-reported stories of torture and “extraordinary renditions;” and the general perception that the “global war on terror” is primarily directed against Muslims have all irreparably damaged the moral standing of the United States in the eyes of Muslims. There is now a great deal of pessimism among the madrasa ulama who largely feel that the situation will not “change for the better.” For advanced and scientific learning through higher levels of Islamic education systems (in Madrassas), major changes would be required. For

- 28 - example, in Pakistani Madrassas mere introduction of math and computer courses will not change the views of the students towards the society and the world at large. Computer and English language courses cannot do much to alter the mindset of students in Madrassas . The first thing to consider, in this regard, is the orientation of the Islamic education curricula. The questions that Islamic scholars and teachers must be pushed to ask are, currently what types of religious ideologies and beliefs are being promoted by Islamic curriculum in various Madrassas? Are they compatible with the prevailing political, religious, human rights, women’s right realties that surround the Muslim world today? How through Islamic education systems in combination with scientific interventions, Muslim nations can advance in the 21st century? Could the Madrassas be brought back to the point where they lead the debate on Ijtihad –independent reasoning and pave the way for advancement in Muslim societies? The answers to these questions should come from the Muslim leaders and scholars themselves. At present, it would be wise for the international donors and educators to facilitate this dialogue. Only if Islamic leaders and scholars are able to articulate the answers to the above questions and are willing to a change, the world could witness another Islamic renaissance.

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REFERENCES

Course Contents of the Dar-ul-Uloom Dewband, India website http://www.darululoom-deoband.com/english (accessed on 20-5-2012)

Faizi , Waqar Un Nisa Ph.D dissertation “The Reflection Of Islamic Values In The Compulsory Subjects Of Social Sciences At Secondary (ix-x) Level In Karachi” JUFW, Karachi 2010 p-98.

Pakistan Education Statistics, 2004-225, Islamabad, Government of Pakistan, 2006 and reproduced in the NBR Project report April 2009 p-26.

Pakistan’s National Education Policy, Ministry of Education Govt of Pakistan, 1998-2010 p-2.

Rehman, Tariq (Dr) “Language, Religion and Identity in Pakistan: Language- Teaching in Pakistan Madrassas” Ethnic Studies Report, Vol XVI, July 1998 p-197-214.

Report on the Education System in Pakistan Nordic Recognition Information Centers, October 2006 Page- 26.

Tirmizi, Shamim Ahmed (Dr) Ph.D Dissertation of BZ University, Multan p- 258 already available at HEC Pakistan website http://prr.hec.gov.pk/Chapters/202-9.pdf ( accessed on 6th Feb, 2012)

Uzma Anzar, “Islamic Education A Brief History of Madrassas With Comments on Curricula and Current Pedagogical Practices” 2003 p-14-16.

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BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011

THE QUETTA CITY SPATIAL BUSINESS INTENSITY PATTERN

Geography

Muhammad Nawaz* ABSTRACT

An indication of the rapid progression of urbanization across the globe, the spread of urbanization in Europe and Middle East is apparent, as are rising levels of urbanization in Africa and Asia, Pakistan has progressed appreciably, in 1901 only 9.8 percent 0f total population lived in urban areas. It is estimated that 2025 A.D. the 60 percent of total population of the country will live in town and cities. As the urban places are playing very high role to business opportunities and progress, provide services, in socio-economic development of the region. In fact the business intensity pattern of a city, its structure, functions, composition, spatial organization, the body of a character of the city, a city is business complex with large number of retail business that is its components and takes the advantage of a city location business, form, function and development. Among these retail businesses groups of business tend to concentrate and occupy the considerable part of the city space, where as other occupy low intensities areas.

INTRODUCTION The city of Quetta as the capital of Balochistan province with 565137 urban dwellers in 1998, which will became the place of one million peoples in 2015 is situated at the height of 1676.4 meter from sea level, bowl shaped, 6 K.m. wide 20 Km (average) long valley bounded by mountains, growing relatively at higher rate (4.15 percent annually) than other urban settlements in the province. The urbanization processes in the region and its

* Assistant Professor Department of Geography University of Balochistan Quetta Pakistan.

- 32 - influence on Quetta being the seat of government, provide the facilities of higher order, improved living conditions, employment opportunities as compare to other urban centers of the province. The population of Quetta city according to the1941 census was 64476 persons it was 6.97 percent increased between 1931-41 comprising of Quetta municipal area (7406773 sq. meter). In 1951 the population was 83892 persons which were 30.11 percent increased during the 10 years, where 37.33 percent increase show in 1955, but a significant growth in 1972 (48.19 percent) and (80.88 percent) in 1981 seems a very high increase in 10 years. Similarly the increase in area was 151 percent in 1975 and 8.29 percent again show a large expansion in municipal area. In 1998 the population of Quetta city including cantonment was reached to 565137 persons (97.79 percent increased, and as 19.49 percent more area was included in municipal limits in 1992,and 15039225 (sq. meters) 31.20 percent area was added in 1998 in the municipal corporation. On the basis of 50 years growth record of Quetta city, it is estimated that the number of urban dwellers will reach 2000000 in 2020. In order to present study “The Quetta City Spatial Business Intensity Pattern” can focus and became a most favored area or the city of more than two million dwellers comfort, planning and development.

METHODOLOGY

The analytical framework laid down, has been used the Geographical Information System (G.I.S.) techniques, methodological measures and analysis methods which range from collection of primary data of 14936 establishments from the field, Quetta Municipal Area (Q.M.C.) to classification, tabulation of data and the use of inferential statistics and mathematical model. The present study aim to analyze the “The Quetta City Spatial Business Intensity Pattern” and which will provide the guideline to city structuring, growth, it’s planning and development.

Data Collection. Primary data of 14936 establishments were collected from the Quetta Municipal Corporation (Q.M.C.) area. The city was divided into 494 business blocks on the basis of road and streets, and the base map of 1:2500 scales was used. The data were analyzed through using the Geographical information System (G.I.S) Software techniques and presented in the form of a map and tables.

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The business intensity of the city devised and calculated from the following formula: Business Intensity Index (B11) = Area under Business Establishment in Block Ground Area of the Block Business Intensity The distribution of business activity in the city and its concentration pattern is represented through analysis of chief variable i.e., Area under Business Establishments, and the Business Intensity Index. These analyses Tables 1, 2 and figure 1 serve to bring out internal variations with in an expanse of a homogeneous area in terms of its basic or essential quality i.e., the extent and intensity of retail business activity. Further, the analyses furnish the lead to differentiation of intrinsic character of the city region in to what has been classically discriminated as the “Core” or “Hard core” and “Periphery” or the “Non-core” to contrast primarily with the major differences in the levels of concentration of business across the city region. While the two variable, viz: area under establishments and business intensity index are indicative of spatial variations and the degree of business intensity as a ratio of area under business to the total of area or total space with in the city blocks, the one variable, area under establishments are indicator of intensity in space- use by the business establishments with in the city limits. The later variable define the essential characteristics of the “hard core” which, when compared with other business centers of the city, must illuminate characteristically a much higher rate of use of “hard core” space than that found in other business centers of the city.

Number and Area of Business Establishments The concentration pattern of commercial establishments is analyzed in table 1 and the accompanying map fig.1 which shows area under business establishments. A total of 14936 retail establishments covered 260105 sq.meters, in 494 business blocks adopted for enumeration. Table 1 shows the number of blocks, number of establishments and area under establishments categorized into concentration levels or classes of blocks. It may be pointed out that the number of blocks under Colum 3 of the table suffers from limitations with respect to inter-category comparison on account of uneven block size, but this limitation is overcome when the numbers of establishments are compared block-wise, as the establishment’s size differences are not too wide to disallow meaningful comparison. However, when analyzing the table a reference is made to the number of block; it is done simply to give an indication of the extent of concentration

- 34 - levels irrespective of the block size, as mainly it is the block or blocks which have been categorized.

TABLE: 1 * AREA UNDER BUSINESS ESTABLISHMENTS BY BLOCK CATEGORIES PERCEN AREA TAGE OF AREA PERCENTA NO. OF PERCENTA OF AREA BLOCK CONCENTRATION NO OF OF GE OF ESTABLI GE OF ESTABLI OF CATEGORY LEVEL BLOCKS BLOCKS BLOCK SHMENT ESTABLISH SHMENT ESTABLI ** AREA S MENTS S ( in sq. SHMENT m.) S I VERY HIGH 155 5705465 45.18 10428 69.81 197371 75.88 401+ Ii HIGH 72 1994715 15.79 1754 11.74 27839 10.70 301-400 Iii MEDIUM 48 1633707 12.93 845 5.65 11237 4.32 201-300 Iv LOW 122 1874771 14.84 1376 9.21 17744 6.82 101-200 V VERY LOW 97 1418272 11.23 533 3.56 5914 2.27 -100 TOTAL ------494 12626930 100 14936 100 260105 100 *field data ** Area in sq.m.

It is inferred from table 1 that 69.81 percent of the total establishments occupying 75.88 percent of the total space used as business establishments of the city, fall in “very high concentration level” and are concentrated in 155 out of 494 blocks. It is obvious that such a high level of concentration, comparatively in a limited 45.18 percent of total blocks area of the city may be identified with the core or hard core of the city, which represent the highest degree of intensity. More over high concentration level category establishments made up 10.70 percent of the city establishments. The degree of significant concentration level will however be represented by the aggregate of "very high" and "high concentrations level" establishments, which combine to demonstrate on impressive concentration to the extant of about 81.55 percent of city establishments with about 86.58 percent of area under total city retail business establishments. It may noted that "medium concentration level" is not extensive as it cover 5.65 percent of the total establishments as compare with 12.77 percent in low and "very low” concentration classes. This low extensiveness in terms of percentages of the number of establishments is resulted due to the size and number of blocks in the category, which can further accentuated in respect of area under establishments, since low and very low concentration levels covered only 9.09 percent against 4.32 percent of establishments area under medium category. These three levels may indicate the spatial extent of non core areas of city region.

Figure 1 distinctly exhibits five areas of major concentration i.e., (i) The Liaquat bazaar area, (ii) The Peripheral region, of Liaquat bazaar and

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Double road area, (iii) The Satellite Town and Pashtoonabad, (iv) Joint and Jail road area, (v) Sariab-Sabzal road area.

Out of 155 blocks showing very high concentration level, 96 belonged to the Laqat bazaar area alone. Similarly out of 72 blocks of high concentration level, again 21 placed in Liaquat bazaar area. The extent of medium or low is for more limited in Liaquat bazaar area than Satellite Town, Pashtoonabad or on the Kansi, Meccongy, Joint and Jail roads areas. This suggests the greater beneficial aspect and locational advantages of the Liaquat bazaar area for business activity and its expansion in comparison with other areas of the city. The differences of area under establishments with in each block category may further highlight the details of otherwise much generalized or stretched concentration quality over a wide rage of area under establishments in each block. In the very high concentration class, very wide range of area under business establishments of the block is noticeable, as the block with the largest area contained 10603 sq.meter under business establishments giving a staggering figure of 4.07 percent of the total area under city establishments. The block with smallest area under business establishments in the same category covered 401 sq.m. or 0.15 percent of they total area of city establishments. It is remarkable that under this category, four blocks with establishments area above 4000sqm. Contained about 9.51 percent of total area under retail establishments in city which come to about 11.73 percent of the total area under the establishments in the blocks falling in the very high concentration class. These blocks belonged to Auto spare parts markets on Double road, Beef / Shoes markets on Upper Kansi road in Liaquat bazaar area, Bukhari center in Quandhari, bazaar of Liaquat bazaar area, Auto work, blanket and carpet markets on Double road area. No block had larger floor area under establishments than its ground area in the city. Further 19 blocks recorded area under business establishments ranging 2001 Sq.m. to 4000 sq.m. from which 15 blocks are located in Liaquat bazaar area, as Hashmi market Regal Plaza, Baldia Plaza, Kansi road Lunda bazaar, Malik Plaza, Auto parts and work block, Sartaj Complex, Sonehri market, Cut piece street and Dr. Bano road blocks Auto spare parts and work beyond M.A. Jinnah road block, Gourdatt Singh street, Curtain market on kansi road block, Blanket market on Abdus Sattar road block, Auto part, street beyond M.A Jinnah road block, the latter four blocks of same category a block of Briach market on Sirki road, a block of Auto parts market on the double road area, and one each block located on Sabzal and

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Faqeer Muhammad roads. Out of 47 blocks from 1001 to 2000 sq.m. category 31 blocks are again located in Liaquat bazaar area, i.e., Old bus stand block on circular road, cosmetics and electronics market block on Shah-re-Iqbal, Dry fruit street block, Motorcycle spare parts market block on Abdus Sattar road, Mutton and Beef market block on Art school road, Auto work and spare parts market block on Jamal-ud-din Afghani road, Cloth market block beyond Baldia plaza, Gourdatt Singh ( sports goods) block, Zulfiqar market in Liaquat bazaar block, Mannan Chowk block, Quandhari bazaar whole sale block, Old bus stand (Auto work) block, Home appliance market street on circular road block, Shoes Market block on Liaquat bazaar road, two blocks of cloth whole sale on Jamalud-din-Aghani road, Electronics market in Qandhari bazaar block, Spinzer market block, Lalazar market block, London street Liaquat bazaar block, Shalimar market block, Khyber market block, Liaquat market block, Chorri Gulli block, Motti Ram road frame market block, a block of General merchant whole sale in Quandhari bazaar, Shoe market on Thanna road block, Shoes and Crockery market on Toughi road block, Hardware and Shawls/cap market in Surajganj bazaar block, Electronics market block on Abdus Sattar road, Medicine whole sale block on Dr. Bano road, Saraffa market block on Abdus Sattar road, an other block of shoes market on Thanna road, Junction market block on Prince road, Shoes market block of Mannan Chowk, Hardware market block in Surajganj bazaar. The former 16 blocks of same category were located as a General merchants block on Gawalmandi Chowk in the peripheral area of Liaquat bazaar region, a block on Sabzal road containing the Kabbray, again a block of General merchants located on lower Kansi road, a block of Hardware on lower Sirki road, two blocks on lower Sariab road, one block had located on Meccongy road comprising the General merchants, one block of this category on the Lower Sabzal road and one on the middle Sariab road, both containing the general merchants, one block identified near the New bus stand of general merchants, one block of this category on Joint road beyond railways station, one block on the middle Sabzal road, a block of Old auto spare parts and work located near New bus stand, one block of similar concentration located in the Satellite town area. The remaining 424 blocks of the city, under the concentration from 1 to 1000, one hundred one blocks are again located in Liaquat bazaar area.

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Distribution Pattern of Business Intensity The business Intensity index ( B11) is a ratio of area under business establishments in a block to the ground area of the block, owing to the effect of block area, which is the base of this measure, the distributions pattern of business intensity in term of degree and extent of concentration will appear to be less convergent, though not deviant from the pattern of business concentration demonstrated by area under business establishments, which is independent measure and used as such in the forgoing analysis (table 1) without reference to the area of block. However, B11 serves as a more representative indicator of use of the city space by business activities in particular and other associated and central location oriented enterprises in general. Business intensity implies that, which higher business intensities, the area of establishments in block categories increases while the percentage of block area which presents percentage of the city space correspondingly decreases. As shown by table 2 in terms of B11 distribution, the higher order class explicitly demonstrates a remarkable

ABLE: 2* BUSINESS INTENSITY INDEX

AREA PERCE PERCENT OF NTAGE AGE OF AREA OF BLOCK CONCENTR NO OF ESTABL OF AREA OF BLOCKS CATEGO ATION BLOCK ISHMEN AREA ESTABLIS (sq..meter RY CLASS S T S OF HMENT S ) IN Sq. BLOCK

meter S 0.0401 + 163756 VARY HIGH 194 62.95 1241779 9.83

0.0400 HIGH 45 13825 5.31 419134 3.31 0.0301- 0.0300 MEDIUM 71 30096 11.57 1221879 9.67 0.0201- 0.0200 LOW 93 27421 10.54 1886052 14.93 0.0101- -0.1 VERY LOW 91 25007 9.61 7858086 62.23

Total - 494 260105 100 12626930 100 *Field data Concentration pattern, that much more than half of the city space falling only under very high concentration class, which about 62.95 percent

- 38 - of the area under establishments of the total establishments of the city space. The high concentration class covered relatively low percentage of establishments 5.31 percent of total city establishments, also in a very limited 3.31 percent of blocks area, which mostly covered the peripheral areas of the very high concentration class. These classes together covered about 69 percent of the total area under city establishments in only 14.14 percent of the city space. It obvious that the degree of concentration as shown by these two categories stand in sharp relief to the area under the rest of the categories. These two classes may represent or contain the nucleus or ‘core’ of the city region. Both the extent and morphology of the core will, however, be subject to determination by close examination of the spatial pattern of B11 in close relation or correspondence with, other variables and their spatial pattern with in the city expanse. Intensities categorized as medium extended over a large area, i.e., 1221879 Sq.meter or 9.67 percent of the city space and this class covered about 12 percent of area under business establishments as compare to high category. The spatial extent of this class implied that business intensities were quite appreciable which in term of block area embraced a considerable spatial extensiveness to the city space. Intensities decrease in areas under low and very low B11 concentration categories as shown by the differences of area under business establishments between the medium, low and very low B11 categories. These areas may clearly fall in the non-core or extra-nucleus region of the city. Intra categories differences of intensity with in the very high concentration level and its spatial distribution may be examined so as define its extent and location, since this category has in its fold what may ultimately be distinguished as the hard core, which is identified in term of maximum concentration of business activities or highest level of business intensity. One hundred and ninety four blocks with B11 ranging from 0.0401 to 0.9079 fell in this category. Of these eighty four blocks situated in the Liaquat bazaar only, that showed intensity (0.1.39 to 0.9079). Their intensities implies a considerable concentration with small size of establishments in form of markets or in some cases from ground floor to upper floors which were used as good own or store, only one block Dawood Cloth Centre, where upper floors were used as multi-story catering establishments recorded 1.14 percent of the total city establishments space, a number of blocks showed, very high intensity due to the smaller sizes of block or total area of the blocks in this class. The very high concentration category blocks showed a discontinuous distribution as these occupied five separate locations along an axis of roads of

- 39 - this area, these five main areas were identified (a) The Liaquat bazaar (Baldia plaza, Cut piece Street, Shabnaum market, Hashmi market, Sonehri market, Zulfiqar market and lower Meccongy road area),(b) Lower Kansi road and meet market area,(c) Mission road area ,(d) M.A Jinnah road, Qandhari bazaar area and Circular road area In the Liaquat bazaar there were thirteen out of eighty four blocks falling under this category. These blocks belonged to Motorcycle spare parts market, Cut pieces ( cloth) street, Shabnaum market ( cosmetics), Saraffa bazaar ( Jewellers market), Hashmi market, Sonehri market, Liaquat market block, Zulfiqar market, Malik plaza, Baldia plaza, Chorri Gaulli block, Muhammad Ali market block and Cassette market block. On the Kansi road axis comprised the Meat market block, Lunda bazaar block, Beef market and Shoes market blocks. The Mission road area blocks of this very high concentration class are consisted Hard ware market block, Shoes market block, Trunk market bazaar block, Shawls/Cap street block and Surajganj bazaar blocks. The M.A Jinnah Road and Qandhari Bazaar blocks are comprising Bukahri Market (money changers) block, Russian Galli ( Electronics market block), Grocery market block, Shoes market & General merchants whole sale market block, Medicine / whole sale market block, Shoes market block, Electric and Hardware market block, Cassette and Garment street block, Fateh Khan market block, Regal Plaza and Sartaj complex blocks. The Circular road area blocks were belonged to Trunk market bazaar block, Kabbary bazaar, Shoes Market Street block, Hardware market block, Grocery market block, and Electric market blocks. Some of the blocks of Circular road, Mission road and M.A Jinnah road areas belonged to the whole sale business and are not presented the true picture of the retail trade. From the above analysis of spatial distribution of the very high concentration level, it is concluded that spatial pattern of the city core is marked by multiple-nuclearity and it is distinctly star–nuclear divided as it is in five discontinuous and distant locations. The high concentration category embraced roughly 4 percent of the total city area and 6 percent of the area under establishments’ shows the distribution pattern of medium category blocks whose location with respect to high order concentration blocks are noteworthy. In Liaquat bazaar area and double road new bas stand areas, most of the high category blocks are either sandwiched between or closely boarder on the very high or medium concentration categories, signifying a position or situation as an attractive locale for business growth and intensification in the immediate future. The following blocks may be cited as falling in this category Gawalmandi Chowk

- 40 - block, Patel road Chowk block (Grocery) three blocks consisted furniture and wood work are located on the both sides of upper Prince and Meccongy roads Chowk, Fateh Khan market block on M.A Jinnah road, Bilal market (New bus stand) Shoes market (Pashtoonabload) Grocery market (Pashtoonabad), and Lunda Bazaar (Kansi road) The High category blocks mostly comprised the grocery, located in the peripheral area of very high concentration class in the medium concentration class in a ring shape, contiguous with the medium concentration category of blocks and hence also they denote an area for further intensification or assimilation to medium concentration category. As shown in figure1 there are existed three areas or city segments of quite discernible extend which had medium, low and very low B11 categories. These were mainly again located in the peripheral areas of very high and high classes and on the axis of thoroughfare or along the both sides of intra and inter city roads segment occupied 31.72 percent of the establishments area of the city and which is less than half of the very high concentration category. On the basis of low business intensities these areas may be termed as weak or low profile zone. One of these very low profile areas were bounded by Sariab-Sabzal roads, are laying in the west of the city. These medium low and very low classes are further located in to three areas of the city (a) Most of the blocks shown the medium intensity in table 2 are located in Satellite town and Pashtoonabad, the areas which laying in the south-east of the very high or core area of the city, consisted the mixed retail establishments. (b) The Kansi and Meccongy roads extended from Liaquat bazaar or city hard core area toward east direction, covered mostly by blocks of low and medium intensities: (c) Joint and Jail road areas clearly occupied by the blocks with low intensity concentration category, the area is in the west of railway station and further west bounded by Sabzal road which, comprised the very low intensity blocks of the city space.

