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The Cabinet Resolution Regarding the Disengagement Plan
The Cabinet Resolution Regarding the Disengagement Plan 6 June 2004 Addendum A - Revised Disengagement Plan - Main Principles Addendum C - Format of the Preparatory Work for the Revised Disengagement Plan Addendum A - Revised Disengagement Plan - Main Principles 1. Background - Political and Security Implications The State of Israel is committed to the peace process and aspires to reach an agreed resolution of the conflict based upon the vision of US President George Bush. The State of Israel believes that it must act to improve the current situation. The State of Israel has come to the conclusion that there is currently no reliable Palestinian partner with which it can make progress in a two-sided peace process. Accordingly, it has developed a plan of revised disengagement (hereinafter - the plan), based on the following considerations: One. The stalemate dictated by the current situation is harmful. In order to break out of this stalemate, the State of Israel is required to initiate moves not dependent on Palestinian cooperation. Two. The purpose of the plan is to lead to a better security, political, economic and demographic situation. Three. In any future permanent status arrangement, there will be no Israeli towns and villages in the Gaza Strip. On the other hand, it is clear that in the West Bank, there are areas which will be part of the State of Israel, including major Israeli population centers, cities, towns and villages, security areas and other places of special interest to Israel. Four. The State of Israel supports the efforts of the United States, operating alongside the international community, to promote the reform process, the construction of institutions and the improvement of the economy and welfare of the Palestinian residents, in order that a new Palestinian leadership will emerge and prove itself capable of fulfilling its commitments under the Roadmap. -
Globalresearch20131113 Egypt-Gaza Tunnels: the Lifeline Under Threat by Sawsan Ramahi After the Arab-Israeli War in 1948-1949, T
GlobalResearch20131113 Egypt-Gaza Tunnels: The Lifeline Under Threat By Sawsan Ramahi After the Arab-Israeli war in 1948-1949, the Gaza Strip was left under Egyptian military rule until Israel occupied it during the June 1967 “SixDay War”. When Egyptian President Anwar Sadat signed the Camp David Peace Treaty with Israel in 1979, the border city of Rafah was divided; part went to the Gaza Strip and the rest stayed with Egypt. With a border zone patrolled by the Israeli army, Palestinian families began digging tunnels under their homes in order to keep in touch with friends and relatives on the Egyptian side. Israel discovered the first tunnel in 1983. After signing the Oslo Accords which saw the creation of the Palestinian Authority in 1993, Israel constructed a high barrier around Gaza and monitored those entering the Gaza Strip through the various border crossings. These were closed with the outbreak of the second, “Al-Aqsa”, Intifada in 2000. The Israelis also bombed Gaza’s only airport and sea port, effectively driving the Palestinians to find alternative ways and means to communicate with the outside world. The old tunnels were revived and used to import necessary goods to compensate for the shortages created by Israel’s strict control over what, and who, could and could not enter the occupied territory. The Israeli army then started to demolish houses which had tunnels, and later expanded their demolition operations to form a buffer zone between the border and Rafah City. According to Human Rights Watch, between 2000 and 2004 about 1,700 homes were demolished to create a 100 metre-wide zone along the border between Gaza and Egypt (known as the Philadelphi Route). -
Egypt and Israel: Tunnel Neutralization Efforts in Gaza