CONCLUSION Quetta city comparatively has three different retail business intensities areas as are High, Medium and Low. The high intensity retail area as Liaquat bazaar, Suraj Ganj bazaar, Quandhari bazaar Archarand Cicular roads or business Components

- 41 - playing an important role and has a very strong impact on the business pattern of city growth, structure, planning and development

The medium intensity or the peripheral region and other areas of this category/intensity class is a highly important for city center expansion in particular and city future growth and development in general. Certainly the last three categories as medium, low and very low or low retail business intensity class with its mixed retail business, those are located in all the areas or business categories, is an indication of space opportunity for future city growth and development. The retail business analysis resulting, that the limited area of Quetta city which bounded all sides by mountains and its location at active Chaman-Naushki Seismic fault, both horizontal and vertical development, severe water scarcity constraints, the city of Quetta need a highly technical management planning and development in future to safety and the comfort of 1.5 million dwellers.

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REFERENCE: Allaway W.Arthur, Black C. William, R. Michael and Mason J. Barry.1996, Evolution of a Retail Market Area: An Event History Model of Spatial Diffusion, Economic Geography. A, Loukaitou-Sideries. 1997, Inner City Commercial Strips: Town Planning Review, Vol.68.No, 1, pp.1-29. Beauregard, R.A.1995, Edge Cities, Peripheral zing the Center: Urban Geography, Vol. 16, No.8, pp. 708-721. Berry, B.J.L. and J. Parr. 1988, Market Centers and Retail Location: Theory and Application, Englewood Cliff, NJ, Prentice Hall. Bromley and C. Thomas. 1993, Retail Change: University of Chicago Press, Department Of Geography, Research Paper, 85. Bengali Kaiser. 1988, The Economy of Karachi: Growth and Structural Change, Applied Economics Department, University of Karachi, Karachi. Michael Pacione.2001, Urban Retailing: Urban Geography, A Global Perspective, pp. 229-248 and 447-461. Proud foot, Malcolm J. 1937, City Retail Structure: Economic Geography, vol. 13, pp. 425-428.

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BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011

AN ANALYSIS OF THE DIFFERENT THEORIES ABOUT THE ORIGIN OF THE PASHTOONS

History

Dr. Hanif Khalil* Javed Iqbal† ABSTRACT

The Pashtoons is an ancient race, nation or tribe on this earth having its own identity, specific values, norms and traditions and a peculiar charm since thousands of years. To trace the origin of the Pashtoons various theories have been presented by renowned scholars in different periods. In these theories, the theory of Israelies and the theory of Arian Tribes became very hot and famous for academic discussions among the historians and researchers. In this paper along with other miscellaneous theories, these two famous theories have been discussed with references and evidences. At the end the conclusion has been given and the most acceptable theory has been pointed out.

INTRODUCTION

The topic is under discussion since very long that who are the Pashtoons and what is the origin of the Pashtoons? To trace to origin of the pashtoons various theories have been presented by some eminent scholars, researchers, historian and linguist. But this question has not been answered yet scientifically with proved evidences. However some theories came under discussion in this respect. In these the most popular theories are as under 1. The Pashtoons are from semitic races and belong to the Israelies. 2. The Pashtoons are the descendents of Qatora, the wife of Hazrat Ibrahim (P.B.U.H). 3. The Pashtoons are basically from Greek races. 4. The Pashtoons are from Arian tribes.

* Assistant Professor NIPS Quaid-e-Azam University Islamabad † Lecturer, Pashto Department University of Balochistan Quetta

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Some other theories have also been presented and analyzed but the following two theories became most popular and always remain under discussions of researchers in different times. 1. the theories of Bani-Israels 2. the theories of Arians

In this discussion we will try to analyze these two major theories and to trace the most acceptable theory about the origin of the Pashtoons.

The Theory of Bani Israelies The first famous and old theory about the genealogy of the Pashtoons is that they are Bani Israel. We find this theory for the first time in Makhzan-e- Afghani written by Niamat Ullah Harvi, a scholar at the court of the Mughal Emperor Jahangir. He has completed his research about 1612 A.D. Most of the other historians and writers in their books and writings followed this theory, which was presented by Niamat Ullah Harvi. In these historians and writers the most popular Pashtoon writer Afzal Khan Khattak, the grandson of Khushal Khan Khattak in his Pashto book Taareekh-e-Murrassa, and Hafiz Rahmat Khan in his history book, containing the genealogies of the Pashtoons, Khulaasat-ul-Ansaab, followed and accepted this theory without any analysis and criticism and made this theory as the base and fundamental evidence of their writings. Famous orientalist and historian Olaf Caroe repeats the story in his book the Pathans. In the words of Olaf Caroe.

"The Afghan historiographers maintain that Saul had a son named Irmia (Jeremiah) who again had a son named Afghana, neither of course known to the Hebrew Scriptures. Irmia, dying about the time of Saul’s death, his son Afghana was brought up by David, and in due course in Solomon's reign, was promoted to the chief command of the army. There follows a gap of some four centuries to the time of the captivity. Since Bakhtunnasar is mentioned, one must presume that the reference is to the second captivity early in the sixth century B.C, that of Judah from Jerusalem, and not the first captivity over one hundred years earlier, that of Israel by Shalmaneser the Assyrian, from Samaria, If this is so, it rules out any suggestion, often made, that the Bani Israel, the sons of Afghana, are in any way connected with the lost ten tribes. Nevertheless the theory of the ten tribes has had its notable supporters. In its aid it was suggested, originally by Sir,

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William Jones, pioneer of oriental studies in Warren Hastings, time that the Afghans are the lost ten tribes of Israel mentioned by the prophet Esdras as having escaped from captivity and taken refuge in the country of Arsarath, supposed by that elegant scholar as identical with the modern Hazarajat, the Ghor of the Afghan historians. But the reference in the afghan chronicles to Nebuchadnezzar makes nonsense of any identification with the ten tribes. The truth is that Muslims commentators of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were not well up in the history of the Hebrews. They make no distinction between Israel and Judah, and do not seem even to be aware that there were two captivities." ( Caroe:1958:5)

Olaf Caroe also quotes Raverty who was an excellent scholar of Pashto literature as well as the history of the Pashtoons. Caroe admitted him as the last pleader of this theory in English writers. He narrates about the concept of Roverty as:-

"The last pleader for the Bani Israel tradition in English is the redoubtable Raverty. Referring to Cyrus, the first of the Persian Achaemenids, he notes that it was customary for the great King to transport a whole tribe, and sometimes even a whole nation, from one country to another. The Jews were even a stiff- necked race, and he asks form credence to the possibility that the most troublesome anong them had been moved to the thinly peopled satrapies of the Persian Empire where they would be too far away to give trouble. It is not possible he asks, that those Jew who could make their escape might have fled eastward, preferring a wandering life in a mountainous country with independence to the grinding tyranny of Cyrus successors and their satraps? In facts there was no other direction in which they could have fled"( Caroe:1958:6-7)

Our scholars linked the historical background of this theory, related to Hazrat Suleman, Saul, Talut, Armia and Barkhia and Afghana, to Hazrat Khalid Bin Walid and Qais Abdur-Rasheed, who is considered as the old grandfather of Pashtoon tribes, Saraban, Ghorghashts, and Beetan. Sir Olaf Caroe writes about this historical background in the following words.

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"The Afghan chroniclers would have it that Khalid Bin Walid, the most famous of the Prophet's Ansar (companions) and the first great Arab conqueror, belonged to the tribe of the descendants of Afghana resident near Mecca. (All other Muslims tradition states him to have been an Arab of the Makhsum family of the prophet's tribe of Quraish.) On conversion to Islam, while the Prophet was still alive and before Khalids conquest of Syria and Iraq, Khalid either proceeded in person, or sent a letter, to his kinsmen of the Bani Israel settled in Ghor, to bring them tidings of the new faith and an invitation to join the Prophet's standard there resulted a deputation of a number of representatives of the Afghan of Gohar, led by one Qais, which proceeded to meet the prophet at Medina. This Qais is said to be descended from Saul in the thirty-seventh generation, an under-generous allowance for a period of some seventeen hundred years. This Qais and his comrades then waged war most gallantly on the Prophet's behalf. TLe chronicle proceeds: The Prophet lavished all sorts of blessing upon them; and having ascertained the name of each individual, and remarked that Qais was a Hebrew name, whereas they themselves were Arbas, he gave Qais the name of Abdur Rashid and observed further to the rest that, they being the posterity of Malik Talut, it was quite proper and just that they should be called Malik likewise… and the prophet predicted that God would make the issue of Qais so numerous that they would out vie all other people, that their attachment to the faith would in strength be like the wood upon which they lay the keel when constructing a ship which seamen call Pathan; on this account he conferred upon Abdur Rashid the title of Pathan also." ( Caroe:1958:7-8)

Renowned historian and researcher Sayyed Bahadur Shah Zaffar Kakakhel also narrated this background in his Pashto book Pukhtana da Tareekh pa Rana kay (The Pashtoons in the perspective of history). He explained the story of Qais Abdur Rasheed and also criticized the theories of Bani-Israel at the end. Bahadur Shah Zaffar explains that

"All the Pashtoons got entered into Islam. The Holy prophet Hazrat Muhammad (P.B.U.H.) prayed for them and changed the name of their leader Qais into Abdur Rasheed. Hazrat Muhammad (P.B.U.H.) gave him the title of Bathan. It means the leader of the boat of his

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nation. Hazrat Khalid bin Walid married his daughter Sara Bibi with Abdur-Rasheed than Qais came back to his own area and in his area he started to preach Islam. He died in 41 Hijri at the age of 77 during a war. He had three sons, the eldest Saraban, the second Beetan, and the third Ghurghasht. These three being the ancestors of the various branches of the Pashtoons" (Kakakhail: 1981:32-33)

Criticism on this theory

As mentioned earlier that along with Bahadur Shah Zafar Kakakhel some other historians and writers presented this theory that Pashtoons are from Semitic races and they are Israelies. But a number of scholars rejected this theory with new evidences and authentic sources. First of all we must quote Sayyed Bahadur Shah Zafar Kakakhel who are of the opinion that "There is no solid proof to accept this theory, even in Arabian history or in Islamic history"(Kakakhail: 1981: 35). An another scholar Dr. Abdur-Raheem author of the Afghans in India, wrote about this theory

"The theory of the Semitic origin of the Afghan does not stand the serious analysis. The resemblances in features cannot be considered as providing scientific criterian for grouping different peoples into one race. The Sumerian resemble the Aryans in features through they are not considered to have any affiliation with Aryan people. The portraits of the koshan kings found their coin has the same type of feature but they are certainly neither Afghans nor Semitic" (Abdur-Raheem: 1969: 43)

Similarly the author of "History of Afghanistan" Sir Percy Cycks also criticized the theory of Bani Israel in the following words.

"A protest must here be made against the erroneus view that the Afghans are members of lost tribes of Israel, which various writers including Bellew and Holdich advocated. Actually this theory is of purely literary origin and is merely an example of the wide spread customs among Muslims of claiming descent from some personage mentioned in the Quran or some other sacred work. In the case of the Afghan they claim Malik Talat or king Savl their ancestor. Among the reasons advanced in support of this claim are noticably curved noses of the Afghan but this peculiarity is equally striking in the portraits of the koshan

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monarch of the first century A.D who had no Hebrew blood in their veins." (Percy: 1973:78)

Renowned orientalist James.W. Spain quoted some other European scholars who had been discussed in their writings that Pashtoons are basically belonged to Semitic races. He narrates that

"The idea that the Pathans were descended from the nation of Israel was encouraged by their tight tribal structure, their stark code of behaviour, their strikingly Semitic features, their bearded patriarchal appearances, and their predilection for biblical names (acquired from the Holy Quran): Adam, Ibrahim, Musa, Daud, Suleiman, Yaqub, Yousaf, Esa, and the rest. It was a favourite subject of speculation by British soldiers, administrators, and missionaries, and persisted in memoirs and travel books well into the twentieth century. The only trouble is that it was not true. I feel something of a coward saying this here in a book written half a world away from the Frontier, when I know that I would never have the courage to say it to a Pathan. Nevertheless, we must face the facts, although, happily, the facts about the Pathans are anything but prosaic. The myth of the Semitic origins of the Pathans was debunked more than a hundred years ago by Bernhard Dorn, Professor of Oriental Literature at the Russian University of Kharkov, in a book with the interesting title, A Chrestomathy of the Pashto or Afghan language, which was published by the Imperial Academy in Saint Petersburg in 1847. The most recent and comprehensive treatment of the subject appears in the Pathans by Sir Olaf Caroe, a former British governor of the North West Frontier Province " (Spain:1972:28-29)

James .W. Spain further says that in the connection of the Pashtoons to Semitic races, the tale of the Qais is not authentic. This story is based on mythical traditions. He wrote

"This is not to say that the genealogies should be ignored or taken lightly. They were first set down by Persian speaking chroniclers at the court of the Moghul emperors in the early part of the seventeenth century. The sophisticated Moghul historians, possibly impressed by the same outward signs of Semitic

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connections that misled the British two hundred years later, apparently made up the decent of the border tribes from the mythical Qais and improvised a connection for Qais with Saul of Israel" (Spain:1972: 29)

In the same way English writer G.P Tate also argues that this so-called genealogy of the Pathans was compiled under the religious influence on the Pathans, which has no historical evidence. He writes in his book, the Kingdom of Afghanistan in the following words:-

"The origin of the tribes who call themselves Afghans has attracted a great deal of attention, owing to the fact that they claim to be the descendants of Jews, who had settled in Ghor; and the various clans refer their origin to some one of the three sons of Qais, the chieftain of that community, who is said to have been the 37th in descent from Saul, king of Israel, Owing to intercourse with the Jews settled in Arabia, so the story goes, Qais was induced to visit the Prophet Muhammad, who won the Jewish Chief to Islam, and bestowed on him to the name of Abdur Rashid, and the title of Pathan. This last is a mysterious word which cannot be traced to an origin in any known language, but it is believed to means either or both, the rudder, or the mast of a ship. So say those who have committed the genealogy of the Afghans to paper. The conversion of Qais is not mentioned in the history of Islam. The so-called genealogy of the Afghans was complied at a time when all the races of Mankind were believed to have been the offspring of the first man and woman created by the Almighty and the eponymous ancestor of every tribe appears at some stage in the genealogy, which there seems every reason to believe was concocted in the 15th century A.D., probably when the Afghans began to attain to power in India. The main feature in it is the alleged Jewish ancestry of all the tribes, and this belief must have been very strong for the retention of the legend, when the tables of descent were complied. All that can be said at present is that the legend has preserved the memory of a fact which has dropped out of history. It is not improbable that there may have been a Hebrew community in Ghor." (Tate:1973:10)

We have seen in the above mentioned references that the theory of Bani Israel about the origin of the Pashtoons is not reliable and nor it is based on

- 52 - authentic evidences. But this theory remained under discussion for a long time among the scholars of Pashtoon history. However at the mid decades of 20th century (AD) a new theory has been presented by some scholars of Afghanistan, Pakistan as well as some orientalists. This Theory was that Pashtoons are from Arian races or Pashtoons are Arians in origin.

Are Pashtoons Arians?

As mentioned earlier with quoting a few references that the theory of Bani Israelies has been criticized by some eminent scholars and historians. Thus this theory has been rejected by presentation of the theory of Arians put forward by some orientalists and some Afghan writers and historians. In orientalists Morgan Strine and Dr. Trump were in favour of this theory. In Afghan writers Professor Abdul Hai Habibi and Bahadur Shah Zaffar in Pakistani historians accepted and explained the theory of Arians in detail. According to this theory the Pashtoons is the branch of the Arian tribes which are known in history as Indo Arian tribes. Actually the Indic branch is divided in two major parts named Indo European and Indo Arian and then the Indo Arian branch is divided in two sub branches named Indo Iranian and Indo Arian. Pashtoons are belonged to the branch of Indo Iranian. This theory is based on the words "Pashtoon" (name of nation or tribe) and Pashto (name of the language of that tribe or nation). The scholars and historians of Indus civilization have found these words in Vedic literature especially in Rig- Veda, the Holy Book of Arian tribes and Hindus. According to Bahadar Shah Zafar "In Rig-Veda the word phakt or phakta were used for the geographical surrounding of the Pashtoons. "Phaktheen" was used for Pashtoon. Initially Phakthean was converted into Pashteen and than into Pashtoon. It is also mentioned in Rig-Veda that Pashtoons used to stay in Bactria (Bakhtar) the old name of Pashtoon area and the present Afghanistan for so many years. In Bactria the Pashtoons are known as the inhabitants of Bakhd. After that the city of Balkh in the present Afghanistan became famous because of these Pashtoons as stated by some Greek historians they were known as pakteen and pashteen, and these words resembled with word Pashtoon and Pashtoonkhwa. So for the first time Mr. Lasan accept the resemblance between the words paktnees and Pashtoon. Keeping in view all these facts it became believable that the Pashtoon nation was a branch of the

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Arian tribes and their languages was one of the languages of Arian stock"(Kakakhail:1981:33)

We have seen in the above mentioned references that the scholars of modern era emphasized that the theory of Bani Israelis loses it authenticity and the theory of Arians can be considered comparatively authentic with solid evidences. Although some contemporary scholars are inclined to declare that Pashtoons are related to Greeks. In these scholars a Pashtoon intellectual Ghani Khan argues in his book the Pathan A Sketch that

"The oldest relics, you see are of distinctly pre-Greek period. They are the same in conception and style as those of the united provinces or Orissa, e.g. the features of dolls and gods two things the humanity has of mixing up are most unlike those of Pathans of today. But when we came to Buddhist and the features of the dolls Budhas and Kings and saints take the likeness of those of the Pathans of today. The great ferocity of the Pathan will be a reaction to a rather long dose of Buddhist non-violence" (Khan: 1990:4)

But in the presence of Arians theory and the availability of supporting evidences the theory of Greeks also could not been accepted. As a whole a majority of scholars, researchers and linguists are stressing to prove that Pashtoons are from Arian tribes.

CONCLUSION

Although it has been explained in detail the historical references and the validity of evidences proved that Pashtoons can be considered from Arian races. However it is also mandatory and should make it clear that the Pashtoon tribes have their own peculiar charm and specific values. On the base of these peculiarities we can consider the Pashtoons as an individual tribe or nation in Arian tribes or a specific tribe of South Asian nations.

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REFERENCES

Caroe, Olaf, The Pathans, Oxford University Press Karachi, 1958.

Kakakhel, Syyed Bahadur Shah Zafar, Pashtoon Taareekh Kay Aienay Main (Pashtoons in the light of history), Abdur Rasheed Press Gujrat, 1981.

Abdur-Raheem, Afghans in India, Oxford University Press Karachi, 1969. Percy Cycks, Sir, History of Afghanistan, Oxford London, 1973.

Spain, James W., The way of the Pathans, Oxford University Press Karachi, 1972.

Tate, G.P. The Kingdom of Afghanistan a Historical Sketch, Indus publications Karachi, 1973.

Khan, Ghani, The Pathans - A Sketch, Pashto Adabi Society Islamabad, 1990.

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BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011

TREATY OF KALAT 1758 BETWEEN QANDHAR AND KALAT AND ITS IMPACTS

History

Ghulam Farooq Baloch* ABSTRACT The main objectives behind this study are to search and explore the reasons events, clause and impacts of very famous treaty of Kalat 1758. No doubt this treaty was opened new ways of development and projection for Balochistan, but, majority of the historians, specially Afghan writers deliberately ignored this important treaty in their books, because this treaty was not only prove the complete independence of Balochistan but also it shown the failure of Afghan monarch about their Balochistan’s policy. This treaty was confirmed the position of the Khanate of Kalat, and Balochistan became a complete independent country on the globe. If one side this treaty was good for the Khanate, than the other side it’s provided many confidence and cooperation to the Afghans monarch for his conquest in east (India and Punjab) and west (Iran). This treaty was also established the relations between Baloch and Afghan nations. No, doubt the Afghan, Baloch every kind relations, political, fiscal, and geographical, based on this treaty. The British and Baloch Writers support this treaty and discussed it in their books, but not in detail. This treaty means “the backbone of Baloch Afghan relations”, if it skipped from the history, the history of both countries cannot be defined. KEY WORDS Afghan, Afghanistan, Ahmed Shah Durrani, Baloch, Balochistan, Bolan Pass, British, India, Iran, Kalat, Kalhora Brothers, Mekran, Mir Naseer Kan, Mughal, Nadir Shah Afshar, Qandhar, Shah Wali Khan Bamezai, Sindh.

* Assistant Professor, Balochistan Study Centre, University of Balochistan, Quetta.

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INTRODUCTION

Balochistan and Afghanistan and their natives have a great history. The relation between them is centuries old and they are very near to each other. The period of eighteen century has many importances for both Afghanistan and Balochistan. Nadir Shah Afshar came in power in 1736 in Iran. (Lawrance: 2007:146-47) After the unification of Iran, he captured Afghanistan and Balochistan too from 1738 to 1740, and he defeated Mughal Empire Mohammad Shah Rangeela of India and destroyed Dehli. (Lawrance: 2007:174-217) In 1736 A.D., when Nadir Shah marched to Qandhar and a battalion of his troops attacked upon Mekran and Kalat, then the ex-ruler of Kalat Mir Mohabbat Kahn went to Qandhar and appealed in the court of Nadir Shah Afshar for restoration of his government upon Kalat, which was in the hands of his younger step brother, Mir Ehltaz Khan. So Nadir Shah Afshar accepted his request, make him the ruler of Kalat and hostage his younger step brothers Mir Ehltaz Khan and Mir Naseer Khan and their mother Bibi Maryam with some notable personalities in Qandhar. (Naseer: 2000:42) So, during the reign of Nadir Shah Afshar, Mir Mohabbat Khan was the ruler of Kalat under the supremacy of Nadir Shah Afshar. (Naseer: 2000: 42) During In this reign, one day the Mir Ehltaz Khan killed by his younger brother Mir Naseer Khan in Qandhar. In the last years of his government, Nadir Shah Afshar had been mad. In 1747, A.D he killed by his nephew (Lawrence: 2007:360-70).And with the end of his reign Iran again hunted of anarchy. Ahmed Khan Sadozai was one of the most popular general of him. (Tate: 1973:67) He was the commander of nearly 12000 Afghan soldiers. He left Iran and marched to Qandhar. (Tate: 1973: 67) In 1747 A.D he became the ruler of Afghanistan by the acceptance and cooperation of other Afghan tribal Chiefs. (Ganda Singh: 1990:58-59) During this revolution Mir Naseer took advantage and escaped from Qandhar to Sheraz, and than came to Hub Chauki in Lasbela, and after some days he came to Sindh in the court of Kalhora rulers after their positive response. (Naseer: 2000:46,51,52). From Sindh he contact with Afghan Prime Minister (Ashraf-ul-Wuzraa) Shah Wali Khan Bamezai, who was the one of his best friends. In 1749, after the two years struggle Mir Naseer Khan became the ruler of Kalat and Mir Mohabbat Khan arrested in Qandhar.

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THE CAUSES OF THE TREATY OF KALAT OR TREATY OF NON- INTERFERENCE 1758 BETWEEN QANDHAR AND KALAT

In the beginning the relations of both countries Afghanistan and Balochistan were nicely and friendly going on. They were best friends to each other. In every kind situation they supported each other, but still the position of Balochistan was not clear. Mir Naseer Khan believed himself independent but, Ahmad Shah Abdali thoughts were different. So, after some years the conflicts opened when Mir Naseer Khan attacked on Mekran. The causes of conflict between Qandhar and Kalat were following.

1. Naseer Khan policies: Mir Naseer Khan was progressive and liberal minded ruler. He wished to unite the Baloch territory on national bases, for the honour of Baloch nation. He dislikes the claim for Balochistan from Afghan monarch. He was not interested in the slavery of any nation, not for others neither for himself. He just wished the unification of Baloch nation in single geographical boundary. So he applied policy of unification and in the beginning he unified the tribal areas of Sarawan and Jhalawan, and prepared some squads of Baloch warriors. He solved the tribal and social problems and conflicts, and took many useful steps in the favour of tribes. (Naseer: 2000: 46, 51, 52) Qandahar was looking these activities in doubtful eyes. 2. Claim by Ahmed Shah Durrani When Ahmed Shah Durrani established Afghan government in Qandhar he declared him self as a successor of Nadir Shah Afshar and claimed for Balochistan as an occupied country of Afghanistan. Ahmed Shah Durrani was believed himself as heir of Nadir Shah Afshar, so, he claimed for the occupied areas of him. According to G. P. Tate: “Ahmed Shah was gradually tightening his hold over the country of Sindh and also of Balochistan (Kalat) with regard to letter he seams to have assumed that he allegiance paid by the Khan’s for that status to Nadir Shah had decided to him after the death of that famous sovereign”.(Tate:1973:75) No doubt, this claim was baseless and had no historical fact. Because, Ahmed was not the son or any relative of Nadir Shah Afshar, and Nadir Shah was the ruler of Iran, the other areas like Afghanistan, Sindh and Balochistan were occupied dynasty by him. So, the death of him the Iranic dynasty hunted by anarchy and the occupied got freedom, as like Afghanistan has been independent under the common of Ahmed Shah Durrani, and Sindh and Balochistan also got independence from Iranic domination.

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3. Claim for Afghan traders to the khan of Kalat for their dead persons in the dynasty of Kalat during their travel. Bolan Pass was the only route for trade from Central Asia and Afghanistan to Sindh, Punjab and India from early time. During the reign of Nadir Shah Afshar, the Khan of Kalat was responsible to provide security and protection to the traders in Bolan Pass and as well as in the other areas of Balochistan. Mir Mohabbat Khan was a powerless and weak ruler and was not a good administrator. So, the Afghan traders unfairly collected a big sum of money from the Khan of Kalat for their natural died persons, whose died in the dynasty of Balochistan during their travel. They were claimed for their dead people in the court of Kalat that the Baloch tribesman killed their people and robed their luggage. So, the Khan of Kalat was paid them, and now in the reign of Mir Naseer Khan this situation was continued. The Afghans were addicted to collect money from Kalat unfairly. During the reign of Mir Naseer Khan the behavior of Afghans traders was very critically and unmannered. According to Ex-Prime Minister of Kalat Akhund Muhammad Siddique, “In the reign of Mir Naseer Khan Noori the Afghan traders created many disturbances for the Khan of Kalat, if an Afghan was died his own and natural death, but they claimed that the Baloch tribesman killed him and demanded for a lot of money as his dayyat or murder”. (Akhund: 1984:60- 61) So, in these situations, it was necessary that the Khan of Kalat and Afghan monarch define and clear their position and revise their relations.

4. Arrest of Attur Khan and Ahmed Yar Khan “The Kalhora Brothers” In Balochistan’s dynasty The Government of Afghanistan was support and protects the Kalhora government and received a lot of money as state tax or Khiraj for this support and protection. After the death of Noor Mohammad Kalhora his elder son Mohammad Yar Khan became the ruler of Sindh. According to Daulat Ram “He ruled five years as dictator. After five years tribal chiefs of his state arrested him because of his extremist policies and behavior, and Mian Ghulam Shah became a new ruler of Sindh by the support of tribal chiefs and land lords. During this situation, Attur Khan, the brother of Mian Ghulam Shah received the

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nomination letter from Afghan King Ahmed Shah Durrani, than he reached Shikarpur with an Afghan squad under the command of Haji Attahi Khan. He seated him on the ruling chair of Sindh and than he (Haji Attahi Khan) left for Qandhar with his troops. In these situations Mian Ghulam Shah escaped to Bahawalpur from Sindh. After the departure of Afghan troops, now the field was empty, so, Mian Ghulam Shah attacked on Sindh and defeated Mian Attur Khan in a battle with the help of Mohammad Fateh Khan, the brother of Bahawalpur’s ruler and his troops. Mian Attur Khan and his brother Mian Ahmed Yar Khan escaped to Qandhar. But, the government of Kalat arrested them in the territory of Kalat. Deewan Mal was the ambassador and spokesman in the court of Qandhar from Sindh government. He approached to Ahmed Shah Durrani for help. So, the Afghan monarch sent an Afghan squad against Kalat under the command of Shah Wali Khan Bamezai. (Ganda Singh:1990:210) 5. The defeat of Afghan troops in Punjab 1. Ahmed Shah Durrani attacked on Punjab after a short time of his emergence. Punjab was under the governorship of Mir Moin-ul-Mulk and the Sikhs of Punjab were not only supporting him, but also they were serving in his army. Ahmed Shah Durrani sent some squads to Punjab under the command oF Shahjehan Khan Popalzai and Taimoor Shah, (The elder son of Ahmad Shah Durrani). The Afghan troops defeated by Sikhs in Punjab, so, they left Punjab and came to Peshawar and appealed to the Afghan king for help. His two important tribal chiefs and commanders had been arrested by the Sikhs and Marhatas of India. On same time Mir Naseer Khan of Kalat applied the term “Hit and hit hot” and announced his independence. (Ganda Singh:1990:210,11, also see, Dehwar, 1990:389) 6. Attack on Mekran by Mir Naseer Khan and the peak of conflict

In the year of 1756 Mir Naseer Khan attacked on Mekran because of some reasons and defeated the Gichki ruler of Kech, Malik Deenar Gichki and took possession on Kech. Mir Shah Baig the brother of Malik Deenar Khan Gichki, escaped to Qandhar and appealed for help against Kalat in the court of Ahmed Shah Durrani. Ahmed Shah Durrani sent a massage to Mir Naseer Khan that immediately leave Mekran (Kech) and go back Kalat, otherwise, Kalat is not very far from Qandhar. In this situation Mir Naseer Khan left Mekran and went to Kalat. ( Naseer: 2000: 60-61) But now he fully decided that he will free his country from the domination of Afghanistan.

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7. Immediate Cause The conflict and non-confidence were continuing from both sides Afghanistan and Balochistan. Suddenly, Mir Haji Khan, the son of Mir Mohabbat Khan, the ex-ruler of Kalat and the nephew of Mir Naseer Khan stood against him and took armed action against the state. So, Mir Naseer Khan took strict military action against Mir Haji Khan and his allies the Shahwani tribes of Kalat (Iskalakoo). Mir Naseer Khan roughly punished the rabbles and killed majority of them. Mir Haji Khan survived and escaped to Qandhar and went in the shelter of Ahmed Shah Durrani. He also appealed to Ahmed Shah Durrani for heir-ship of Khanate of Kalat. Ahmed Shah Durrani called Mir Naseer Khan to come Qandhar. But, Mir Naseer Khan refused his order and sent him a register with 2 lakh names of Balolch warriors,(Ganda Singh: P.210) and also told him that do not interfere in my internal affairs for the next time. It was the immediate cause, so, Ahmed Shah Durrani sent a Posse to Kalat under the command of Shah Wali Khan Bamezai, the Prime Minister of Qandhar.

The Treaty of Kalat or Treaty of Non-Independence 1758 A.D After three battles and forty days blockade of Kalat fort, a treaty singed between both countries. The all those historians who researched on Balochistan, majority of them accepted these reasons and events and as well as the treaty of Kalat 1758 A.D. like, Mason, Hennery Pottinger, Ganda Singh, Elphinstone and Akhund Mohammad Siddique. The main points of the treaty were following.

1. Khan-e-Baloch, Mir Naseer Khan will not pay any tribute to the Shah-e-Afghan in future. 2. Khan-e-Baloch will not supply San (Military assistance) to Ahmed Shah Durrani. But provided he is at war against external enemies, the Khan will supply a military contingent as a token of help, on the condition that the Afghan King provide annually Rs. 100,000 and military weapons and provide for the expenditure of the army as reward. 3. Khan-e-Baloch will not provide any help or asylum to rebel princes of the Sadozai or Afghan Chiefs. On the other hand, the Afghan King also will not give any help or refuge to prince of the Royal family of Kalat-e-Ahmedzai.

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4. Shah Afghan in future will never interfere in the internal affairs, disputes and matters of Balochistan. 5. all those areas of Khan-e-Baloch, which are in the possession of the Shah-e-Afghan will be handed over today the Khan-e- Baloch.(Khan:2007:210)

Analyze and importance of this treaty This treaty shows the political and diplomatic wisdom of Mir Naseer Khan. He stress Ahmed Shah Durrani to sign an agreement. After the treaty of Kalat, the Khanate of Balochistan started its reforms and maintains diplomatic relations with neighbor countries, Iran, Afghanistan, Oman, Sindh and Ottoman Empires of Turkey. The Ottoman Empire, the Caliph of Muslim world awarded him the title of “Beyglar Beygi” or “Chief of the Chiefs”.(Hughes:2002:185) Dr. Ganda Singh tribute to the diplomacy and wisdom of Mir Naseer Khan in the following words, “He was one of the best commanders of Ahmed Shah Abdali. He took part in several expeditions to help the Afghans against the Iranians in Khurasan in 1759, in the battle of Panipat India against Marhatas in 1761 and in Punjab against Sikhs in 1765. Baloch troops successfully participated in these battles under the command of Mir Naseer Khan”. (Singh: 1990:210) Inayatullah Baloch writes, “Kalat agreement or non-interference treaty made it possible for the Khan to bring stability and order internally, as well as to expend the Khanate and to reunite all the Baloch areas claimed by the Baloch nationalists. In his time, Kharan, part of Siestan (Iran, Afghanistan), Jacobabad, Mekran, Chagai and Quetta were part of the Khanate of Balochistan. Moreover, the Khanate extends its influence over Bandar Abbas, Sindh and Kharan. It is interesting to note that his Khanate did not include any non Baloch areas and he declined the offer of Ahmed Shah to divide Punjab between the Baloch and Afghans, contrary to practice of Persians, the Afghans and the Mughals, who were expansionist and exploited other nations”.(Baloch:1987:27-29)

The Afghans, British and local resources provided different kind of information. Every writer has its own opinion. The Afghan and British writers have not paid full attention to the importance of this treaty. Afghan writers like Munshi Mehmood Al-Hussaini, Munshi Abdul Karim, Gulistan etc. were the Royal family servants; especially Munshi Mehmood Al- Hussaini was very close to Ahmed Shah Durrani. He just touches the Baloch Afghan relations and the treaty of Kalat.

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According to Inayatullah Baloch; ”Munshi Mehmood Al-Hussaini, served Ahmed Shah has an official historian and was appointed as Munshi (Secretary) in 1753-54, who would his memorable description of all his deeds for edification of generations to come in order that his name adorning the inhabited quarter of the world might remain of ages on the tables of history. He completed his work Tarikh-e- Ahmed Shahi in 1773-74. His work has unique importance for the reign of Ahmed Shah because it was written by an eye-witness in his official position, being royal Munshi. This position permitted him access to official documents as well as to interview the Afghan officials and Chiefs on important issues. His work is useful for students of Central Asian and Indian studies. It discussed the external relation of Ahmed Shah with Mughal India and Persia. It touches on the Baloch-Afghans provided the text of the Kalat Treaty of 1758”. (Baloch:1987: 28) Beside, there are Gulistan and Abdul Karim, who completed their works in the reign of Taimoor Shah and Zaman Shah. Like Hussaini, they also failed to include the text of the treaty in their works. The Afghans writers of 19th Century and 20th Century like Syed Jamal-ud-Din Afghani, Sher Mohammad Gandapuri, Professor Abdul Majeed Afghani and Qazi Attaullah Jan have not given any account of the war of 1758 and the peace treaty of Kalat. The contemporary Afghan writers and historians have not given any attention to the importance of the treaty as matter of fact; the modern Afghan writers have been influence by the state policy on Pashtoonistan, which claims the territory of the Pakistani North West Frontier Province (Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa KPK), and Balochistan as a part of Afghanistan. Ghubar, a prominent Afghan nationalist writer does not give details on Baloch-Afghans relations. He claims that Mir Naseer Khan not only acknowledge the suzerainty of Ahmed Shah but also agreed to prove any reference for this particular claim. Habibi, like Ghubar fails to give any detail about the treaty or to hint at the sources on this subject. Among the Afghan historians, the work of Herawi is important. He has given attention to the Baloch Afghan war (1758) and provides the gist of the treaty with references and footnotes. His sources are based on the work of Maleson, Hittu Ram and Ganda Sing without referring to any Afghan historical source. (Baloch:1987: 28-29) British resources and information provided by those British spies, political agents, civil and military officers, those spent their time and services in Balochistan, Afghanistan and Iran. In the beginning of 19th century the British spies appeared in Balochistan for collecting every kind (social, political, military, religious and historical), information for their governments. In 1809 Hennery Pottinger, Captain Christy, and Captain Grant

- 63 - were deputed to report on Balochistan, while Malcolm and Elphinstone were sent to Persia and Afghanistan. Later on Pottinger and Elphinstone published their work. The title of Hennery Pottinger’s book is “Travel in Sindh and Balochistan” while the Elphinstone’s book title is “An Account of the Kingdom of Caubul and its dependents. Elphinstone writes, “It is not known what induced Mir Naseer Khan to throw of his dependence on the Durrani government, but he declared himself independent in the year 1758.” (Elphinstone: 1990, 2nd Edition, P-290) Elphinstone and Pottinger’s works provides primary sources about the politics and relations of the 18th and 19th century of Afghanistan and Balochistan. The writing of Hennery Pottinger is very important since there is no record for inset of European to the interior of Balochistan until 1809 (apart from the Greek writings from the time of Alexander’s march through Gedrosia and the brief remarks of Marco Polo). There works are more reliable than the British writing of the late 19th century and 20th century because, in the early period, the British had no common frontier with Balochistan and Afghanistan as well as had not developed a long term foreign policy towards these countries. The information provided by Pottinger and Elphinstone great efforts together reliable information form the official and non-official resources, when the memories of the past events were still fresh and many people were alive who’s were eye witnesses to the reign of Naseer Khan the great. Elphinstone and Pottinger should great interest in Baloch-Afghan relations with special reference to the treaty of 1758. (Baloch: 1987:290-91) Pottinger explain the Baloch-Afghan relations in the following words, “The King was to receive the cousin of Naseer Khan in marriage as a pledge of their further friendship, and that the Khan was to pay no tribute, whatever, but, when called upon was to furnish troops and to transport them at his own expense to the royal camp, after which, he was to receive an allowance, in cash, equal to half of their pay. The Khan also expressly stipulated that he and his successors were never to assets in a civil war, a clause to which they have strictly adhered throughout all the dissentions respecting the Kabul dominions”.25 Pottinger further explains, that when Captain Christy and my self were at Kalat in 1810, Shah Mehmood one of the competitors for the thrones wrote to Mehmood Khan (Khan of Kalat) desiring his aid against Shuja-ul-Mulk. The Khan’s reply was that, he was ready to assist in expelling invaders from the dominions of the King of Kabul, or to provide his troops for Foreign Service

- 64 - but that his father’s treaty with Ahmed Shah was sufficient answer to the present demand. (Baloch:1987:284) Elphinstone gives some more record about the Baloch-Afghan relations in the light of the treaty of Kalat; He says “His accounts make responsible Afghan chiefs and the Shah’s Prime Minister for the failure of Ahmed Shah to subdue Naseer Khan “The Kalat lasted forty day during which time the Durrani cavalry suffered severely from the scarcity of the forage. The bad aspect of the King’s affairs in India added to his own impatience for a speedy conclusion of the war, and Naseer Khan having made an overture for peace, a negotiation was commenced and an agreement concluded which is still the basis of the connection between the King (Shah) and the Baloches”. (Elphinstone: 1990:290-91) According to Inayatullah Baloch, In 1834 Shah Shuja approached Mir Mehrab Elphinstone, Pp290-91 Khan the Khan of Kalat for military help against Amir Dost Mohammad. His request was turned down by the Khan on the Pretext of the Provision of the non-interference in the internal affairs under the Treaty of 1758”. (Baloch: 1987:31) Western writers specially the British political and military officers regarded the Durranis, and do not accept Balochistan as a sovereign state. A.W. Hughes was one of the Political officers says, “Negotiation took place, ending in a treaty between the Durrani King and the Brohi (Baloch) Khan in which it was mutually agreed that Naseer Khan should pay no tribute, but should furnish when called upon, a contingent of troops. Sending them at own cost to the royal camp by receiving a cash allowance equal to half of their pay”. (Hughes: 2002:187) The other British resources like Hittu Ram, Burnes, Masson and Mohan Lal do not provide the text of the treaty. Persi Monsorth Sykes have to different statements about Naseer Khan. In the book “A history of Afghanistan” he gives following statement,“Naseer Khan has been mentioned as a subordinate who acknowledged the suzerainty of Ahmed Shah”. (Sykes: 1940:359) . While in the book “History of Persia” the statement is different; “Balochistan was ruled by Naseer I the great, who reigned from 1750 to 1793, and whose sway. He was entirely independent”. (Sykes: 1940:291) Malleson was a British military officer. He gives the following text, “The intelligence which from time To time reached to Ahmed Shah for progress made by the Marhatas in Hindustan, by him more than ordinarily anxious to bring Naseer Khan for reason. But, time to reduce Kalat by blockade failed him, and after the fifth unsuccessful assault he became helpless of storming it Naseer Khan on his part was tired of an independence which shut him up in his capital. By these Naseer Khan

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agreed to acknowledge the suzerainty of Ahmed shah, and to furnish a contingent of troops whenever that monarch should wage war out of his own territories. On the other side Ahmed Shah agreed to furnish a sum of money and a supply of the ammunitions of war whenever he should require the service of the Biluch (Baloch) contingent. He further renounced his right to demand the services of this contingent for any internal quarrel and he absolute the Biluch chief from payment of tribute. To make the agreement more binding Ahmed Shah married a cousin of the Biluch ruler”. (Baloch: 1987:112) Hittu Ram personal Assistant of Sir Robert Sandeman also supports Maleson”. (Hittu Ram: N.D:63) While Sandeman comments, “In former days, during the reign of Abdullah Khan, Mohabbat Khan, Naseer Khan and his successors when disputes arose between Kalat government and the Sardars, these were referred for settlement to king Ahmed Shah Durrani, and his successors. For example, on the death of Abdullah Khan, Khan of Kalat Mohabbat Khan succeeded greatly oppressed the chiefs and people. The Sardar there upon petitioned Nadir Shah, who disposed Mohabbat Khan and placed his brother Naseer Khan on the Guddee”. (Baloch: 1987:327, also see, Naseer: 2000:63) But, Inayatullah Baloch does not agree to Sandman’s remarks and says, “The above statement of Sandman had factual mistakes and need the following corrections; 1. Abdullah Khan, the founder of the sovereign state of Balochistan was not a contemporary of Ahmed Shah. 2. Mir Mohabbat Khan was an ally of Nadir Shah who supported him against the Afghan and Sindhi Chiefs. 3. Mohabbat Khan was arrested and disposed by the joint alliance of Ahmed Shah, and Naseer Khan and the rebel chiefs of Balochistan. Sandeman never hides his intentions or providing the above mentioned account on the history of Kalat and its political status, to justify the British Forward Policy in Balochistan, which resulted in the treaty of Jacobabad 1876. The British government by the treaty of Jacobabad has taken itself this duty and the state is now ruled in accordance with ancient custom and old precedent”. (Baloch: 1987:28-30) G. P. Tate gives the following statement, “It is believed that in the summer of 1758 he was obliged to march into Balochistan, where is feudatory, Naseer Khan of Kalat, is known to have become restive under the ever increasing demands for tribute which he paid in return for the government of his country and