WL KNO EDGE NCE ISM SA ER IS E A TE N K N O K C E N N T N I S E S J E N A 3 V H A A N H Z И O E P W O I T E D N E Z I A M I C O N O C C I O T N S H O E L C A I N M Z E N O T Egypt and Israel: Tunnel Neutralization Efforts in Gaza LUCAS WINTER Open Source, Foreign Perspective, Underconsidered/Understudied Topics The Foreign Military Studies Office (FMSO) at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, is an open source research organization of the U.S. Army. It was founded in 1986 as an innovative program that brought together military specialists and civilian academics to focus on military and security topics derived from unclassified, foreign media. Today FMSO maintains this research tradition of special insight and highly collaborative work by conducting unclassified research on foreign perspectives of defense and security issues that are understudied or unconsidered. Author Background Mr. Winter is a Middle East analyst for the Foreign Military Studies Office. He holds a master’s degree in international relations from Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies and was an Arabic Language Flagship Fellow in Damascus, Syria, in 2006–2007. Previous Publication This paper was originally published in the September-December 2017 issue of Engineer: the Professional Bulletin for Army Engineers. It is being posted on the Foreign Military Studies Office website with permission from the publisher. FMSO has provided some editing, format, and graphics to this paper to conform to organizational standards. -
The Disengagement Plan: Vision and Reality
The Disengagement Plan: Vision and Reality Zaki Shalom Behind the Disengagement Plan A plan to withdraw from the Gaza Strip, which was drafted and implemented during Arik Sharon’s tenure as prime minister, included withdrawing IDF forces from the Strip, evacuating the entire Jewish presence in the Katif bloc, and dismantling four settlements in Judea and Samaria: Ganim, Kadim, Sa-Nur, and Homesh. Once publicized, the plan shocked the Israeli public. The notion of withdrawing the IDF from the Gaza Strip had long been debated, and many felt that Israeli settlements there were an exercise in futility. Three basic claims underpinned this idea. One, Gaza is of no religious or historical significance to the Jewish people. Two, the Jewish settlements in the Gaza Strip would always remain a demographically marginal and geographically isolated enclave in the heart of the most densely populated Palestinian region. Three, in terms of security, Israeli settlement activity in the Gaza Strip is of little importance. 1 However, these opinions were never translated into a concrete political plan. Moreover, all the Israeli governments, both right and left wing, invested tremendous resources into Israeli settlement in the Gaza Strip up until the moment the disengagement plan was decided upon. It was difficult to believe that of all people, Sharon, the individual who more than anyone symbolized the Israeli settlement enterprise in Judea, Samaria, and the Gaza Strip, would destine the entire Gaza Strip project Professor Zaki Shalom is a senior researcher at the Ben-Gurion Research Institute for the Study of Israel and Zionism at Ben-Gurion University and a senior research associate at INSS. -
Israel and Hamas: Conflict in Gaza (2008-2009)
= 87&*1=&3)= &2&8a=43+1.(9=.3=&?&=,**28,**3== .2=&3499.`= 447).3&947= 3&1>89=.3= .))1*=&89*73=++&.78= &741=.,)&14;.9?= 5*(.&1.89=.3= .))1*=&89*73=++&.78= *7*2>=_=-&75= 5*(.&1.89=.3= .))1*=&89*73=++&.78= &8*>=_=)).8= 3&1>89=.3= .))1*=&89*73=++&.78= -7.8945-*7=_=1&3(-&7)= 3&1>89=.3= .))1*=&89*73=++&.78= -4)&=&7,*8843= 5*(.&1.89=.3=39*73&9.43&1=:2&3.9&7.&3=41.(>= *'7:&7>=+3`=,**3= 43,7*88.43&1= *8*&7(-=*7;.(*= 18/1**= <<<_(78_,4;= .*+*+= =*5479=+47=43,7*88 Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress 87&*1=&3)= &2&8a= 43+1.(9=.3=&?&=,**28,**3== = :22&7>= On December 27, 2008, Israel launched a major military campaign dubbed “Operation Cast Lead” against Hamas in the Gaza Strip. The Israeli offensive came in response to markedly increased Palestinian rocket fire following the expiration of a six-month cease-fire on December 19. On January 3, 2009, Israel began a ground offensive into Gaza. Despite international pressure to halt the fighting (including the passage of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1860 on January 8), the conflict continued until January 18, when Israel unilaterally ceased fire and Hamas followed suit shortly thereafter. Israel’s technological superiority and reliance on heavy armor and firepower contributed to a wide disparity in casualties—approximately 1,440 Palestinians have died (with some organizations estimating that at least half of the dead are civilians), compared with 13 dead (including four civilians) on the Israeli side. -