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personal services at the head of the armed forces of the tribesmen. According to local chronicle the small fortress of Kalat detained the Shah for forty days and then only the diplomacy of Shah Wali Khan induced the refractory Kan to submit to his suzerain.” (Tate: P-78) Local Cruzon, one of the most famous British authorities and the expert of Persian question also follows Sandeman, but added, that Naseer Khan arrested his own independence during the later period of Durrani rule”.(Baloch:1987:27) The Huges Buller text is that, “The rulers of Kalat were never fully independent. There was always as there is still a paramount power to which they were subject”. (Baloch:1987: 27) But, both of above mentioned British officers Lord Cruzon and Huges Buller failed to give any text or provide any historical document in the favor of their statement about Balochistan and the treaty of Kalat. Atchison is silent on this topic and does not provide any kind information about the treaty of Kalat 1758. Inayatullah Baloch comments on the work and attitude of the British writers and the British forward policy in the following words; “As a matter of fact, the version given by the advocates of the forward policy on the political status of Balochistan has great influence on the writing of the scholars like Ganda Singh, Dupree and many others, with out having a debate on the gist mounded by Maleson or views hell by British political writers. Its seem very hard to accept the version of the treaty, published in the period of the Climax of the British forward policy by the British forward policy by the British officers, who were devoted to promoting and extending the frontiers of British imperialism and denying the right of independence and sovereignty to the backward states like Balochistan. The version given by Pottinger seems more reliable. It was supplied when the memories of people were fresh. The British had no clear foreign policy towards these states at this time”. (Baloch: 1987: 30-31) Qazi Noor Mohammad Gnajabavi was the chief justice of Balochistan in the reign of Mir Naseer Khan during the invasion of Punjab against the Sikhs in 1763, by Ahmed Shah Durrani. He wrote an important book in 1765, after the treaty of Kalat. He described the relation s between Naseer Khan and Ahmed Shah, says: “Ahmed Shah requested to Mir Naseer Khan for military help against Sikhs, the Shah’s request for aid provides evidence of the sovereign status of Naseer Khan instead of a subordinate position. And Naseer Khan received by the Shah’s representative at a great distance from the Royal camp. The

- 67 - special treatment was given to him being a sovereign ruler”. (Ganjabvi, 1990:60-63) Mir Gul Khan Naseer was one of the most popular personalities in Balochistan. He was not only a politician but he was also a historian, philosopher and a poet. The Baloch Nation has dedicated him a title of Malik-us-Shoraa, (the head of the poets). He was the writer of many books on the topic of ethnic and political history of Balochistan, and on poetry. He also translated and compiled many other famous books. He composed war ballads of Jam Durrak, the famous poet of Balochi language and literature in the court of Mir Naseer Khan. These ballads throw light on the event of the war 1757-58. The poet admires the deeds of the Khan and Baloch people, who served Kalat from the slavery of the Afghans. The Ballads confirm the existence of a written treaty without giving the contents of it”. (Naseer: 1984 :57, also see,Dames: 1988:123-33) In Gul Khan Naseer own book he gives same text, while provide Ganda Singh and Malleson but, does not give their reference. (Naseer: 2000:60-61) In the beginning of 20th century, the work of Maulana Raheem Dad Shahwani (Maulai Shedai) is very inprotant. He regards Naseer Khan as great statesman like Bismark of Germany. He deals with the treaty of Kalat and claims for the sovereignty of Balochistan. (Baloch: 1987:28,114-15) But he also failed to give the text of the treaty or any reference. The official record of Kalat state had not been published until 1970. Later on the ex-court Minister (Wazeer-e-Darbar) Malik Allah Bakhsh Dehwar published some of these official records of the state of Kalat. The book contains many important and valuable documents of the period of Mir Naseer Khan and his successors, including the Urdu translation of the Treaty of Kalat 1758.( Baloch:1987: 115) Prof Dr. Ashiq Mohammad Khan Durrani also gives the Pottinger’s record, but, failed to give the text of treaty”. (Durrani: 1999:119-21) Dr. Shah Mohammad Marri gives the text of the treaty and writes, there was only one point was doubtful, in which the supremacy of Ahmed Shah was declare”. (Marri: 2000:129) Besides, all of this discussion this is true that, in the end of treaty the King of Afghanistan, Ahmed Shah Durrani told to Mir Naseer Khan the Great that, “This country has given you by God, and this is your”. (Ganda Singh: 1990:124)

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CONCLUSION

It is very interesting that a small state and financially bankrupt and un-identified country brought out a great power of his time on the table of talk, and declared his freedom. This is out of mind that, why the Afghan and British writers deny this treaty? While, this treaty had notable influences, this treaty was more beneficial for Balochistan; Balochistan took many achievements and benefits, which were following:

1. The completion of the geographical unification of Balochistan:- The dynasty of Balochistan came under the rule of different Baloch tribes but, all of them fail to give an exact boundary and unite them accept Mir Naseer Khan the Great. During the reign of Nadir Shah Afshar the Balochistan occupied by him, that time the Ahmedzai family were ruling. In the beginning of Mir Naseer Khan’s rule he tried for the unification of Baloch territory and as well as the tribes, but Ahmed Shah restricted him and he declared himself as a ruler of all Baloch and Afghan dynasties. And he shows himself as successor of Nadir Shah Afshar. But, after the treaty of Kalat 1758, it could possible that Mir Naseer Khan completed his mission for the unification of the Balochistan, and as well as unified the Baloch Nation. 2. Complete independence As described in above pages that the geographical position of Balochistan not clear before the treaty of Kalat 1758. Baloch families were ruling on such like country which had no geographical and political boundaries. A Great warrior of Ahmedzai rulers, Mir Abdullah Khan Qahar conquered a huge area in west and east, from Bandar Abbas to Derajat and north to south from Qandahar to the coast of Mekran. But, he failed to bring this all area under single central government. The treaty of Kalat 1758 made it possible that Balochistan come on globe an independent country with a area of 3,40,000, square miles. The last words of Ahmed Shah Durrani after the treaty proves the independent position of Balochistan; as he told, “This country has given you by God, and this is your”. 4. Start of internal and external conquests Before the treaty of 1758, Mir Naseer Khan was bounded and was not in this position to apply his policies. It was the treaty of Kalat, which provided chances to Mir Naseer Khan for achievements and

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conquests. He captured Mekran, Kharan, Lasbela, Iranic Part of Balochistan and brought them under single central government. He successfully organized the Baloch tribes and their country and formed a constitutional Government in the whole Country. Moreover, he participated in many other battles against the enemies of Ahmed Shah Durrani, like Iranians, Sikhs of Punjab, Talpurs of Sindh and the Kalhoras of India, after the treaty of Kalat Ahmed Shah defeated his every enemy with the help of Mir Naseer Khan and occupied a huge area of Punjab, Sindh, India and Iran and formed an Afghan Kingdom. This is fact that these achievements were not possible without the treaty of Kalat.

5. Stability of the “government of Kalat and reforms After this treaty Naseer Khan’s concentration focused on the stability of government and country. He started his reforms for the better-ness of his peoples. He developed his country’s water resources and agriculture system. He organized the court of Kalat, on Iranic court’s pattern. He divided his country into provinces for the easiness of administration and establishment. He reformed the financial system of government and increased his country’s revenues. He introduced many more departments and gave them under the headship of well known and academic personalities. He also reformed in the communication sector and constructed many more highways for the development of trade and travel. Industries developed in Kalat and the population of the city increased. He made a fully armed regular Army from the youngsters of Baloch tribesmen, and divided it into three main squads. Balochistan came on globe as an independent country with a huge area. He also formed his country Judiciary system and developed this very important department. He appointed Qazi Noor Mohammad Ganjabvi as Qazi-ul-Qazat (Chief Justice) of the Country and also opened provincial courts for the quick justice.

This treaty brought both nations Baloch and Afghans very near to each other. They made good and strong relations. After this treaty Afghanistan was able to solve its internal and external problems and make itself strong and stable. Balochistan achieved many benefits with complete independence and comprehensive geography. This treaty also proved the Great leader ship and wisdom of Mir Naseer Khan the Great.

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REFERENCE

1. Akhund Muhammad Siddiqui,1984, Akhbar-ul-Abrar, (Tarikh-e- Khawanin-e-Kalat), Translated by: Mir Gul Khan Naseer, Nisa Traders, Quetta 2. Baloch, Inayatullah,1987, The Problem of Greater Balochistan, GMBH, Stuttgart, Germany 3. Dames, Long Wroth, 1988, Popular Poetry of Baloches, Balochi Academy, Quetta 4. Dehwar, Muhammad Saeed, 1990, Tarikh-e-Balochistan, Nisa Traders, Quetta 5. Durrani. Ashiq Muhammad Khan, Prof. Dr. 1999, Tarikh-e- Afghansitan, Sang-e-Meel Publications, Lahore 6. Elphinstone, Mont Stuart, 1990, 2nd Edition, The Kingdom of Caboul, Vol-II, Gosha-e-Adab, Quetta 7. Ganda Singh, Ahmed Shah Durrani, 1990, Gosha-e-Adab, Quetta 8. Ganjabvi, Noor Mohammad, 1990 Jang Nama, Tohfatul-Naseer, Pakistan Study Centre, University of Balochistan, Quetta 9. Hart, Lawrance Lak, , 2007, Nadir Shah, (Translated by: Tahir Mansoor Farooqui) Takhliqat Lahore 10. Hittu, Ram, N.D. Tarikh-e-Balochistan, Sang-e-Meel Publications, Lahore 11. Hughes, A. W. reprint, 2002, The Country of Balochistan, Sales and Services, Quetta 12. Khan, Ahmed Yar, Mir, 2007 Tarikh-e-Qaum-o-Khawanin-e- Baloch, Al-Asar Publications, Lahore 13. Marri, Shah Muhammad, 2000, Baloch Qaum Aed-e-Qadeem say Asre Hazir Tak, Takhliqat, Lahore 14. Naseer, Gul Khan, Mir, 1984, Balochi Razmia Shairi, Balochi Academy, Quetta 15. Naseer, Gul Khan, Mir, 2000, 4th Edition, Tarikh-e-Balochistan, Kalat Publisher, Quetta 16. Pottinger, Henry, 1986,Travel in Sindh and Balochistan, Indus Publications, Karachi 17. Sykes, Persi Monsorth, 1940, A History of Afghanistan, Vol -II, London 18. Sykes, Persi Monsorth, 1940, A History of Persia, Vol-II, London 19. G.P. Tate, 1973, Kingdom of Afghanistan, Indus Publications, Karachi

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BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011

SOME COMMENTS ON INVALID HYPOTHESISES ABOUT BRAHUI LANGUAGE

Language & Literature Liaqat Ali Sunny* Shabir Ahmed Shahwani* Manzoor Ahmed Baloch† ABSTRACT: Linguistics desideration in Balochistan is a common feature. The Brahui, Balochi, Saraiki, and Pashto language have learnt to grow side by side in ideal co-existence. Particularly from Balochi, Brahui has adopted many other features besides words. As pointed out by Denys Bray, and other western scholars. There has been large- scale borrowing between these languages. And some of it has been identified but the language of origin in each instance has usually not been fixed with certainty, and deferent scholars gave different ideas and hypothesis about Brahui, some of them link it with Dravidian, and some of them non-Dravidian like, Indo Aryan, Semantic, Uraltaic, Koch-o-Baloch, Kurdgali, Iranian, and Proto Dravidian etc but still remains a lot of confusions in minds, who are they? Because they have (linguists) created contradiction. So in this article their ideas and hypothesis has been tested.

INTRODUCTION

This hypothesis has confused the linguists that the “Brahui” language belongs from which family? Obviously it is too difficult to give an authenticated theory about Brahui language, but the national and international linguists has mentioned many hypothesis according to their knowledge, here it will be explained all hypothesis as followed:

1- Dravidian 2- Un-ravidian

* Lecturer, Dearment of Brahui University of Balochistan, Quetta-Pakistan. * Assistant Professor, Depatment of Brahui,University of Balochistan, Quetta-Pakistan † Lecturer, Depatment of Brahui,University of Balochistan, Quetta-Pakistan

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3- Proto-Dravidian

1- Dravidian:

The word “Dravidian” is related with the word “Dravida” which is not a Dravidian origin, we can say that the Dravidian is a latest form of dravida. Linguists emphasis that the “Dravida” is the Tamil’s (Sunsikratian) form. In 404 Wraha Mihra has used the Dravida a Tamil tribe “Pandia” (Siddiqui:2001). In seventh century “Kumar Labut” had understood one language to all indo-southern languages and named it “Andra Dravida Bahasha” which he ment “Talgu” by “Andra” and “Tamil” by “Dravida” (Siddiqui:2001).

German scholar “Lalson” declared the Brahui language as a Dravidian, after Lalson, Robert Kaldowell analyzed his hypothesis. And he brought so near to both languages. Than, M-B-Amanio, M-S-Andronof and Danys Bray had said the Brahui language is a branch of Dravidian family too. And the Brahui linguist and scholar Dr. Abdul Rahman also accepted the above said hypothesis (Day Tik: 2003) .

Danys Bray explained strongly the relation of Brahui and Dravidian family with the help of grammatical structures farther he gave several examples to ascertained his hypothesis that it is of course in its grammatical system that Brahui reveals its Dravidian origin(Bray:1978).

i) The grammatical relations of noun are shown as in Dravidian by means of suffixes, and most indeed all of the suffixes, whether expressive of case relations (Na, E, An, Ki etc) Or of plural number (K, T, Sk) are traceable to a Dravidian Source. ii) Of the pronouns, the second person in both numbers (Ni, Num) and the first person plural (NAN) are essentials the some as in Dravidian. iii) The reflexive in Brahui and Dravidian has preserved one uniform type (Ten, Tan) with signal consistency. It is only in the light of its Dravidian counterparts that the Brahui demonstrative with it triple series (DA, E, O) its curious optional forms in the singular (Dad, Ed, Od) its still more curious forms in the plural (Dafk, Efk, Ofk) becomes fully explicable.

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iv) In the interrogatives (Der, Ant, Ara) the family likeness in but thinly disguised and several of indefinite pronouns (Pen, Elo, At) are stamped with the Dravidian birth mark. The Dravidian relationship of the first three numbers (Asit, Irat, Musit) after regarded as hardly less significant witnesses to the origin of a language than the personal pronouns, is unquestionable. v) In the verb the most palpable analogies are the pronominal termination of the plural (N, Re, R) the formations of the causal (IF) and above all, the organic, negative conjugations. Though the Brahui verb is not devoid of characteristics of its own, a full understanding of it would be impossible without the help of the Dravidian languages.

According to Danys Bray and Colwell that the Brahui language considered as a whole seams to be derived from the same source of the Panjabi and Sindi but it evidently contains a Dravidian element. It is the converse, put forward tentatively by lesson long time ago. Brahui belongs to the Dravidian languages group, it has freely absorbed the alien vocabulary of Persian, Balochi, Sindhi, Jatki, and other neighboring languages, in spite of all inroads its Dravidian grammatical system has remained true to type (Naseer:1998). ii- Kamil- Al- Qadri:

The above scholar also links the relationship of Brahui and Dravidian languages he expresses his worthy views in this way” “Brahui language may or may not be descended from Dravidian but in many points the likeness of the Brahui to the south Indian group*(i) of language is striking. Among these we note, some of its pronouns and numberals-elements of speech less often borrowed. The use of post-positions for prepositions and the addition of these to an inflectional stem, instead of directly the foot, the absence of a comparison of adjectives by suffixes, the lack of relative pronoun, except as borrowed, the negative conjugation of the verb, the expression of gender and number for the most part by added words of sex or multitude, rather then suffixes, the inflections of Brahui are simple, and of the agglutinative type. The suffixes of declension are the some or nearly so singular and plural, and in the latter case follow the sign of number. Only the first three numerals (Asit, Irat, and Musit) are indigenous. These being directly from other language*ii (Bray: 1978).

- 74 - iii- Dr. Abdul Rahman Brahui:

Dr. Brahui says that the word “DRAVIDA” is also suitable to the old inhabitant of India besides Aryan, further he adds his glosseme that it is new research about Dravidian that they used to live near Atlantic Ocean.

2- Un-Dravidian Hypothesis:

More than enough Un-Dravidian hypothesis are available about Brahui language. But all of them are invalid hypothesis. The all below hypothesis come in un-Dravidian hypothesis.

i) Aryan ii) Koch-O-Baloch iii) Kurd Galian i) Aryan i) “The visit of Balochistan and Sindh” Potinger’s book 1816, he wrote that Brahui language is totally different by its neighboring languages, which hears like Punjabi but it doesn’t belong to Dravidian family (Tosha 1977). ii) In 1838 Left-R-Leach has written in “Journal*(iii)” that Brahui is an Indo-Aryan language. (Tosha 1977). iii) Some international linguists accepted that the Brahui is not a Dravidian language, but a little bit vocabulary has mixed or borrowed by other languages on the base of vocabulary Brahui can’t belong Dravidian language. Names come in this series, Coldwell, Razly, Gerirson, Ahyo Billers and I-C-S (Brahui Dr. Abdul Rehman). ii) Koch-O-Baloch i) This hypothesis expressed first time by S-H-Ravalinson with the argumentry reference of “Firdossi’s” “Shah Nama”( Dey Tik:2003). After the mentioned book with word Balochi” Koch had been written together, Mr. Long Worth, Dynes Bray and many other scholars suspected about present inhabitant trib Brahui *(iv) to a Koch race. (Naseer: 1998). iii) Kurd Gali

In 1974 A local researcher Mir Aaqil Khan Mengal has revealed this hypothesis that Brahui is called Kurdgali as well. Present era in Besema

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(Kharan) Lasbela, and Karkh Brahui is known as Kurdgali (Ulus:1977) Mir Aaqil Khan Mengal copied the ideas of tenth country’s Arab’ Geologist “Ibn- e-Hukal” that the Brahui is a Sub-section of a Kurd Tribe (Bray: 1978) Whenever the Koch-o-Baloch came to Kalat under guidance of Baloch Chief “Miro” to avoid them self by the outrage of “Nosherwan” Sewa family was ruler of Kalat, Nichara, Zahri and Khuzdar. And the inhabitants were called Sewae tribe. There language resembled to Brahui. Beside Sewa, the “Judgal” populated on the surfer of Sorab, Khuzdar, Karkh and Lasbela. When Koch-o-Baloch, abandon the Burzkoh*(v) Sewae named than Burzkohi which was change in to Brohee, Bravi, and Brahui. (Naseer: 1998)

3- Proto-Dravidian Hypothesis:

Mostly local scholars like, Dr Abdul Rahman Brahui and Dr Razzaq Sabir links the Brahui a proto-Dravidian language. Razzaq Sabir says (in his an article “Brahui literature in 20th century”) that the mostly linguists are agreed that Brahui is not only Dravidian but it is a proto-Dravidian language. Because the languages of Dravidian family are oldest language of sub- continent. Same way Brahui is oldest languages of Pakistan. (Day Tik: 2003) According to Dr. Razzaq Sabir, if some one rejects that the Brahui is not proto-Dravidian so it required a strong proof because both Brahui and Dravidian languages are so closed to each other, on the base of emotional and lack argument we can’t omit Brahui from Dravidian. (Sabir: 2003) CONCLUSION

In first hypothesis we can find evident proof that the Brahui language may be a main Branch of Dravidian languages. Because Sir Denys Bray and Kamil Al Qadri had given a detail Knowledge with the help of grammatical structure that Brahui belongs to the Dravidian language group. It has freely absorbed a rich vocabulary of Persian, Balochi, Sindhi, Jatki and other neighboring languages. Absorbing the alien vocabularies Brahui does not change its grammatical system. And it is another evident proof that the numeral rules of Brahui is same as in Dravidian languages it accurse. The said hypothesis still it is a hypothesis which is required dependant variables, for this we must have strong matter of all Dravidian languages to analysis the grammatical and numeral system of both languages. On the base of other’s hypothesis we can’t give a strong recommendation that the Brahui language belongs to Dravidian language.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENT

(i) The South Indian group is called Dravidian family or comprise Dravidian languages like, Tamil Godaba, Gondi, Kannada, Kodegu, Kalami, Konda, Kata, Koya, Kui, Kuruk, Malyalam, Malto, Manda, Naiki, Parji, Pengu, Toda and Tulu. Dr. Razzaq Sabir, has written in his book “Dravarhistan” that the number of Dravidian languages is increased upto 26 but only seventeen 17 languages had accepted as official language of India. (ii) Here other language means the Brahui and Persian, because thay have the some numerals after the first three numerals as Brahui has after it. The like, Char, Panch, Shash, Haft, Hasht, Noh, Dah, etc. (iii) Journal of the Asiatic Society the Bangal, Vol-7 PP 537 to 562, here we can see some example of Brahui language and folklore, Couplets. from Munshi Gulab Sing and Sons Lahore the very Journal was reprinted on 539 page Journal’s Editor James Prinsep expresses his views like this that Brahui is an Indo-Aryan language. (iv) Brahuis are branch of Baloch nation and it is further divided into perhaps more then fifty section and each section has isolated in to dozens sub-sections.. (v) Burzkoh is the name of a high mountain in Iran. The settlers of Burzkoh are called Burzkohi according scholars now Brahui is the new shape of same burzakhi.

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REFERENCES

 Bray, Danys. The Brahui language: Brahui academy. Quetta :Pakistan,1978.

 Siddiqui, Khail. Zuban kiya hai: Bekon Books. Multan, 2001.

 Naseer,Gul Khan Mengal. Koch -o –Baloch: Zamrud Publications. Quetta. Pakistan,1998.

 Brahui, Dr. Abdul Rehman .Brahui Zuban o Adab ki mukhtasir taareekh: Urdu Board .Lahor. 1982.

 Brahui, Academy. Tosha: Brahui Academy. Quetta.Pakistan, 1977.

 Sabir, Dr. Abdul Razzaq. „Drawarhistan“: Brahui Academy. Quetta. Pakistan, 2003.

 Brahui. Ulus Gichen Brahui: Border Publicity Organization. Quetta.Pakistan, 1977.

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BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011

AN OLD PHONOLOGICAL STUDY OF NEW PERSIAN AND BALOCHI

Language & Literature

Hamid Ali Baloch* Dr. Abdul Saboor Baloch† Dr. Bilal Ahmed‡ ABSTRACT

The Balochi language is one of the ancient languages, which belongs to the Iranian branch of Indo-European family. This language has a very deep-rooted history and similarities with the Sanskrit, Avesta, Old Persian and Pahlavi (which are now considered as dead languages). These languages flourished side by side for thousands of years and the concerned language did not let itself dead because of its enrichment and nomadic environment. Balochi is currently spoken in Pakistan, Iran, Afghanistan, India, the Arab Gulf States, Turkmenistan, east Africa and some Scandinavian countries such as Sweden and Norway. The aim of this paper is to show the differences between the new Persian and the Balochi languages and to clear the misunderstandings of those writers who have considered the Balochi language as a contemporary of the new Persian. In this paper phonetics and the phonological basis of the Balochi language will be discussed to prove that the Balochi language has a long history of approximately 5000-6000 years. As far as, the Persian language concerns, the evolutionary changes and the changes of phonetics, the phonetically variations will be mentioned that which language (Persian or Balochi) is most affected. References from different sources will be given to eliminate the misunderstandings of those so-called linguists who not lingual

* Lecturer, Departmanet of Balochi, University of Balochistan, Quetta. † Assistant Professor and Chairperson, Department of Balochi, University of Balochistan, Quetta. ‡ Chairperson Department of Persian Universiy of Balochistan, Quetta

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approach to the Persian and the Balochi languages. Different epoch will be mentioned to prove the internal changes of both languages.

INTRODUCTION The origin of the Balochi language was an enigma* for the linguists before one and a half century and the Balochi language has been considered as a dialect of the Persian language. These concepts took place when the British Imperialists captured the Baloch land for the political and financial interests. A.W. Hughes was the first man among the British colonial Generals who directly raised hands towards the Balochi language without a lingual approach of both Persian and the Balochi languages, considered the Balochi as a dialect of the New Persian.

This is also a prevailing concept in Persia and majority of the Persian net sites are in the view that Balochi has not its own existence and history, except a dialect of the Persian. But the development and analyses of the modern linguistics and lingual researches showed that these ideas were fake, counterfeit and unacceptable. Approximately, all linguists are agreeing on the point that the Balochi language belongs to the Iranian Branch of Indo- European family, which has a very long and deep-rooted history.

Joseph Elfenbein inscribes that the Balochi language belongs to the eastern group of the Iranian languages like Parthian and Arsacid Pahlavi. Ancestor of the Balochi language was neither Parthian nor Middle Persian ( Sasanid Pahlavi), but a lost language which thus while sharing a number of characteristic features with either, some with both, had a pronounced individuality of his own. This language may have been a variety of Median speech since the Kurdish dialects, which have a noteworthy affinity with Balochi are to be traced, in Minorasky’s opinion, to the ancient Median (Josef. Ency: Vol-1: 1960).

Another European linguist T.A Mayer who has a wide grip over the Iranian languages had been confirmed this statement before Josef Elfenbein that the Balochi to be the remnants of the Medians or the ancient west Iranians,

*The writers who worked on the Balochi language during the British era in the Indian subcontinent could not differentiate the Balochi language to the Persian language, because most of them were not linguists.

- 81 - whose language bears signs of affinity to the language of the Medes (Mengal: 1988:8)

The later scholars and linguists approved it. In 1925, Robert Gilbertson found certain affinities between Kurdish and Balochi but Tedesco carried a vast research on the Iranian dialects in 1921. He places Balochi in the center of western Iran or Zagros range, but Longworth Dames refers to the abode of it to be around the Caspian coasts (Cosa-bir, a Baloch tribe). Tedesco, however, puts pre-Balochi among the North Western dialects of Iran, including the present Caspian dialects. Mackenzie in 1961 also places the Balochi in Central West Iran (Windfuhr: Isogloses:458).

Dr. G.L Windfuher writes, sketch of Persia and Parthians; Kurds and Medes and adds Kurdish shares a number of features with the Median band of dialects. However, it also exhibits a cluster of innovations and lexical items which it shares with a dialect group now adjacent to Kurdish, namely, Persian and Baloch (Windfuhr: Isogloses. P. 458). K. Mason writes that Balochi is another Aryan language of akin to the Old Persian, Old Arian, Achaemanid and Median (Masson: 1945: 325). No doubt, Balochi stands closer to the Achaemanid, the court language of the Achaemanid King who spoke Persian at home and also shared features with the Avesta dialect of Median language, the one in the Gathaas or Hymns of secret Knowledge, called “Gat” in Balochi ( Mengal: 1988:11). None of the above-mentioned linguists declared Balochi as a dialect, even the contemporary of the Persian language, but akin of the Old languages such as Old Persian, Avesta and Sanskrit. The supposed linguists differentiated the Balochi language with New Persian by studying the phonetics, semantics, etymology and grammar. Balochi has a lot of phonetic differences, which even not match with the new Persian, but a great similarity with Old Persian, because it flourished at the same time, in the same region. Being the Akins of each other, it is a real fact that there will be a little bit lexical influences or similarities in the concerned languages.

Phonological Changes: The linguists have deeply studied the phonological differences between the new Persian and the Balochi language, and proved that both languages have a lot of Phonetic variations. In this context, Professor Khalil Saddiqui mentions that Balochi language has a Phonetical similarity with the Sanskrit. It has also maintained it’s Avestan and Pahlavi Phonemes and the phonemes have been themselves in the New Persian. He further adds, that phonetically the Balochi

- 82 - language, somehow near similarity with the Avestan and on the other hand, it also relates a little bit with Pahlavi. The palatal voices in the Balochi and Pahlavi languages are same and still maintained their positions, but these phones and phonemes have been changed in the New Persian. For example, the words, Rōč and Rōčan are still in its concerned form in the Balochi but changed its shape into Rōz and Rōzan in the New Persian .Balochi has not even been changed the unvoiced phonemes, but in the new Persian the case is different , it has changed the unvoiced phones into the voiced from. The word Zāt, Kurt have been converted into zād and Kard; āp, šap, and dāt converted into āb, šap and dād in the new Persian, but the Balochi did not break up its kinship with the Pahlavi and Avesta but phonetically made its relationships strong with the said languages. He further adds that Balochi might be older than newer and may be the contemporary of the Pahlavi language (Siddiqi: 2001 :202-203). Agnes Korn adds a new point about the classical approach of the Balochi language among the other Iranian languages, she mentions that “Balochi is of particular importance for the study of the history of the Iranian languages since (in contrast to all other modern Iranian languages) it directly reflects the old Iranian consonants in all position of the word. Although the remarkable archaicity noted by Geiger might be the result of somewhat more complex processes than hitherto assumed, Balochi is a key witness for the reconstruction of earlier stages of the Iranian languages for which the evidence often scares or difficult to interpret. Among the contemporary Iranian languages, Balochi occupies and important place, as the area where it is spoken is comparatively large and the number of its speakers comparatively high. A further interesting point is that the Balochi lexicon as well as its historical phonology reflects with a variety of neighboring languages. (Korn: 2005:7) It's clear to note that the Persian language has changed its phonological, morphological and even the lexical structures since centuries ago. Thousands of years before the Persian language was known as the Pārsī ay bāstān (Old Persian), the language of Cyrus the Great.* At that time, the Persian was in its purified form, but when the time passed simultaneously and the rulers came one after another to occupy the seats of the Kingdom, the process overthrew a major effect on the Persian language. The Old Persian appeared in the shape of Pahlavi after five centuries to the

* Cyrus the Great is known as Kōryūš e Azam in the Persian history. He defeated the Medes king and maintained the Old Persian language as the official language of his court. He was the first king or ruler who expanded the boundaries of his kingdom from Persia to the Greece.

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Iranian subjects, and it was adopted as the court or official language of the Iranian Kings. The catastrophic change in the Pahlavi* language takes place, when the Caliph Umar manages an expedition to Iran by his commander Abu Musa Ash’ari†. When is Iran is conquered in the era of the caliph Umar, the Arabic language became the official language of the Iranian masses and it engulfed the Persian language in all aspects. It’s interesting to note that the major phonological change occurs at the said time. Even the proverbs, idioms and structure of sentences have been changed.‡ In the early years of the twentieth century the passions of patriotism and love to the Persian language stimulated a prejudice against the Arabic language and once again a movement of purification was started by some Iranian linguists. Pur Daud was one of the key figures among them, who led the movement in the name of “Pārsī ay bāstān” with his nearest companions. The aims and objectives of this movement were to eliminate the Arabic words, purify the language in its old form such as the Old Persian. But his language purification movement became unsuccessful because of his extreme linguistic views. He was condemned by the other Iranian linguists throughout Iran. On the one hand Mirza Muhammad Khan gave him the title

* Pahlavi is basically called the Middle Persian and most of the Persian intellectuals are in views that language of Šāhnāmeh Firdōsī is Pahlavi but there are some confusion concerning to the Pahlavi word.some say that the word “Pahlavi” was the name of a city in Iran which meant “Cantonment or Army”. In this regard the great poet Firdōsī mentions in his book: Za pahlav barūn raft Kaūs Šāh Za harsū hamē gašt gard e sipāh Firdōsī further mentions that this was the language of Pahlavans (inherited singers), who used to sing different songs in the courts of kings. Agar pahlavani nadānī zubā Bitāzī tū arwandrā Dajlw xwā Nizami converys a different message about the name Pahlavi and says that Pahlavi is the name of a musical mode. Bahar ē ganjiš ču pidaram kard Ba pahlav zubāniš harē nām kard For further details see (Muhammad Hussain Azad. 1988:143-147). † Abu Mūsa Aš’arī was one of the key commanders of the muslim army in the battle of Qadissiyya. He was sent to the Baloch Sardar and commander Siyahsawar ( known as Al- Dissawar in the Arbian History), to reconciliate upon some strategic issues against the Persian army. Aš’arī along with the Baloch army assaulted the Persian throne and occupied the Iranian region. This was a good omen for the Arabs and Islam and this was the time when the Arabic language started penetrating in the core of Persian language and engulfed it. ‡ For further details see the poetry of Sheikh Sadi and Hafiz and the contemporary Persian poets and prose-writers.

- 84 - of “extremist” and on the other hand, the words of French, German and English languages were Persianized simultaneously. So, this movement took his last breath and could not succeed it from the influence of other languages till now, and this process led the Persian language to another way e.g. This changed its structure (Siddiqi: 2001:202-203) Beside, the Balochi language has not lost its original form and after thousands of years, it has fully maintained its old linguistic structure, but somehow, because of mass migration through different communities the Balochi language has adopted a little bit sounds i.g. ţ, ŗ and đ,* which are basically the Indian sounds.

A comparative of sketch of the Old Iranian sounds:

It is interesting to note that Balochi is the only language in the Iranian region, which has preserved its old Iranian sounds, but the other languages like Kurdi, Persian, Pashtu Luri and Saghdi have lost the sounds of their parent languages. A small comparative sketch of the Old Iranian sound is given here to specify that how Balochi has been preserved its old sounds. The sound of OIr. Č (Korn:2005:84) ♦ Bal. čar (r) “turn/move” ( AV. čara- “move”- Parth. Čar “graze”† ♦ Bal. gičin‡ “select” (Av. Vī-činao-) NP- guzīn/ guzīd, Parth. wižīn-/ wižīd§, Balo. Rōč “day” (Av. rōčah) and the NP. Rōz. Here we see that how the new Persian its original sound. The sound of Old Persian “č” is being converted into “z” but the Balochi has sustained it till today. Ĵ (Korn: 2005: 86) are as follows which have"چ" Some examples of the Balochi and Olr sound č ."ز"changed themselves into z

* Most of the linguists favor this idea that all the Iranian languages have not the sound of ţ,ŗ and đ, basically these sounds are found in indo-Aryan (Sanskrit) and new indo- Aryan languages, such as Punjabi, Sindhi, Lehinda , Marhathi and others etc. such sounds are also found in the Pushto language but actually Pashto has also taken these sounds from Indian languages by mass migration through the indo- subcontinent. † Basically čarr and čar both words are found in the Balochi language in the whole dialects. The meaning of čar is same as in the Parthian. ‡ Korn has taken reference of this word from Mocker. The real pronunciation of this word is gičēn which means “select or purify”. § The Parthian sound ž is also found in the eastern hill dialect of the Balochi language (see details in the book of Josef “Balochi language, a dialectology with texts). The word “gōžd- meat” specifies the Parthian sound. Balochi thus corresponds to the Early Parthian stage with regard to word- internal č ( Korn:2005: 86)

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and (تاچ)tāč ,(پچگ)pačag,(پچ)pač,(دوچ)dōč ,(اے روچ)ey rōč ,(سوچن)Sūčin ,(امروز)imrōz ,(سوزن)have been changed phonetically as sōzan (روچگ)rōčag .in persian (روزہ)and rōza (تاز)tāz ,(پزہ)paza ,(پز)paz ,(دوز)dōz The sound of Old Iranian Ĵ is converted in z in the new Persian. According to Grunburg the age of Ĵ is *older than the sound of z. ♦ jan-† / jat “strike” (Av. Jan-, Np zan-/ zad, Parth žan-/ žad), jan “woman, wife”(Av. Jinni-, NP- zan ♦ bōj- “open” (buj, MP boz-/ bōxt, Parth.bōž‡-/ bōxt “save”), raj- “colour”(NP raz-/ rašt) drāĵ and in NP dirāz. The OIr Z(Korn:2005:88) ♦ Zān- “know”(Av. Zanā-, NP dān-/dānist, Parth. Zān/ zānād), zāmāt “son- in-law”(Av. Zāmātār-, NP dāmād);mazan “big”(Av. Maz-, MPM mazan “monster”, OInd. Mahant-),mēz “urinate”(Av. maēza§-, NP mēz/ mēzīd. OIr. I ( Korn: 2005:141) ♦ išt “brick” (Av. Ištiia-, NP xišt ♦ pit”father” (Av. Pitar-, NP pidar, Prth.pid (ar) Sans.pita in the new persian(Moosa Mahmoodzahi "د"changes itself in d "ت"Olr. T 1370H:33) ♦ āzāt “ free, liberated” (Av. Āzāta- NP āzād ) ♦ māt “mother”(Av.mātar-, OP mātar, Sans. Māta** , NP mādar). ♦ zūt "speed, haste"(Av. Zūt-Pah. Zūt, NP- zūd ♦ palīt "impure, comtaminated " Pah,OP- palīt, Pah- palīt, Av. Palīt, NP- palīd The new Persian has lost the old Avestan and Old Persian clusters which are the signs of the oldness of the Iranian languages. Whether Sanskrit is considered to be the langue of Indo-Aryan language and it has very near kinship to the Old Persian Avestan and the Balochi languages. The cluster

* For details see monthly gwānk ( Baloch: 2009:Balōčī o Fārsī e rājdaptarī arzišt) † Jan is used for both noun and verb. In the eastern dialect of the Balochi language jan means “to strike” but in the western dialects of the Balochi language the verb form is “janag”. For example ā janagā int (he is striking) etc. ‡ The word bōž has the similar sound and meaning in the eastern dialect of the Balochi language and the Parthian language. § The Avestan word maēza is very near to the Balochi verb mēzag phonologically and morphologically. ** The Sanskrit sound of māta is very near and similar to the Balochi word māt morphologically and phonologically. The above-mentioned word pita of the Sanskrit is structurally same to the Balochi language.

- 86 - sounds “granč/ ōšt*” of Sanskrit, Avesta and Balochi are mostly same. For instance, the clusters bra-, tra-, sra-, gra,- kra- and such like other clusters are the same morphologically and phonologically. These cluster sounds are found in the Vedas and in the Avestan sacred books†. The clustered words like, brā-t, krā-m, dra-hmadān, gwam, gwaz‡ and thousand of other clustered words are found in the Balochi language which specifies the old sounds of the Iranian region.

CONCLUSION: A thorough phonological study showed that the Balochi language still keeps a vast place in the Old Iranian languages. The Balochi language preserved its old sounds what its contemporary languages could carry it on. The languages like Medi, Old Persian, Parthian , Sanskrit and Avestan languages which were considered to be the language of religions and officials in the courts of kings in different eras of the history. Being in the strong safeguard and protection they cannot preserve themselves in the pages of history. By the passage of time when the kingdoms collapsed the said languages already started declining simultaneously. Regarding to the new Persian language it lost its old shape and as it has mentioned before that after conquering the Persian region the Arabic language laid a strong effect on the Persian language. Balochi is the only language which has maintained its original form and the Old Iranian sounds. It has been said that it has lost a little bit sound and adopted some Indian sounds like Sindhi and Lehinda§. As it has been mentioned that the Balochi is the only survived language in the region and if someone wants to study the historical background of the Old Iranian languages he has to study the Balochi language**. Some writers in the British era misunderstood the Balochi language and interpreted as the dialect of the Persian language but the modern research and linguists concluded that the modern Persian is itself lost away its original phonological and morphological structures.

* The word ōšt was used for cluster in the Balochi language by Sayad Zahoor Shah Hashmi and the word granč used by a small group of literary men in Turbat which not yet been accepted by the total literary men of the Balochi Literature. † See further details (Baloch: monthly Gwānk Jan, Balōčī o Sanskrit e hamgōnagī). ‡ These sounds are only found in the Sanskrit, Avesta and the Balochi languages not any other new Iranian languages. § The Saraiki language which was firstly mentioned by William Jones in his book, the linguistic survey of India and after that the later writers adopted the same word for Saraiki. ** See Korn 2005 introduction of her PhD thesis

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. Elfenbein, Josef: The Balochi Language: A Dialectology with Texts

2. Mengal, Mir Aqil Khan: 1990, A Persian-Pahlavi and Balochi Vocabulary, Vol. 1, Balochi Academy, Quetta.

3. Gilbertson, Gorge Waters English-Balochí colloquial dictionary: Ghāno Khān (Haddiānī.), Haddiānī Ghāno Khān - 1925 - Volume 2.

4. Korn, Agnes: 2005. Towards a Historical Grammar of the Balochi Grammar, A Phonology and Vocabulary,

5. Siddiqui, Khalil Ahmad. " Zubān kyā hae" Bacon Books, Gulgasht Multan 2nd Edition.

6. Windfuhr, Dr. G.L: 1975. “Isoglosses: A Sketch on Persians and Parthians, Kurds and Medes”,.

7. Masson, Charles: 1844. Narrative Of Various Journeys In Balochistan Afghanistan The Panjab And Kalat Vol IV.

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BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011

FM RADIO AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN QUETTA CITY

Media

Sadaf Naqvi Mohammad Fahim Baloch Babrak Niaz* Mirwais Kasi† ABSTRACT: FM Radio is a device that can influence to its listeners in worldwide areas. It has capacity to increase one’s knowledge, ideas, and understanding on any issue while maintaining personal relationship with its transmission. It is a medium by which its listeners interact with their environmental subjects. It can also be noteworthy, such as bringing change into a person’s attitudes, culture and can cause for social change. Social change is the process of fetching development in social structures that can make people learn the ways of living styles in a particular community circle related to cultures and traditions. This study would call attention to the role of FM Radio in causing development, change, and listeners’ adjustment in the given social environment with special focus on informative programmes and effects on the local populace particularly in Quetta city which is distinguished by multi cultural and multi linguistic mass land.

Introduction: The last ten - twelve years have been witnessed a rapid growth in the broadcasting industry of Pakistan. The trend is mainly a result of the forces of globalization, chiefly liberalization, privatization and the free market economy. Government sets the regulatory bodies to regulate the operation of the electronic media that are also being charged with enforcing an ethical code of broadcasting. In Pakistan, FMs’ operations are mainly funded by

* Authors are Lecturer, Department of Media and Journalism, University of Balochistan, Quetta, Pakistan. † Lecturer, Department of International Relations, University of Balochistan, Quetta, Pakistan.

- 90 - advertising and other sources. Some FM radio stations on air the programmes related to the community based problems and issues but many depend on entertainment without logical reasons. Another drawback of the medium is that they focus on only city based communities. Radio has proved itself as a powerful medium in all over the world where it has become a tool for disaster management. Likewise in Ghana, it was used for educational purpose after tsunami (Website). Therefore, FM Radio stations must be proliferated throughout the country in order to fulfill the needs of its audience in rural areas particularly in Quetta where Frequency Modulated radio can replace the other media with its super injecting qualities in the masses.

Emergence of PEMRA and FM Radio:

An independent corporate body PEMRA was established on 1st March, 2002 with the four major objectives to improve the standard of information, education and entertainment. It was started to enlarge the choice available to the people of Pakistan in the media for news, current affairs, religious knowledge, art, culture, science, technology, economic development, social sector concerns, music, sports, drama and other subjects of public and national interest(PEMRA:2008:8). Airwaves in Pakistan were privatized and FM radio stations are allowed in all provinces, the Tribal Areas have been kept out of the sphere and the outcome is that with no ‘legal radio' allowed, ‘illegal radio' is alive here. It has learnt that many extremist groups are running their illegal FM channels for propaganda against US and Pakistani forces in the Tribal Areas Pakistani Government can't control them (Azmat, 2004: 38).

A total of 129 FM Radio licenses have been awarded for the entertainment and educational purposes through open and transparent bidding. Of these, 106 FM Radio stations are functional in the country, whereas four FM radio stations are operational in Quetta city (PEMRA:2009:35). Mainly these stations broadcast programmes on topics related to education, health, civic hygiene and local trade & commerce.