IPG 2004-4.Book(11 a Asseburg.Fm)
Aqaba, Geneva, Gaza – Approaches to Peacemaking in the Middle East MURIEL ASSEBURG n late April 2003 the so-called »road map« was officially presented to the Iparties of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict by representatives of the Mid- dle East »quartet« (usa, eu, un and Russian Federation). The road map envisages a final and comprehensive settlement of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict by 2005 through a two-state solution to be achieved in three stages.1 At the June 2003 Aqaba summit us President George W. Bush, Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon, and Palestinian prime minister Mahmud Abbas committed themselves to implementing the plan, al- though Israel had expressed reservations. After almost three years of vio- lent confrontations the formal reentry to a new peace process was achieved. However, the renewed escalation of violence only one week later signaled the lack of serious commitment on all sides to implementa- tion of the plan. Consequently, the road map process has not proved to be a way out of the cycle of violence, let alone to a renewal of official peace negotiations. Nevertheless, in early December 2003 a draft of an Israeli–Palestinian peace agreement was publicly unveiled in Geneva. The so-called »Geneva Accords« had been worked out by Israeli and Palestinian politicians, civil society representatives, and experts under the auspices of Oslo architect and former Israeli justice minister Yossi Beilin and former Palestinian in- formation minister and Arafat intimate Yasir Abed Rabboh. It is a blue- print for a final status agreement that details solutions to the outstanding complex issues of Israeli–Palestinian relations. -
Facts on the Ground the End of the Two-State Solution? Jenin GANIM KADIM
Facts on the ground The end of the two-state solution? Jenin a GANIM e S KADIM n a e n a rr ite d e M SANUR West MEHULA Tulkarem AVNE Bank HEFEZ ENAV SHAVE SHOMRON SAL'IT KEDUMIM Nablus ELON MOREH ALFE BRAKHA MENASHE Qalqiliya YITZHAR ITAMAR SHOMRON SETTLEMENTS K.TAPPUAH ORANIT ELKANA ARIEL MA'ALE EFRAIM ELI SHILO BET Salfit ARYE SHV. RAHEL Jordan OFARIM er HALAMISH Riv KOCHAV HASHAHAR TALMON BET OFRA El Ramallah MODIIN MA'ALE ILLIT MIKHMAS GIV'AT ZE'EV Jericho Completed barrier Barrier under construction ALMON Approved barrier MA'ALE ADUMIM Approved secondary barrier Jerusalem Green Line (1949 Armistice Line) Abu KALIA Palestinian Autonomous Area Dis (Area A: full civil and security control) BETAR Bethlehem Palestinian Autonomous Area (Area B: full civil control, joint EFRAT Israeli-Palestinian security control) TEQOA K.ETZON Palestinian town KARME TZUR MA'ALE AMOS Israeli settlement/ ASFAR built-up area Settlement outposts established 1996 - K.ARBA February 2001 Hebron HAGGAI Settlement outposts established since Dead Sea February 2001 MA'ON ESHKOLOT SUSSIYA TENE METZADOT YEHUDA Contents Preface 2 Introduction 3 1 Facts on the ground: the creation of settlements 7 2 A tale of two cities: Ma’ale Adumim and Jerusalem 19 3 The ultimate fact on the ground: the separation barrier 23 4 Trapped or transferred? 29 5 The real cost of land: poverty and despair 32 6 Breaking the bounds: land and international law 39 7 A viable state? 46 8 The donors’ dilemma 49 9 A climate of impunity 52 10 Prospects: an end to the two-state solution? 56 1 Recommendations: a duty to act 60 Glossary 62 Notes 65 Facts on the ground Preface Christian Aid is the official relief and development Christian Aid should continue to discuss and listen agency of 40 church denominations in the UK and to the views of different groups. -
The Daniel Abraham Israeli-Palestinian Workshop Making Gaza Disengagement Work: Israeli,Palestinian, and International Requirements