FM Radio and Social Change: theoretical Framework Social change has been a social science researchers’ subject of interest for a long time. The media scholars have been studying upon special effects of mass media in bringing social change. The debate on the impact of mass media started even before the arrival of screen media. There are various studies that tried to determine the impact of early medium of mass

- 91 - communication like puppet show, theater, telephone, telegraph and radio. Radio itself is not a recent trend but FM radio is a new influx principally in underdeveloped countries. To gauge its impact, it is pertinent to have a look on past researches conducted on the impact of this medium. Radio’s role in propagating the cause of war in World War II is a big success of the tool (Tim, 1998: 194). This has led the social scientists towards views, disagreements and discussions about the impact of media in formulating the culture, social norms and public opinion of society. Since the mid of 20th century, ‘development’ has become a term synonymous with ‘growth’, ‘modernization’, and ‘social change’ (Mattelart: 1998:36). Researchers have not been able to agree on a single definition of development or Social Change – perhaps because of the diverse nature of the concepts built up in different regions with different physical environment, culture, natural resources and general ways of life (Silvio: 2001). Of course there are some similarities (common features) but each country remains unique in its own settings. The best definition of development can be: “a multidimensional process that involves change in social structures, attitudes, institutions, economic growth, reduction of inequality, and the eradication of poverty” (Thomas L. & Shirley: 1996). Social Change can also be described as the conversion of traditions, institutions and values or changing the mode of life.

Theories for Social Change: Social change occurs in the societies but confusion mixes social change with cultural change though there is a big difference between cultural and social change. Social change brings changes only in the social organization whereas cultural change includes changes in art, science technology philosophy and even the very social organization (Mukhi: 2001:447). Here are some important studies briefly describing social change.

August Comte’s Theory Comte said that society has passed through stages namely Theological, Metaphysical and Positive. In the theological stage society believed in supernatural powers and accepted the idea that these powers controlled our social behavior. During the second stage his ideas about supernatural powers changes and from gods he came to abstraction and tried to explain social behavior through abstractions (Trevor: 2000:44). The society is now in the third stage in which everything is being empirically studied and all this is going on in a cyclical order.

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Karl Marx’s Theory Karl Marx is of the view that economic factors and conditions alone are responsible for social change. According to his philosophy, economic conditions are deciding Factors in social change. He says that a stable and regular trial and resist is going on in society in which economically weaker sections of society are being broken by those who are economically strong, are trying to live and endure. According to him when society gives up one economic order and accepts the other, there is always a social change. Thus he feels that society has passed through oriental, the ancient and feudal stages and at each stage there was a social change (Friedrich: 1973:20). He says that when capitalism replaced feudal order, a social change was witnessed. According to him social change was likely to come because capitalism was bound to die and would be replaced by socialism.

Theory of Religion Marx Weber says that religion is responsible for bringing about the change in society. He quotes from history that emergence of Hinduism, Islam, Christianity or Judaism brought considerable social change (Jeffrey: 1983:33). Thus they give more importance to religion rather than to economic aspects of life in social change.

Theory of Systematic Efforts Ludwig Stein and Hobhouse are the supporters of this theory. They believe that social change occurs with planned ways and conscious efforts plus these efforts include knowledge and literacy (Mukhi:2001:449).

Effects of Media Soon after the advent of radio and later television, their capacity to influence the minds and deeds of the masses aroused numerous social inquiries. The social scientists started that whether it has capacity to bring about any influence for the audience or it is harmless at any cost. Theorists presented many studies related to media and its influence or effects.

Two-step flow theory This is a popular media effects theory, and to some extent is related to the diffusion of innovation hypothesis. Lazarsfeld and his colleagues developed the notion of a ‘two-step’ flow of media messages, and that the audience has the ability to “select and interpret media messages” (Bob: 2005:266). Their conclusion was that messages filtered through the mass media to opinion leaders, peers or relatives, who then play roles in decisions that

- 93 - people make after being exposed to media messages. It is still a relevant theory for studying the relationship between FM radios and the development in the developing countries like Pakistan.

Marshal Mcluhan and Cultural Studies Many scholastic researchers of 1960s were indulged in the research types that were said to be as Cultural Studies. These studies depend upon the watchful views and observations rather than controlled experiments and statistics. Mcluhan said that it was the nature of communication technology itself, rather than the content that was carried on it, that changed society in radical ways__ or, as he famously put it, “The medium is the message” (Terraence, Mcluhan: 1997). Because it is suggesting that mass media gently massages its users into a state of oblivion that destroys rationality and critical thinking. Mcluhan also advanced the idea of the global village, information about people of different cultures, in different countries thousands of miles away, becomes as meaningful to media consumers as things happening in their own neighborhoods (Terraence, Mcluhan: 1997).

Cultivation theory Cultivation theory was an approach developed by Professor George Gerbner; He began his query with the question that how television watching may influence viewers' ideas of what the everyday world is like. Cultivation theorists argue that television has long-term effects which are small, gradual, indirect but cumulative and significant. According to George Gerbner media shapes the people’s view of the world (George :1994:17-41). The theory helps to understand that how a person’s perception shapes or sometimes it is distorted by media. Cultivation theory explains that with the passage of time, the usages of media will “cultivate” inside users a distinct view of the world. In this theory, the researcher is actually explains that how media can be a source to change in the perceptions, attitudes and behavior.

Agenda-Setting Theory Another theory about media effects is “Agenda Setting Theory”. In this theory the way of political campaigns is studied. The investigators of this study recovered the main effect of media to be agenda setting, telling people not what to think, but to think about. Any issue that is discussed in media effects its importance. The main thrust of agenda setting is that media content will not change your point of view about any particular issue but it will change your perception of what is important. In present era researchers think that once any issue captures people’s attention, they have tendency to

- 94 - influence government policy (HansBernd:1996:561-80). Media has tendency to capture public’s attention that’s why it is used in political campaigns.

Uses and Gratification Theory In an effort to explain the ‘motive for attending to media’ came in form of a set of studies that are denoted as the Uses and Gratification Theories. This Theory was developed to explain the active role of audience in selection of the medium as well as the content of the messages rather than waiting messages from the media. The basic idea of these theories is that “People put specific media and specific media content to specific use in the hope of having some specific need or set of needs gratified” (Stanley: 2000:210). This theory was established on audience choice for media very first time. Before the advent of this theory, social scientists paid attention on what media do with audience rather what audience does with media.

Bullet Theory Bullet theory implies that media effects flow directly from the media to an individual like a bullet. According to this theory, people who watch violent movies become violent and those who read immoral comic books become morally wrong. Later on, some other studies like People’s Choice Studies suggested as two-step flow in which media influence takes place most of the time in interaction with interpersonal communication (Melvin: 2008:163). For example, one may or may not buy a book depending on what his friend has commented about it. A new super hit movie can earn millions of rupees simply because of the advertisement and publicity. The studies have tried to integrate many theories of development, and the role and effects of mass media (including FM radio). The theories have proved that media has capacity in bringing change in social set ups if the target audience can access towards it. But sometimes when the audience does not choose the medium to receive the messages, media cannot cause for change. Media can be a big tool for the purpose of changing the opinion of the masses in terms of propaganda and even boosting development processes.

Discussion FM radio is considered to be community-based and catering to local audience; it is captivating that PEMRA has been unwilling to issue licenses to foreigners. The issuance of licenses is conditional to the security clearance

- 95 - from Ministry of Interior - manage to secure licenses. Also, the open bidding process through which a license is awarded is expensive and only those with tons of money and influence seem to get them. PBC does not fulfill the needs of the local populace according to the people. BBC and VOA have the programmes based upon the needs of the public of Pakistan but do not have devoted local bulletins. PEMRA refuses to award licenses to non- governmental organizations (NGOs) or community based organizations (CBOs) in country. The reason is to avoid the prevailing of foreign agenda in the country, even if they have reliability, local suitability and valuable outreach (Aurangzeb:2011:45). If the stake holders pay attention in promoting FM transmission with special concern on Journalism, this industry will flourish in the provinces on ground roots. The largest of Pakistan’s four provinces in land mass – in general and provincial capital Quetta in particular has visibly expanded since 2000 in a trend that largely reflects the shifting media landscape in the rest of Pakistan. With the doors thrown open to private ownership of the airwaves, independent TV channels and FM radio stations have come to be a part of daily life. And with competition has come the rush for news or breaking news. Even one still has to observe a critical group of private, independent radio stations, locally owned and voicing local concern in languages of Balochistan – something needed and often harshly demanded. In a province long engaged in a monologue with itself ‐ cut off as it is from the rest of the country through distances, lack of infrastructure and the Pakistani state’s control over news and information from Balochistan ‐ the proliferation of media in few years has fueled a desire for information, a wish to have a say and be heard (Aurangzeb: 2010:12). Sachal FM 105, Chiltan FM 88, FM 101 and Noori FM 96 (with no proper set up) are on airing the transmission while keeping in view the culture of Quetta city ((PEMRA:2012:22). The DJ’s style of communication and bulk of entertainment with Indian songs is a big phenomenon of some of these FM radio’s transmission. However, it is a start, with the passage of time; it will cover the issues which really need to be addressed. Population= Quetta Sample= Balochistan University 20, Sardar Bahadur Khan University 20, BUITMS 20, Government Girls College Quetta 20, Government Science College Quetta 20.

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:1 Do you listen to FM Yes No radio? =39% = 61% - - -

Q:2 What do you listen News Entertainm Other in FM transmission and ent - - Current Affairs 10% 13% 77% Q:3 How much time you 1-2 More than More than 3 spend in listening hours 2 and less hours FM radio? than 3 - - 71% hours 6% 23% Q:4 Are you satisfied Highly Satisfied Neutral Dissati Diss with the contents of Satisfie sfied atisfi FM radio d ed transmission? 32% 14% 37% 11% 06% Q:5 Are you satisfied Yes No Don’t Know with the number of cultural 18% - - programmes in FM 37% 45% transmission?

Q:6 How you benefit A. You B. Healthy A waste of No from listening to are up- source of time. effect. your desired FM to-date relaxation - programmes? on issues concern 36% 22% ing your 13% daily life 29% Q:7 Do the transmissions of FM Don’t know radio reach to all Yes No - - segments of social sector? 31% 42% 07%

Q:8 Do you think the regional languages programs result in Yes No Don’t Know propagating - - harmony among the 27%

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different sections of 69% 24% society?

Q:9 The news and current affairs Yes No Don’t Know program present 09% - - unbiased and 58% 33% neutral picture of social issues?

Q: Do you feel your 10 language proficiency has Yes No Don’t Know increased due to the - - DJ’s style of 14% communication? 27% 59%

Q: The approach of Pragmat Idealist Pessimist Don’t 11 RJs towards social ic know - life is often: 43% 20% 09% 28% Q: How would you 12 evaluate the effects Positive Negative Neutral of FM radio - - programs on the 35% 30% 35% youth of Pakistan?

Total sample size 100.

Findings

 The findings of the research are that FM radio is listened by the young generation of Quetta due to their main focus on entertainment and interactive programmes with feedback. It is assumed that this forum can be used as an effective tool of Social Change in Quetta.  People prefer to listen FM broadcasting due to the interesting contents and better sound quality. The following results have been developed on the basis of data collected through survey research method.  In accordance with the responses, people like listen to programmes containing news and current affairs segments whereas most of the respondents listen to entertainment programmes and very few people prefer listening the programmes fall in other category.

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 The amount of time spend on listening Fm radio has relevancy to the research. The collected data shows that most of the respondents spend 1-2 hours in listening FM radio transmission.  Listeners’ satisfaction with the contents of FM transmission is indirectly related to the main theme of our research and total respondents were found highly satisfied with the programming of FM radios. Moreover, very few respondents were highly dissatisfied with the contents of FM radio programmes in general.  Maximum respondents believe that the news and current affairs programmes present unbiased and neutral picture of social issues.  The majority of respondents believe that influence of FM radio programmes on youth is positive, while some respondents consider it negative. Recommendations  Quetta needs to have more Frequency Modulated radio stations as agent of social change to counteract the social issues like sectarianism, prejudice, ethnicity, ignorance, starvation, joblessness, feudalism and tribalism widespread in the society. FM radio can produce awareness about social justice, human rights and can create sense of gender balance among different communities. Through radio these communities will start developing harmony among all segments of social sections.  Some FM stations are airing the programmes based on entertainment only. The audience of FM radio is Youth. So, it is recommended that social awareness programmes, current affairs, educational programmes, different up dates, and public interest announcements must be broadcasted. Therefore, the part of the society which is listening to FM radio as audience can turn into a well informed citizen.  Social awareness lacks regarding economics, politics, health care, women issues and other phenomena in Quetta city due to some constrains. The programmes must also be based upon the issues related to daily life of the people.  FM radio must be turned into the form of community radio so that the small social issues can be addressed in broader way and the intrusion of change can knock at the doors of local, towns, villages and small vicinities. In this way, the acceptability for the social change can grow on grass root level.

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REFERENCES 1. www.internews.org/newsletter/2006_10/fall06_Tsunami.shtm 2. PEMRA ANNUAL REPORT 2008, p-8 3. Abbas, Azmat, (2004) “FM 103 forced off airwaves” The Herald. p. 38. 4. PEMRA, Annual Report, 2009, p-35 5. Crook, Tim, (1998) “International Radio Journalism, History Theory and Practice,” Rutledge publishers, p-194 6. Mattelart, Armand & Mattelart, Michele, (1998) “Theories of Communication: An Introduction” London: Sage, p-36 7. Waisbord, Silvio (2001) “Family Tree of Theories, Methodologies and Strategies in Development Communication: convergences and differences” The Rockefeller Foundation (accessed online at http://www.undp.org/oslocentre/a2i.htm, Fisher, Harold A. (2001) “Media and Development: The insights of a Pioneer and Reformer” in Melkote, Srinivas R. and Rao, Sandhya (eds) Critical Issues in Communication: Looking Inward for Answers, New Delhi: Sage 8. Servaes, Jan, Jacobson, Thomas L. & Shirley A. White (1996) “Participatory Communication for Social Change” New Delhi: Sage p-27 9. Mukhi. H.R., (2001) “A Simple Study of Sociology” p-447 10. Terevor noble. “Social theory and social change” Palgrave Macmillan, p-44 11. Friedrich Engles, (1973) “Karl Marks on society and social change” University of Chicago, p-206 12. Jeffrey C. Alexander, (1983) “Theoretical logic in sociology” Taylor & Francis, p- 129. 13. Franklin, Bob et al, (2005) “Key Concepts in Journalism Studies” Sage Press of London, p-266 14. W. Terrence Gordon, Marshall Mcluhan, (1997) “Escape into Understanding” New York: Basic Books, p-75. 15. 1bid 16. Gerbner, George, L. Gross. M. Morgan, and N. Signorielli, (1994) “Living with Television: The Cultivation Perspective” in J. Bryant and D.

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Zillmann, eds., Media Effects: Advance in Theory and Research, Hillsdale, NJ: Laurence Erlbaum, p.17-41 17. HansBernd Brosius Gabriel Weimann, (1996) “Who Sets the Agenda, Agenda Setting as a Two-Step-Flow” Communication Research 23, no 5, p-561-80 18. Stanley J. Baran and Dennis K. Devis, (1995) “Mass Communication Theory: Foundations, Ferment and Future” Wadsworth Publishing Company, Belmont California, p-210 19. Melvin Lawrence DeFleur, Sandra Ball-Rokeach, (1989) “Theories of Mass communication” Longman, p-193. 20. Khan, Aurangzeb, (2011) “Media in Balochistan: Blighted but a Brave New World Beckons”, INTERMEDIA, p-45

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BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011

THE RISE AND IMPACT OF ISLAMIC FUNDAMENTALISM IN PAKISTAN AFTER THE SOVIET INVASION IN AFGHANISTAN WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO KPK AND BALOCHISTAN

Philosophy

Malik Mohammad Tariq*

ABSTRACT

Pakistan is situated in a region where fundamentalism has been posed, of late, as one of the most threatening questions. The rise of Islamic fundamentalism in Pakistan really began in the 1980s. On the one hand, the military dictator, General Zia ul-Haq, was using religion to justify his rule and was ‘Islamizing’ laws and society. On the other hand, Pakistan had become a base camp for the forces opposing the Afghan revolution. After the Russian invasion of Afghanistan, the Zia allies with US, uses Islam to consolidate his power passes pro-Islamic legislation, and create many madrasahs and his policies created a “culture of jihad” within Pakistan that continues until present day. Recently Islamic fundamentalism has risen as an alternative political phenomenon not only in Pakistan but also in the entire Muslim world. Islamic fundamentalism in Pakistan is partly a link of this international phenomenon and partly caused by specific local reasons. When analyzing Islamic fundamentalism, one must understand that the religion of Islam and Islamic fundamentalism are not one and the same thing. If the teaching of Islam is studied we would know that the best Muslims are the fundamentalists. The fundamentals of Islam are based on peace; indeed the major point of Islam preaches peace. The peoples who are usually described fundamentalist are far from the following the fundamentals of Islamic teachings. On the contrary they totally reject the teachings of Islam or partially deviate from them. Islamic fundamentalism is

*Assistant Professor Department of Philosophy University of Balochistan, Quetta

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now a reactionary, non-scientific movement aimed at returning society to a centuries-old social set-up, defying all material and historical factors. It is an attempt to roll back the wheel of history. Fundamentalism finds its roots in the backwardness of society, social deprivation, a low level of consciousness, poverty, and ignorance. Most of them have seemingly reverted to Pre-Islamic Jahilliya way of extreme loyalty to their groups, clans, or tribes to fanatism.

DISCUSSION On August 14, 1947, a new country named Pakistan was created. This country, contemplated as a separate home for Indian Muslims, could be viewed as: a geographic manifestation of the politics of Indian Muslims as a minority group in the pluralistic Indian society; an expression of a community with a firm belief in a separate social order with its own political power base; and a sovereign state embodying the legacy of Islamic culture, which had developed in India for about eight hundred years. The two Muslim states in south Asia, Pakistan and Bangladesh (the eastern wing of Pakistan in 1947, and a sovereign state since 1971) and the Muslim presence in modern- day India signify the long history of Islamization of India from the Frontier province now Khyber Pukhtoonkhwa in the North to Bengal in the East.

After independence an obvious and major change occurred in the intelligentsia’s role in shaping the destiny of Muslims in Pakistan and India. Unlike the developments in British India, the initiative in social, religious and political reform was expected to come from the political leadership and not from religious and social reformers. The issues confronting the Muslims in the two countries were different. In Pakistan, the shape of the social order and the role of religion in politics were to become concerns of both political leadership and the intelligentsia. In India, having become a small and powerless minority the Muslims had to cope with and adjust to the changed reality of living in a “secular” India.

With partition, many organizations split. The entire Jimat-ul-Ulema- Islam (JUI) went over to Pakistan while the Jamiat-ul-Ulema-i-Hind, remained headquartered in India. The Jamaat-i- Islami split and the Indian branch came under the influence of the Nationalist Deobandis and accepted and even lauded the secular ideal as a means of preserving minority culture and focused on education and social uplift of the community. The Pakistani branch headed by Maududi, on the other hand, became active in what can be

- 103 - called Islamic politics, beginning in the 1950’s. The ideological polarization of the community between the Ulama and the modernist which had divided the community before 1947 continued after 1947 and shaped and nurtured the ideological cross-currents in Pakistan. Its first manifestation was in the constitutional debates. In scores of commission and committees, which set up to review all aspects of Pakistani society, the subject of Islamization was never raised.

After the dismemberment of Pakistan in 1971 following the creation of Bangladesh, Pakistanis experienced an identity crisis. In search of a new source of unity among the four remaining provinces with different languages and cultural norms, Islam provided a viable ideology to unite them as a nation. It was Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto (1971-1977) a moving force in the dismemberment of Pakistan and the most secular Pakistan’s head’s of state visible recognition to the Ulama by officially involving them in the Islamization process (Farooq 1985:151). He also succumbed to the pressures of the religious groups September 1974 in declaring a movement known as Ahmadia, Non-Muslim.

Bhutto’s successor, General Zia-ul-Haq fully utilized the process of Islamization to achieve his political ends and sought legitimacy by implementing Islam as an ideology of Pakistan:

General Zia-ul-Haq (1977-1988) made Islamization the social and political order of the country, the cornerstone of his government (Farooq 1985: 242-249).

General Zia, with the help of state institutions, weakened the secular and progressive forces and introduced the Hudood, Qisas and Diyat in legal system of Pakistan and Federal Shariat Court was also established:

The only time that Pakistan experienced an intense process of ‘re – Islamization’ was during General Zia ul-Haq’s military rule (1977-88), which the USA supported in the context of its opposition to the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan in the 1980s (Saikal 2003:2).

General Zia received support of the religious scholars to the extent that a group of them turned against elections and parliamentary democracy and favored vesting all powers in the individual who seized power. Islamization in their view was more important then the efficiency of

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Government. Then Zia introduced a comprehensive Islamization plan covering religious institutions, educational system, economy and law (Farooq 1985:257-59). These measures, in the short term, brought confusion and chaos, and not brought any contribution to improve law and order. That was the period when Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan. Various militant organizations were formed which was supported by United States, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan, to counter the Soviet invasion.

Pakistan’s fundamentalism was mobilized and made sectarian by the government of General Zia. It also became Jihadi and terrorist with a lot of financial support from the United States and Saudi Arabia. The Americans were concerned only with winning the war in Afghanistan and defeating the Soviet Union, but the Saudis had ideological and sectarian aims (Ahmed 2003: 39).

The US supported jihad against Soviet Union in Afghanistan. “According to investigative reports for the Washington Post, over the past 20 years the US has spent millions of dollars producing fanatical schoolbooks which were then distributed in Afghanistan. These books were developed in the early 1980’s under a US AID grant to the University of Nebraska-Omaha and its centre in Afghanistan. “The primers, which are filled with talk of jihad featured drawings of guns, bullets, soldiers and mines. They have served since then as the Afghan school system’s core curriculum” (Marwat 2005:1). This led to the radicalization of Islam as well as through the enhanced interest of the Arab world in the region and the activity of fundamentalist preachers in Pakistan, many receiving funds from Arabian Peninsula:

The Islamic nature of the Afghan resistance highlighted the close relationship between religion and politics and encouraged the establishment of approximately 1,000 Islamic madressas (religious schools) and Dar-ul-Ulum. This was done with aid from Middle Eastern countries to provide an ideological base for Afghan jihad. The Frontier Post (Peshawar) reported on July 17, 1992, that Rs 5.969 million had been distributed among 42 deeni madressas alone in period 1984-91, from Provincial Auqaf Fund. Most Arab donors injected sectarian ideologies into refugees through these religious institutions to gain their own ends… (Marwat, 2005: 1)

The Arabian Peninsula led to an enhancement of Wahhabi influence

- 105 - on the sub-continent Muslims. This effort was spearheaded by preachers who collected fund, from Arabs to run Madrassas (schools) and other organizations in service of the community. During Afghan jihad, the quietist movements became militant, spawning off organization like Markaz Dawa- ul-Irshad (centre of spiritual guidance), and Harkat-ul-Ansar (movement of helpers), Hizbul Mujahideen come into existence. Since the major forces fighting in Afghanistan were led by religious groups, their militant character was transferred to Pakistan; many Pakistanis who fought in the Afghan war were the students of Madrases… The Madrases attending youth become the real militant work force, brainwashed by the word “jihad” without knowing against what or whom it was…These militant trends, an easy arms supply, Zia’s controversial Islamic Laws, demands of enforcing the Sharia by different sects, and establishment of Shariat Courts created a tense atmosphere Sectarian riots broke out several times (Jalalzai 1988:3).

In 1985, when different groups of Afghan Mujhaideen formed a united front for coping with the Soviet invasion in their country; they also arranged military training facilities for these armies. Three months later, when they could not achieve their political objectives within the frame, the unity was shattered and every party became a separate mercenary army. Salafi Group seceded from Hazb-I-Islami in Kunar. After fall of Najeeb regime and war between Gulbadeen and Rabbani another group Dawa Arshad completed its training. Furthermore, these groups attacked each other’s (Jalalzai 1988:23). Several groups in Pakistan established their private armies such as (Jalalzai 1988:24):

1. Sepah-e-Sehaba Pakistan 2. Harkat-ul-Ansar 3 Dawat-ul-Arshad 4 Alkhalid Force 5 Lashker Jhangavi 6 Sepah-e-Ali 7 Sepah-e-Muhammad Pakistan 8 Sepah-e-Abbas 9 Almukhatar Force 10 Immamia Student Org. 11 Salafi Student Union 12 Sunni Tehrik 13 Khaddam-e-Ahmadia Students Union 14 Ahl-i-Hadieth Youth Force 15 Mustafavi Student Federation

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The other militant group, Taliban, have maintained themselves as a movement under the leadership of Mullah Umar. The Taliban phenomenon can only be understood with reference to their origins in the Madrassas.

Pakistan’s ruling elite and government policies have remained secular since independence. The modernist religious thinking failed to dominate the intellectual landscape. Among the post-independence modernists in Pakistan the most noteworthy is Dr. Fazlur Rahman (1919-1998), a McGill University graduate with a solid background in traditional Islam. He made a substantial contribution to the modernization of Pakistani laws. He drew inspiration from earlier modernists such as Shibli and Iqbal.

Traditional Islam is a major force in Pakistan. The Deobandis, Ahl-i- Hadith and the Barelvis each with a large following are rivals and engage in debates on theological issues. These religious groups have also formed themselves into political parties. Jamaat-I-Islam’s influence is by far the most widespread because of its large membership. Only a small number of its members are Madrassa graduates. The rest represent all strata of society- educated laypersons, professional and non-professionals, coming from lower and middle classes. Jamaat’s educated membership has played a prominent role at both social and political levels through out the history of Pakistan. It has also gained a foothold in the younger population of colleges and universities. This younger group is an active participant in politics and mobilizing masses to take part in protests and demonstrations against the government. It has remained persistent in its demand for the establishment of an Islamic State. This reformist group wishes to bring about social change through peaceful means.

Madrassas, centre of traditional education in Pakistan, which are run by various Ulama belonging to Deobandis, Barelvis, Ahl-i-Hadith, Shias and other school of thought, are growing rapidly in number with or without the government support. In 1957-58 there were only 119 Madrassas in West Pakistan with 4790 students. However in 1988 the total numbers of Madrassas in the country were 2891 having 470,409 students (Rahman 2002:313). There breakdown, sect and province-wise was as follows in table 1: (Rahman 2000: 11). Table 1: Breakdown of Madrassas Number Ot Total Ahl-i- Province of Deobandi Barelvi Shia her of Hadith Students s Provi

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nce Punjab 206,778 590 548 118 21 43 1320

NWFP 88,147 6631 32 5 2 8 678

Sindh 71,639 208 61 6 10 6 291

Balochistan 40,390 278 34 3 1 31 347 Azad 43,447 51 20 2 - 3 76 Kashmir Islamabad 7,858 51 20 - 2 3 76 Northern 12,150 60 2 27 11 3 103 Areas Total of 470,409 1869 717 1616 47 97 2891 Sects

In 1995, the number increased to 3906, which is still increasing. The Madrassahs teach Arabic as main subject but use Urdu as medium of instruction in Punjab, urban Sindh, some parts of Khyber Pukhtoonkhwa, Balochistan and Azad Kashmir, however regional language are also used for instructions.

Some Madrassahs are affiliated to central organization, which prescribe a uniform curriculum and system of examinations for all. The major organizations are as follows (Rahman 2000: 11): 1. Wafaq-al-Madaris al-Arabiyyah. This was created by the Deobandis in 1959 with its central office in Multan. 2. Wafaq al-Madaris al-Arabiyyah. This was created by Barelvis in 1959 with its central office in Dera Ghazi Khan. The Barelvis address themselves to the peasants and ordinary people and do not mind the excessive adoration of the saints, which is part of folk Islam in Pakistan. 3. Wafaq ul-Madaris ul-Salfiya. This was created by Ahl-i- Hadith in Faisalabad in 1955. They are highly fundamentalist rejecting the cult of saints and rituals. They are also called Wahhabis in common parlance in Pakistan. 4. Wafaq ul-Madaris ul-Shia. This was created by majority Shia sect, the believer in twelve imams (Ithna Asharis) in Pakistan in 1959. the head office in Lahore (Fieldwork).

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5. Raba ul-Madaris. This was setup by the Jamat-i-Islami. They teach modern subjects and often enable the students to take the ordinary state examinations along with religious ones. All Madrassahs are not affiliated to the central organization. The detailed figure given in 1979 report as see in table 2 (Rahman 2000: 11) and fresh report in table 3: (Rahman 2000: 17). Table 2 Ahl-I- Shi Un- Total of Province Barelvis Deobandis Hadith a known Province Punjab 148 96 65 10 677 996

Sindh 40 67 1 3 269 338

NWFP 16 69 3 - 130 218

Balochistan 14 20 - - 135 169

Total 218 252 69 13 1211 1763

Source Government Report on Madrassahs 1979 Annexure-14 Table 3 Total of Total of Ahl-i- Deoba Barel Oth Provinc Province Province Hadit Shia ndi vi ers es s h (1988)* (2000)** Punjab 590 548 118 21 43 1320 3100

NWFP 631 32 5 2 8 678 1200 900 Sindh 208 61 6 10 6 291 (+300 in FATA) Balochistan 278 34 3 1 31 347 700 Azad Not 51 20 2 - 3 76 Kashmir given Islamabad 51 20 - 2 3 76 100 Northern 60 2 27 11 3 103 150 Areas

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Not Girls’ Not Not Not Not Not give 448 Madrassahs given given given given given n 6898 (102 Total of not 1869 717 161 47 97 2891 Sects accounted for) Source: *Report Madrassas 1988. **The State of Pakistan’s Children 2000 (Islamabad: SPARC, 2001): 53.

According to a report by Islamabad’s Institute of Policy Studies, Pakistan has 6761 religious seminaries where over a million young men are taking religious training. The Ministry of Religious Affairs has given out similar numbers in its report. But Herald (November 2001) says: ‘According to the Interior Ministry, there are some 20,000 Madrassahs in the country with nearly 3 million students’. In 1947, West Pakistan had only 245 seminaries. 1988, they increased to 2861 between 1988 and 2000, this increase comes out to be 136 percent the largest number of seminaries are Deobandi, at 64 percent, followed by Barelvi, at 25 percent. Only 6 percent are Ahl-i-Hadith. But the increase in the number of Ahl-i-Hadith seminaries or Madrassahs has been phenomenal, at 131 percent, going up from 134 in 1988 to 310 in 2000’ (Ahmed 2003: 40).

According to Kaled Ahmed in his Book Review in Daily Times dated June 21, 2009, he says: “According to an estimate in Jang (January 6, 2006), there were 11,221 religious seminaries (madrassas) in Pakistan in the year 2005. This number had grown from 6,761 in 2000. This meant that in the five years that also saw the terrorist attack of 9/11, the apostatising seminaries had almost doubled in Pakistan. There were 448 madrassas for women too.” He further adds that, “The largest number of madrassas, 8,191, belonged to Wifaqul Madaris Arabiya, 1,952 to Tanzimul Madaris and 381 to Wifaqul Madaris Shia. The majority seminaries are Deobandi. For instance, in Punjab 444,156 pupils are Deobandi as opposed to 199,733 Barelvi, 34,253 Ahle Hadith and 7,333 Shia. The largest number of madrassas is not in Lahore but Bahawalpur, then in Lahore, in Bahawalnagar and Faisalabad.” According to Maryam Hussain in daily Times Islamabad dated March 22, 2011:

“Top bosses of the Religious Affairs Ministry confessed before a National Assembly standing committee here on Tuesday that Pakistan

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was the only Muslim country where “no reliable data about exact numbers of deeni madaris (religious seminaries) is available”. Ministry officials, summoned by the NA body on religious affairs for a briefing on proposed amendments to the law to regulate the working of madrassas, said that 10,482 seminaries have so far been registered throughout Pakistan. According to copy of the briefing given to the NA body, the ministry officials said that claims by any agency in Pakistan as to the exact numbers of religious schools were mere ‘guesses’ and no reliable data was available.

After the Soviet invasion in Afghanistan more than five million Afghan refugees that fled to Pakistan and settled in camps in Balochistan and the Khyber Pukhtoonkhwa (formerly NWFP). Millions of refugees fleeing the violence in Afghanistan flooded across the border in the 1980s and a number of Madrassahs were set up to educate them and their number was increased massively in Balochistan and Khyber Pukhtoonkhwa.

Thousands of madrassas were setup to house and educate the refugees and the rural poor for the two provinces. Funding for these madrassas came from the central government and from a steady wave of funding from Saudi Arabia… The JUI, which, prior to 1970, had been an apolitical religious and educational movement, setup many of these schools in Balochistan and the NWFP. (Rashid, Taliban, 89)

These Madrassahs are playing a major role in increasing literary in rural areas, in developing of Muslim consciousness, and providing education to the masses through teaching and through their interpretation of Islamic law by writing Fatwas (authentic opinion on point of law). Through their newsletters, and magazines, they also disseminate their views on religious, social and political matters. Majority of the students in Madrassahs are small children, memorizing the Holy Qur’an. In 8th class the Dars-i-Nizami is taught. Between 1982 and 1987 whereas 371, 905 students had read the Qur’an without understanding it (Nazerah), only 45,691 had got Shahadat-I- Almiyah award. The University Grants Commission/ Higher Education Commission in Pakistan have recognized Shahadat-I-Almiyah as equal to M.A. Islamic Studies/Arabic. The final degree, which is equal to M.A. Arabic or Islamic Studies, is used only for teaching purpose. The levels of Madrassahs education correspond to the level of mainstream state education as given in table 3: (Rahman 2000:11).

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Table 3: Level Stage Class Duration Award Equivalent Shahdat-ul- Nazra/Hifz Tahfeez-ul- Primary Ibtedaayih Tajweed-o- 1 – 5 4 – 5 years Quran-al- (5th Class) Qirat Kareem Middle Mutawass Hifz/Tajweed Shahadatul 6 – 8 3 years (6748th ata etc. Mutawasita Classes) Shahadat-ul- Matriculati Sania Oola & Tehtani 2 years Sanviat-ul- n (10th Amma Sanvia Amma Calss) Shadat-ul- Sania Salasa & F.A. (12th Tehtani 2 years Saniat-ul- Khassa Rabiah Class) Khassa Mauquf Alay: Khamisa & Shadat-ul- B.A. (14th Aliya Khamisa & 2 years Sadisa Aliya Class) Sadisa Shadat-ul- M.A. Almyia Fil Daura-I-Hadit Sabia & Arabic and Almiya 2 years Uloom-e- Sabia & Samina Samina Islamic Arabia Wal Studies Islamia

Source: Field research as different names are used for the same level in different writings on the madrassahs, an attempt has been made to introduce them above.

Although, Madrassahs have been a source of learning, creating scholars, several people and spread Islam, these examples indicate what they now often teach: divisiveness and dependence on handouts. Unfortunately, the proliferation of Madrassahs in Pakistan since 1977 has contributed to the sectarian divide. Since religious groups led the major forces fighting in Afghanistan, their militant character was transferred to Pakistan; many Pakistani who fought in the Afghan war were the product of Madrassahs. As the character of these institutions changed from religious to political, their aim increasingly became political power. They are flexing their muscles, as they have tasted victory in Afghanistan. The way to deal them is not to crush them by force but to educate children and find them jobs as:

Indeed, in the most populous province of Punjab as well as the NWFP, a large number of young militant Madrassah students are people who are taking to the politics of the militant religious rights because they have been cheated of their rights. The upper echelons on

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liberals and the leftists, who should have favoured Urdu and indigenous languages of the people, have generally favoured English. While this keeps religious lobby at bay for the present, it creates ground for a future struggle for power. The masses, deprived of elitist jobs for which English is required, deprived of respect which comes from being educated, deprived of their rights, deprived of power may rise to revolt to wrest power out of the hands the English-using elite (Rahman 2002: 163)

In the last few years, it seems that the image of Islam in the world has taken a beating. There is a growing impression in the West and perhaps elsewhere that Islam stands for militancy, extremism and rigidity. Ever since the fall of Soviet-led communist block, terrorism has emerged as the number one enemy for many countries. Unfortunately, in their perception much of terrorist is associated with Muslim groups. In particular, the terrorist attacks in New York and Washington on September 11, 2001 handled the American attitude like no other recent event.

Relations between the ‘West’ and ‘the domain of Islam’ are now tense, to say the least. The September 11, 2001 events not only shockwaves through the Muslim world, sharply escalating differences that were already there. The relations are both complex and multidimensional, containing elements of conflict and cooperation, perception and misconception, and cultural and social differences (Saikal 2003:01).

Since than, the US-led war against terrorism has already targeted two Muslim countries-Afghanistan and Iraq-and this in turn has fuelled unprecedented anti Americanism in the Islamic world. There has been talk of a Clash of Civilizations and Religions, even a new crusade giving rise to the perception amongst some Muslim that the Islamic world is under siege. It is evident that the West and other countries are concerned about the growth of terrorism in some Muslim circles (although terrorism is not confined to Muslim alone). Everyone agrees that terrorism is bad and must be condemned. There is need to adopt a global strategy for combating terrorists. The basic causes of terrorism on sectarian violence in Pakistan are (Jalalzai 1988: 373):

1. The Afghan war and training facilities. 2. Religious institutions and their syllabus 3. Iranian revolution and their policies.

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4. Foreign Aid (Saudi, Iran and Gulf States). 5. Transportation of arms. 6. Religious Intolerance. 7. The role of foreign agencies. 8. The role of NGOs. 9. Sectarian literature. 10. Government role. 11. Narco trade. 12. Unemployment. 13. Privatization of Tourism 14. The Taliban movement. 15. War in Kashmir. 16. Politicians role. 17. Sajada Nashin’s role. 18. Campus politics.

After the revolution in Afghanistan the US and Arab world provided enormous funds to the Afghan Jihadi groups. They caught roots in Pakistan, glowed the fire of militancy, sectarianism, fundamentalism, lawlessness and terrorism. The gruesome killings and other organized crime, all committed in the name of Islam, by sophisticated and highly trained militia. Consequently a new kind o religious terrorism was introduced in the country.

In traditional usage ‘Madrasa’ meant a centre of higher education of scholarship, teaching and research. The Madrassahs have been a source of learning, producing scholars who served people and spread Islam. In modern usage ‘madrasa’ has acquired negative meaning, it has come to denote a centre of indoctrination in bigotry and violence and divisiveness. Unfortunately, the proliferation of Madrassahs in Pakistan since 1977 has contributed to sectarian divide and militancy.

The themes of Jihad and Shahdat clearly distinguish the pre- Islamization period curricula and text-books, and the post-1979 curricula and text-books openly eulogies Jihad and Shahadat and urge students to become Mujahids and martyrs (Nayyer 2003: 82).

The Madaris sponsored by the Arab world usually import religious as well as temporal education to the Muslim youths. Through educational institutions they carried their message all over the country. The moral and financial support from the Arab world encouraged to propagate their ideas to the remotest areas of our country and also in the other parts of the Muslim world.

Other educational networks exist in a clearly neofundmentalist- context. They are financed directly or indirectly by the petro-dollars, often

- 114 - within the framework of world Muslim League. These institutes have the benefit of up-to-date technology (e.g. Computer science) but the content of teaching is based entirely on the reformist fundamentalism. Most of the students, new intellectuals, are thus transformed into preachers and Mullahs. Their approach to modern world is akin to that of the old-time Christian Missionaries “learn the other culture the better to fight against it”. Language and science are taught in regretfully acknowledging way. These institutes and research centers have become bustling sites of intense activity with publications, conferences, colloquia and seminars. They deal the whole society and the message is thus typically neo-fundamentalist. The course studied during Afghan war was only of jihad as:

The books included much unnecessary material and were not written with the purpose of education in mind. They were rather designed for ideological propaganda. At the primary level the material in the mathematics books featured problems such as: If out of 10 atheist, were killed by 1 Muslim, 5 would be left. 5 guns+5 guns= 10 guns 15 bullets – 10 bullets = 5bullets, etc.(Marwat 2005: 01)

The society of Pakistan has now mostly divided on sectarian basis. It seems that the Islamic qualities of compassion and tolerance have been forgotten, and even negated, by some of those who have lately assumed the mantle of champions of Islam. They portray a vengeful Islam. There language is invariably harsh and threatening. It is no surprise that sectarianism have so greatly smashed the image of Islam in the world. Militancy has emerged as a result of such religious preaching.

Fundamentalism became most of the abused of words. It is equated with extremism. If the teaching of Islam is studied we would know that the best Muslims are the fundamentalists. The fundamentals of Islam are based on peace; indeed the major point of Islam preaches peace. The peoples who are usually described fundamentalist are far from the following the fundamentals of Islamic teachings. On the contrary they totally reject the teachings of Islam or partially deviate from them. Most of them have seemingly reverted to Pre-Islamic Jahilliya way of extreme loyalty to their groups, clans, or tribes to fanatism.

Pakistan was Islamised gradually but when it reached a peak in this process in 1980s, the country became vaguely aware of an extremism

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that the west called fundamentalism. When the international media began using the word there was an immediate reaction against it. The cleric and the intellectual both thought it an attack on Islam and began defending Islam instead of worrying about the growing extremism at home (Ahmed 2003:33).

CONCLUSION In Pakistan, the successive military regimes, which interrupted the democratic process, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, and subsequent influx of refugees has greatly affected Pakistan and have contributed to social and political unrest in the country. It has also produced a number of religious organizations and some of them have also militant groups which have great impact on country’s social and political aspect. The socio-political decline, sectarian violence, and regional conflicts have added to the confusion and made the country difficult to govern. It is only in the reign of such Military Dictators like the late General Zia-ul-Haq (1977-1988) that the religious organization was exploited. During this period Zia-ul-Haq exploited various sectors of Islam and made them fight against each other. On the other hand, these organizations were supported by Saudi government and America got strengthened and strengthened economically and consequently politically also. Zia gave full support to these organisations and thus with the government patronage it emerged as one of the most powerful movement in Pakistan. Consequently, it launched many of its objects and aims in the shape of small organizations. Furthermore, in some of the Madrassas, the students became military soldiers. These people emerged as Taliban and its exploitation continued in that shape particularly in Khyber Pukhtoonkhwa and Balochistan.

RECOMMENDATIONS Before things get worse there is need of sober rethinking and reconsideration of attitude. The first-ever declaration by Prophet Mohammad (SAW) in most piercing words, equating the sanctity of human life, honour and property with that of holiest of the holy in Islam, laid down in the history of mankind, the foundation stone of a just, humane, judicious and virtuous society, an Islamic society. The Prophet of Islam had in unequivocal words enunciated that the killer of an innocent soul was throwing himself out of the fold of Islam by committing an act of infidelity. A society could claim to be Islamic only when it preserves the sanctity of human life, honour and property, otherwise not.

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Any venture which may expose the life, honour and property of the members of society to the ravages of armed conflict and thereby disturb its internal peace and security or let the difference of opinion or conflict of interest develop into blood feuds whether among individuals, groups or sections was strongly condemned by the Holy Prophet (SAW). He declared: “whosoever commits armed aggression against us does not belong to us”. The words are unambiguous. The founder of Islam refuses to accept the claim of an aggressor standing in arms against Muslim society to be a member of Muslim community.

The prerequisite for an objective analysis of sectarianism, fundamentalism and terrorism is to abandon the prevailing culture of victim- hood. Gunning down fellow human being in the name of Islamic preaching is a great sin. The Prophet Muhammad had pardoned his enemies on the eve of victory in Makkah. He did not take revenge and would rather deter aggression. The image and message of Islam in the early days of the Caliphate facilitated widespread of Islam because the Non Muslims were impressed by the humane characteristics of Islam, which were based on socio-economic egalitarianism, tolerance towards the minorities and universal brotherhood. It is imperative that Muslims must present the real and true image of Islam by discouraging militancy and violence.