THE SABAN CENTER FOR MIDDLE EAST POLICY AT THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION PROCEEDINGS Number 2, June 2004 THE DANIEL ABRAHAM ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN WORKSHOP MAKING GAZA DISENGAGEMENT WORK: ISRAELI,PALESTINIAN, AND INTERNATIONAL REQUIREMENTS WASHINGTON,DC MAY 11–13, 2004 THE SABAN CENTER FOR MIDDLE EAST POLICY AT THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION PROCEEDINGS Number 2, June 2004 THE DANIEL ABRAHAM ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN WORKSHOP MAKING GAZA DISENGAGEMENT WORK: ISRAELI,PALESTINIAN, AND INTERNATIONAL REQUIREMENTS WASHINGTON,DC MAY 11–13, 2004 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY . V LIST OF PARTICIPANTS . IX PROGRAM . XI INTRODUCTION . XIII I. TIMELINE . 1 II. REQUIREMENTS FOR SUCCESS . 5 A. CEASE-FIRE . 5 B. PALESTINIAN POWER SHARING . 6 C. PALESTINIAN SECURITY REFORM . 8 D. ISRAELI COMMITMENT TO FULL WITHDRAWAL . 9 E. ROBUST INTERNATIONAL ROLE . 11 F. LINKAGE TO WEST BANK AND BROADER POLITICAL PROCESS . 15 G. U.S. LEADERSHIP . 16 APPENDICES 1. THE DISENGAGEMENT PLAN OF THE GOVERNMENT OF ISRAEL (MAY 28, 2004) . 19 2. LETTER FROM PRESIDENT BUSH TO PRIME MINISTER SHARON (APRIL 14, 2004) . 25 3. LETTER FROM PRIME MINISTER SHARON TO PRESIDENT BUSH (APRIL 14, 2004) . 29 4. LETTER FROM PRESIDENT BUSH TO PRIME MINISTER AHMED QUREI (MAY 11, 2004) . 33 5. LETTER FROM DOV WEISSGLAS TO CONDOLEEZA RICE (APRIL 14, 2004) . 37 6. QUARTET STATEMENT ON UNILATERAL DISENGAGEMENT PLAN (MAY 4, 2004) . 41 T HE S ABAN C ENTER AT T HE B ROOKINGS I NSTITUTION III EXECUTIVE SUMMARY he Israeli government’s decision to disengage Although all of these requirements are unlikely to be Tfrom the Gaza Strip and a limited number of achieved in their entirety, it is important to under- settlements in the northern West Bank provides an stand the symbiotic relationship between them. -
Messianism Meets Reality
Shaul Arieli Messianism Meets Reality The Israeli Settlement Project in Judea and Samaria: Vision or Illusion, 1967-2016 Shaul Arieli Messianism Meets Reality The Israeli Settlement Project in Judea and Samaria: Vision or Illusion, 1967-2016 Research assistant and preparation for printing: Sagi Ganot Maps: Shelley Rivkind, Shaul Rabinovitch, Sagi Ganot English translation: Shaul Vardi November 2017 Dedicated to the late Prof. Elisha Efrat, Laureate of the Israel Prize in Geography Table of Contents Introduction ................................................................................................. 10 Background .................................................................................................. 12 The Allon Plan .............................................................................................. 14 The Sharon Plan ........................................................................................... 19 The Drobles Plan ........................................................................................... 26 The Super Zones Plan .................................................................................... 34 Overview of Israeli Settlement in the West Bank as of 2016 ............................... 46 Population ........................................................................................................ 46 Built-Up Area ..................................................................................................... 59 The Road System .............................................................................................. -
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Northern West Bank Disengagement: Zububa Settler Evacuation Roads Closures erected Access for the Disengagement Affected Area & Access for Palestinian Communities Rummana Evacuation Road Ti'innik (Military Zone) ‚ Checkpoints 'Arabbuna As Sa'aida Silat al Harithiya Al Jalama 'Anin Alternative 'Arrana Evacuation Road Deir Ghazala ") Roadblocks Dahiyat Sabah al Kheir Faqqu'a Khirbet Suruj Al Yamun Khirbet Abu 'Anqar Umm ar Rihan Hannanit Umm Qabub Open Road Kafr Dan Khirbet 'Abdallah al Yunis Barta'a ash Sharqiya Shaked Mashru' Beit Qad Khirbet ash Sheikh Sa'eed Al 'Araqa Jenin City Al Jameelat Beit Qad Affected Palestinian communities Reikhan Tura al Gharbiya Al Hashimiya Khirbet al Muntar al Gharbiya Tura ash Sharqiya At Tarem Khirbet al Muntar ash Sharqiya Jalbun Nazlat ash Sheikh Zeid (pop. 36,800) 'Aba Affected Palestinian communities are Umm Dar Kafr Qud Birqin WEST BANK