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REFRENCES

Ahmed, Khaled, (Oct.-Dec., 2003), Islamic Extreminism in Pakistan, Journal of South Asian, Quarterly, Lahore.

Ahmed, Khaled, (Sunday, June 21, 2009) Book Review in Daily Times: “The madrassa puzzle in Pakistan, The Madrassah Challenge: Militancy and Religious Education in Pakistan; By C Christine Fair; Vanguard Books Lahore 2009, Daily Times.

Farooq, M. Mujahid, (1985) Hukoomat aur Siyasat, Lahore.

Gibb, H.A.R and Kramers, J.H.,(1961) Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam, London. Jalazai, Musa Khan, (1998) The Sunni-Shia Conflict in Pakistan, Lahore.

Marwat, Dr Fazal-ur-Rahim, (October 30, 2005) Innocent Lost books & authors, Daily Dawn, Karachi.

Nayyer, A.H., (Oct.- Dec., 2003) Islamization of Curricula, Journal South Asian, Quarterly, Lahore.

Rahman, Tariq,(2002) Language, Ideology and Power, Karachi.

Rahman, Dr. Tariq, (April 10, 2000) Madrassahs in Pakistan a Phenomenal

Growth, Daily Dawn, Karachi

Rashid, Ahmed, (2002). Taliban: Islam, Oil and the New Great Game in Central Asia. New ed. London: Tauris.

Sabani, John, (1981) Armies in the Sand, London. Saikal, Amin, (2003) Islam and West, Conflict or Cooperation? , Palgrave Macmillan, Great Britain.

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Tariq, Malik M., (2004) Wahhabi Movement and Its Impact on the Subcontinent in Twentieth Century, M. Phil. Thesis (unpub.), Area Study Centre for Middle East & Arab World, University of Balochistan, Quetta Tariq, Malik M., (June 2004) “The Wahhabi Movement in Historical and Social Perspective”, Research Journal, University of Balochistan, Vol. 2. No.1. Quetta . Wahhab, Muhammad bin Abd (n.d) Al, Kitab al-Tauhid, Lahore.

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BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011

BULLYING AMONG PRISON INMATES IN PAKISTAN: AN EXPLORATION OF THE PROBLEM

Psychology

Dr. Muhammad Azam Tahir* Bairakataris Konstantinos† ABSTRACT

The study attempted at redefining bullying, its nature, scope, and dimensions in cultural perspective of Pakistan. Direct and Indirect Prisoners Checklist (DIPC modified) © Ireland 1999 and Rehabilitation in Correctional Settings Attitude Scale (RICS) © Rice, 1970 were used in the study. Randomly selected (400) male and female prison inmates from all four Provinces’ major prisons of Pakistan participated in the study. Study was conducted in the cultural context of a collectivist society, like Pakistan (developing country), while the previous studies were carried out in individualistic societies, i.e., in the UK, USA, or Canada (developed countries). Reliability values for the DIPC and RICS subscales were calculated and found to be in acceptable range, except for the Proactive /Positive Behaviors. Thus, all sub scales except for "Proactive/Positive Behaviors towards Other” were included in the main analyses. The results suggested that victims experienced physical, psychological, theft-related, and indirect bullying to similar degrees. However, psychological bullying was the most prevalent, while physical bullying the least. Both male and female prisoners reported that they were victimized by bullying more than they perpetrated bullying, with gender having no difference. Demographic variables and prisoner's self-reported

* Chairperson Department of Psychology University of Balochistan, Quetta Pakistan. [email protected] † School of Psychology Department of Social and Clinical Psychology, Aristotle University, Thessaloniki, Greece. [email protected]

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engagement in bullying behavior did not show any significance. Keywords: Bully, Victim, Perpetrator, Prisoner, Physical & Psychological Bullying.

Bullying among Prison inmates in Pakistan: An Exploration of the Problem Bullying is a pervasive problem, with incidence rates ranging from 3% to 20% in the developed world (Whitney & Smith, 1993), while its rate in developing countries or underdeveloped countries is yet unexplored. Presently, it is occurring with greater lethality than from the past (Espelage et al., 1999). It is a problem that has existed for a long time, although it was an ignored area of research. It started to be empirically studied in 1970s, initially focusing on schools, workplaces, para-military organizations, and prisons. Bullying is also defined as “… the intentional intimidation or denigration of an individual through the misuse of power or position in the workplace” (Morris 1993). Seward (1994) is of the point of view that a person is bullied when he or she is exposed regularly to the negative actions on the part of one or more persons. According to O’Donnell & Edgar (1999), “Bullying is a conduct motivated by a desire to hurt, threaten, or frighten someone.” Prisons are potent sites for the occurrence of adult bullying (Beck, 1992). The structure and organization of the prison system itself may promote bullying: for example, the maintenance of discipline and authority has been linked to bullying (Askew, 1989). Bullying in prison has recently been the subject of regular academic research. It has been studied but on a lower scale with a very limited sample. In UK, the first study on prison bullying was carried out in 1986 by McGurk and McDougall. This was the first in the field of prison bullying research that remained unpublished even until as late as 1991. No further study was conducted until 1992 (Beck, 1992). Since then there have been 36 studies that addressed bullying among prisoners (e.g. Power et al., 1997) and 13 discussions of studies, reviews of research field or depiction of anti-bullying strategies (Ireland, 2002). Only 16 have been published in academic peer-reviewed journals, the first appearing in 1996 (Connell & Farrington, 1996; Ireland & Archer, 1996). In the light of above mentioned research, it is concluded that bullying in prisons had long been recognized as a serious problem though there is a little

- 121 - empirical work in the area. In fact, it is encouraging that the concern to investigate into the nature and extent and associative aspects of bullying has grown today. Bullying itself is subject to a number of definitions containing about five key elements (Farrington, 1994): 1. It must contain physical, verbal, or psychological attack, 2. Involves an imbalance of power, 3. be unprovoked, 4. be repeated, and 5. Intended to cause fear or harm to the victim. However, Beck & Ireland (1995) suggests that in the background of a prison it does not necessarily need the action to be repeated to be described as bullying. This endorses the view of Randall (1997) who argues that it is the fear of repeated aggression that it is important, not the actual incidence. some researchers contributed to the field (e.g. Ireland, 1997, 1998a, 1998b, 1999a, 1999b, 1999c, 1999d, 1999e, 2002; Curylo, 2000; Harer & Langman, 2001; Tahir et al., 2001; O’Donnell & Edgar, 1999; Ireland et al., 1999; Ahmed & Salleh, 1997; Ireland & Banister, 1997; Smith, et al., 1999; Grant, 1999; Ireland, Beck & Smith, 1998; Beck, 1992; Brooks, 1993; Connell & Farrington, 1996; Power et al., 1997; Ireland & Archer, 1996; Brooks & Pratt, 1997; Beck & Ireland, 1997; Willmont, 1997; Livingstone & Chapman, 1997; Maruyama, 1978, etc…). The result of being caught bullying others can also result in severity. The official can withdraw privileges from the bully, segregate from his/her peer, and if the bullying is severe in nature, there stands chances that bully might get transferred to some other institution or get extension to his/her duration of sentence. Still, if a bully remains unchallenged regarding his/her behavior, it cannot be expected that he/she will learn to live law-abiding lives or release (Livingstone, 2000). Bullying has also an impact on the prison as a whole. If it is allowed to flourish, it can cause disruption, create no-go areas in the prison and allow criminal subculture to gain power and subvert prison rules (Home Office Prison Service, 1993). It can undermine the safety of the prison and the authority of the staff, raising the question of who is in control of prison-bullies or prison officers. It can also increase tension between staff, add to workloads, become a drain on resources (Home Office Prison Service, 1993), and reduce the likelihood that prison staff will be able to work with prisoners to address their offending behavior and prepare them for release (Livingstone, 2000). Therefore, bullying can be serious for those involved in the prison system as a whole (Ireland, 2002).

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Goals of Research In general, as a new field of investigation bullying research appears incomplete in its various dimensions. Research which addressed bullying with inmates has been confined to the United Kingdoms and Ireland, with exception of Connell & Farrington (1996), who addressed bullying among young offenders at an open custody facility in Canada (Ireland, 1999). Far more important is that bullying seems to evolve as a matter of concern only in “developed societies” countries like United Kingdom, USA, Canada, etc. Which are characterized as “individualistic societies”; minding ones own business, believing in themselves for success or failure, and trying to survive on their own (Hui, 1988). While on the other hand, there is scarcity of research among “underdeveloped societies” countries like Pakistan, which are commonly labeled as “collectivistic societies”. The results of cross-cultural study conducted by Hofstede (1980) reveal that, the United States, Australia, and Great Britain were found to be the most individualistic countries; while on the contrary, Venezuela, Columbia, and Pakistan stood the most collectivist. Hui (1988) found those collectivists were found to hold relatively favorable attitudes towards sharing other’s burden and troubles. Minding for the group and valuing interdependence of the individuals of the group. It is assumed that “collectivist societies” possess in general different norms and style of life. It is concluded that, in the final run, it may define process of bullying and with a different perspective of cultures like Pakistan. All the investigations have been conducted in the cultural context of “developed” (e.g. UK, Canada, etc.) countries with a paucity of interest in “developing” (e.g. Pakistan, etc.) societies. Experiences of collectivist-oriented societies (commonly labeled as “developing” countries like Pakistan) have not been addressed at all. Hence the definition, prevalence, types, effects, coping methods of bullying may vary cross-culturally. It is a gross error; therefore, to generalize to collectivist societies from experiences of individualistic oriented ones. In the light of the above review of research and discussion about the problem, there is a need to explore bullying once more but in Pakistani prisons.

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This research attempts to examine further the problem of bullying among Pakistani male and female adult prison inmates in a rather wider context raising the following questions like: 1. How prevalent are bullying perpetration and bullying victimization in Pakistani prisons? 2. What type of bullying and victimization prevails in Pakistani Prisons? 3. Do age, rate of religious practice, perception of fairness, total length of stay, socio-economic status, previous stay, duration of current sentence, educational level, length of current stay, seriousness of offense relate to bullying victimization behavior? Research Methodology A combination of standardized instruments was used in this study. The research instruments used for data collection in this study were the rating typed questionnaires described as under: 1. Direct and Indirect Prisoners Behavior Checklist (DIPC©) Modified: Part I & II. DIPC© also contained fifteen (15) background search questions. 2. Rehabilitation in Correctional Settings Scale (RICS) Reliability of DIPC Kuder-Richardson 20 for dichotomous scores was calculated for the DIPC subscales in order to assess their internal consistencies. The internal consistency reliabilities of the DIPC subscales were all in the acceptable range, except for the Proactive/ Positive Behaviors towards Other subscale, and ranged from .76 to .95, with a median value of .87. Thus, all scales except for the Proactive/ Positive Behaviors towards Others subscale were included in the main analyses. Reliability of RICS In order to assess the internal consistency reliability of the RICS subscales Cronbach alpha scores were calculated. The reliability values for the RICS were respectable, ranging from .67 to .87, with a median value of .73. Therefore, all of the RICS scales were included in the main analyses.

Date Collection For DIPC and RICS scales data collection was made from 400 prison inmates, randomly selected representative sample of 5% of the total target population of 10500, satisfying the following criteria representing male

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and female prisoners from all the provincial capitals’ central and district jails living in ‘C’ class (i.e. dormitories/cells). Table: Demographic Characteristics of the Prisoner Sample

Demographic Variable N M SD

Age 400 33.5 6.0

Gender 400 1.5 0.5

Educational Level 400 2.6 1.0

Marital Status 400 1.6 0.7

Socio-Economic Status 397 2.7 0.5

Previous Stay 33 3.3 2.6

Total Length of Current Stay 399 3.7 1.0

Total Length Stay 399 4.0 2.4

Current Duration of Sentence 350 19.3 6.7

Seriousness of Offense 400 2.2 0.9

Perception of Court Decision 400 2.5 0.7

Rate of Religious Practices 400 1.6 0.6

Results

Research Question 1 (RQ-1) was concerned with the prevalence of bullying perpetration and bullying victimization in Pakistani prisons. Descriptive data were calculated for the DIPC subscales in order to determine the type and prevalence of bullying and victimization in the sample (see Table 1). Table 1: Direct and Indirect Prisoner Behavior Checklist Descriptive Data Subscale M/Subscale DIPC Subscales N M SD Items Items Victim Physical Bullying 400 1.13 1.37 4 0.28

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Psych/Verbal Bullying 400 2.53 3.15 9 0.28 Theft Related 400 1.48 2.01 5 0.30 Indirect Bullying 400 1.85 2.54 7 0.26 Perpetrator Physical Bullying 400 0.22 0.85 4 0.05 Psych/Verbal Bullying 400 1.69 2.14 11 0.15 Theft-Related Bullying 400 0.29 0.94 5 0.06 Indirect Bullying 400 0.81 1.88 9 0.09 Other Behaviors Negative Behaviors Toward Staff/Prison Rules 400 0.66 0.87 2 0.33 Involvement of Prison Staff Towards Bullying Behavior 400 1.14 1.45 4 0.28

The results suggested that victims experienced physical, psychological, theft, and indirect bullying to similar degrees. However, psychological bullying was the most prevalent and physical bullying the least prevalent type of bullying behavior in which perpetrators reported they engaged. Overall, on all of the types of bullying behaviors prisoners reported that they were victimized by bullying more than they perpetrated bullying. In addition, the Negative Behaviors Toward Staff/Prison Rules scale had the highest prevalence and perpetration of physical bullying had the lowest prevalence relative to all of the DIPC subscales. Second question was concerned with determining the effect of bullying- victimization experience on self-attitude. This was determined by examining the relationship of the DIPC subscales with the RICS subscales. Pearson product moment correlations were calculated for the various subscales (see Table 2).

Table 2: Pearson’s Product Moment Correlations between the Direct and Indirect Prisoner Behavior Checklist and the Rehabilitation in Correctional Settings Attitude Scale subscales RICS Subscales DIPC Subscales and Overall Scales IMSC IN TIN SOC LSFA LAW Victim Physical Bullying 0.04 0.02 0.04 0.02 0.02 0.03 Victim Psy./Verbal Bullying -0.02 0.01 -0.01 -0.03 -0.04 0.00 Victim Theft Related -0.01 0.04 0.01 -0.01 -0.02 0.00 Victim Indirect Bullying -0.02 0.02 -0.01 -0.03 -0.05 0.00 Perp. Physical Bullying 0.03 0.00 0.03 0.03 0.02 0.00 Perp. Psych/Verbal Bullying 0.03 -0.01 0.00 -0.01 0.02 -0.01

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Perp. Theft-Related Bullying 0.00 -0.02 0.00 -0.01 0.01 -0.02 Perp. Indirect Bullying 0.01 -0.05 0.02 -0.02 0.01 -0.06 Negative Behaviors Toward Staff/Prison Rules -0.03 0.06 0.00 -0.02 -0.05 0.02 Involvement of Prison Staff Towards Bullying Behavior -0.05 0.00 -0.02 -0.05 -0.07 -0.03 Victim Overall Bullying -0.01 0.02 0.01 -0.02 -0.03 0.00 Perpetrator Overall Bullying 0.02 -0.02 0.01 -0.01 0.02 -0.03 Note. (IMSC = Attitudes toward Image of Self-Competence scale, IN = Attitude Toward Inmates scale, TIN = Attitude Toward Treatment of Inmates scale, SOC = Attitude Toward Society scale, LSFA = Attitude Toward the Legal System and Figures of Authority scale, LAW = Attitude Towards the Law scale)

The results did not yield any statistically significant correlations between the DIPC and RICS subscales. These results suggested that bullying- victimization experience was not related to self-attitude. Results of One-Way ANOVA (analysis of variance for RICS) between- subject factors shown in Tables -2 (1 to 6), indicated that on all the six-sub scales (IMSC = Attitudes Toward Image of Self-Competence scale, IN = Attitude Toward Inmates scale, TIN = Attitude Toward Treatment of Inmates scale, SOC = Attitude Toward Society scale, LSFA = Attitude Toward the Legal System and Figures of Authority scale, LAW = Attitude Towards the Law scale) subjects’ involvement towards the bullying behavior remained constant. Next question addressed the relationship between victimization by bullying and prisoner demographic variables. In order to address this question a composite variable, DIPC Victim Overall Bullying, was computed based on all of the DIPC items that reflect bullying victimization. In order to determine if there was an association between victimization and the demographic variables, a correlation matrix was calculated (see Table 3). For the bivariate correlations Pearson’s Product Moment correlation coefficients were calculated when both variables had ratio or interval scales. Alternatively, Spearman’s Rho was calculated when at least one variable of each pair had a rank/order scale of measurement. Table 3: Pearson’s Product Moment and Spearman’s Rho Correlations between the Direct and Indirect Prisoner Behavior Checklist (DIPC)

Victim Overall Scale and Prisoner Demographic Variables Demographic Variable DIPC Victim Overall Bullying Age 0.04 Gender 0.09

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Educational Level 0.03 Marital Status 0.07 Socio-Economic Status -0.04 Previous Stay -0.04 Duration of Current Stay -0.06 Total Length of Stay -0.05 Duration of Current Sentence -0.11* Seriousness of Offense 0.09 Perception of Court Decision 0.02 Rate of Religious Practices -0.09 * p < .05 The only demographic variable that was related to victimization was duration of current sentence. Specifically, there was an inverse relationship between the length of a prison sentence and the degree to which prisoners got victimized by bullying. Final part addressed the relationship between perpetrator bullying behavior and prisoner demographic variables. In order to address this question a composite variable, DIPC Perpetrator Overall Bullying, was computed based on all of the DIPC items that reflect perpetration of bullying. In order to determine if there was an association between perpetration and the demographic variables, a correlation matrix was calculated (see Table 4). Similar to the analytic strategy for the purpose, either Pearson’s Product Moment or Spearman’s Rho correlation coefficients were calculated. Table 4: Pearson’s Product Moment and Spearman’s Rho Correlations between the Direct and Indirect Prisoner Behavior Checklist (DIPC)

Perpetrator Overall Scale and Prisoner Demographic Variables Demographic Variable DIPC Perpetrator Overall Bullying Age 0.04 Gender -0.01 Educational Level 0.03 Marital Status -0.02 Socio-Economic Status 0.05 Previous Stay 0.06 Duration of Current Stay 0.08 Total Length of Stay 0.05 Duration of Current Sentence 0.08 Seriousness of Offense -0.06 Perception of Court Decision -0.05 Rate of Religious Practices -0.06

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The results did not yield any statistically significant findings suggesting that there was no relationship between the demographic variables and prisoner’s self-reported engagement in bullying behavior. DIPC and RICS did not show yield any statistical significant for inter-co- relation on their sub scale. They resulted into separate measures. Sub Scale of DIPC normally measures the self-reported bullying/victimization behaviour. While the sub-scales of RICS as an instrument measure the various dimensions of the prison inmate’s attitudes towards their rehabilitation. The Rehabilitation in Correctional Settings Attitude Scale was used to assess the effect of bullying-victimization experience on self-attitude. The results suggested that there was no relationship between prisoners’ bullying- victimization experience and attitudes toward self. These results are quite amazing as they did not explore any resultant attitude. It, in fact, contradict to the previous research like Home Office Prison Service UK (1993), McCorkle (1992) and Ireland (1999) reported that the victims exhibit their attitude towards self in different ways, either behaviourally or emotionally, or both. Marshal (1993) and Livingstone & Chapman (1997) viewed that victims may opt for suicide and self-injury respectively. Beck & Smith (1995) and Ireland (1997) reported behavioural escape. However, the only demographic variable that was associated with victimization arose the duration of current sentence. Specifically, there was an inverse relationship between the length of a prison sentence and the degree to which prisoners got victimized by bullying. The overall results of bullying among prison inmates in Pakistan should in general be view that the phenomenon of bullying is quite prevalent irrespective of gender.

CONCLUSION After a careful analysis of the results of present research, in general, we may make the following thesis in relation to the prison inmates towards phenomena of bullying, prisoner’s attitudes towards prison guards and vice versa, attitudes towards miscellaneous laws and the prison institutions in general. Generally, it has been observed that like the entire world, irrespective of “Collectivism/ Individualism” or “Developing/ Developed” societies, the phenomenon of bullying is quite prevalent as a day to day practice in consolidation and acquirement of power and status in the prisons of Pakistan. It has been pragmatic that bullies are given higher status in prisons.

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It has also come up that there exists no significant difference with regard to bullying practices and gender. Bullying is equally been practiced by both men and women with the same magnitude, type and style. In addition, the general demographic characteristics (social and situational factors) did not influence the bulling phenomena among prison inmates in Pakistan. However, the only variable which showed even inverse relationship was duration of current stay in the prisons. Both the bully/victim groups reported the prevalence of indirect bullying (psychological violence) in contradiction to the direct bullying (physical violence). Results have quite been identical regarding self reported bullying behaviour among gender. It was hypothesis that due to difference of norms, customs, traditions, practices, etc., among developed and developing societies, phenomena of bullying may also be defined and viewed in a different perspective, which did not approve. Thus it led to the conclusion towards the universality of the phenomena and the cross relationship regarding the nature of prisons as organization, their operation and objectives entirely. However in particular, it is a point to argue that we lay emphasize on violence, inhuman conditions, lack of inmates personal rights, are the major characteristics of Pakistani prisons. Prospects Being a unique and pioneer, the present research has put scientific and systematic effort to explore the phenomena of bullying among prison inmates in the social set up of country like Pakistan. This practice of new research should be continued in future. It is suggested that further research should peep into the activities, limits, and attitudes of the prison of authorities to broaden the spectrum of the bullying phenomena. Further research should also concentrate on variety of age groups like young inmates, as well. It contributes towards the scientific approach on bullying among prison inmates. It further might also bestow to the improvement of prison conditions, system of their governance, revision of Pakistan Prison Rules, minimization of involvement of bureaucracy, rise to equal rights, coherence and co-ordination among prison and judiciary, awareness to the prisoners regarding their rights and obligations, etc. in relation to the inmates.

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