Al Khuljan WadadDabi' Deir Abu Da'if Most affected towns or villages with a risk to be exposed Dhaher al 'Abed 'Akkaba Zabda to curfews, closures, clashes with the IDF Masqufet al 'Arab as Suweitat Palestinian communities Hajj Mas'ud Ya'bad Kufeirit and to settler violence. Imreiha Khirbet Sab'ein Qaffin Umm at Tut Ash Shuhada Affected Palestinian Affected Area Khermesh Jalqamus communities Mevo Dotan Al Mutilla Gaza JORDAN Bir al Basha Nazlat 'Isa Ad Damayra Qabatiya Baqa ash Sharqiya An Nazla ash Sharqiya Tannin Nazlat Abu Nar An Nazla al Wusta Arraba Al Hafira Khirbet Marah ar Raha Telfit ISRAEL An Nazla al Gharbiya Wadi EGYPT Khirbet Kharruba Du'oq Mirka Fahma -
The NEGOTIATION and ITS DISCONTENTS
The ANNAPOLIS PROCESS (2007-2008) NEGOTIATION AND ITS DISCONTENTS Omer Zanany The Tami Steinmetz Center for Peace Research Translation: Michelle Bubis Design: Yosef Bercovich ISBN: 978-965-555-926-2 Printed in Jerusalem ©2015 - The Tami Steinmetz Center for Peace Research, Tel Aviv University, Ramat Aviv & Molad - the Center for the Renewal of Israeli Democracy. All rights reserved. The Tami Steinmetz Center for Peace Research The ANNAPOLIS PROCESS (2007-2008) Negotiation and its Discontents Omer Zanany The Tami Steinmetz Center for Peace Research THE TAMI STEINMETZ CENTER FOR PEACE RESEARCH The Tami Steinmetz Center for Peace Research which was established in 1992 is an interdisciplinary academic unit at Tel Aviv University. Its mandate is to promote academic activity related to conflict resolution and peace-making, with special reference to the Arab-Israeli conflict. Within this framework, the center: • Initiates, encourages and supports research projects on subjects related to its mandate both in the Middle East and in other regions of the world. • Holds research workshops and local and international conferences dealing with relevant subjects. • Fosters academic collaboration with similarly oriented institutions in Israel and abroad. Molad is an independent, non-partisan Israeli think tank that works to reinvigorate Israeli society by injecting new ideas into all spheres of public discourse. Our vision combines progressive values with a realistic approach to the political and geopolitical challenges of Israeli reality. We inform public debate with responsible content that meets the highest possible standards of research and analysis – the dearth of which has played a crucial role in Israel’s ongoing state of crisis. -
The Egypt-Gaza Border and Its Effect on Israeli-Egyptian Relations
Order Code RL34346 The Egypt-Gaza Border and its Effect on Israeli-Egyptian Relations February 1, 2008 Jeremy M. Sharp Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division The Egypt-Gaza Border and its Effect on Israeli- Egyptian Relations Summary Since Israel unilaterally dismantled its settlements and withdrew its troops from the Gaza Strip in August 2005, it has repeatedly expressed concern over the security of the Egypt-Gaza border. Israel claims that ongoing smuggling of sophisticated weaponry into the Gaza Strip could dramatically strengthen the military capabilities of Hamas, which seized control of the Gaza Strip in 2007. Israel also charges that Egypt is not adequately sealing its side of the border, citing the recent breakthrough of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians who rushed into Egypt on January 23, 2008 and remained for several days. Egypt claims that Israel has not only exaggerated the threat posed by weapons smuggling, but is deliberately acting to “sabotage” U.S.-Egyptian relations by demanding that the United States condition its annual $1.3 billion in military assistance on Egypt’s efforts to thwart smuggling. Section 690 of P.L. 110-161, the Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2008, withholds the obligation of $100 million in Foreign Military Financing for Egypt until the Secretary of State certifies, among other things, that Egypt has taken concrete steps to “detect and destroy the smuggling network and tunnels that lead from Egypt to Gaza.” The United States, which occasionally is thrust into the middle of disputes between Israel and Egypt, has attempted to broker a solution to the smuggling problem which is amenable to all parties.