THE SYNTACTIC EXPRESSION OF TIME IN OLD CHURCH SLAVONIC: A COMPARISON WITH NEW TESTAMENT GREEK VOLUME I
DISSERTATION
Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University
By
Sophie Forbes, B.S., M.A.
The Ohio State University
1995
Dissertation Committee: proved b
Charles Gribble
Brian Joseph Advisers Daniel Collins Department of Slavic and East David Hahm European Languages and Literatures UHI Number: 9533972
UMI Microform 9533972 Copyright 1995, by UMI Company. All rights reserved.
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UMI 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, MI 48103 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank my advisers. Dr. Brian D. Joseph and Dr. Charles E.
Gribble for the time and effort which they have put into this paper and for their guidance and cousel. I would also like to thank the other member of my committee, Dr. Daniel
Collins and Dr. David Hahm, for their advice and aid. Gratitude is also expressed to the staff of the Hilandar Research Library/Resource Center for Medieval Slavic Studies for their assistance and support throughout the processes of both research and writing, and for making their materials and computer available to me. I am especially grateful in this regard to Drs. Mateja and Predrag Matejic and Mary Allen "Pasha 11 Johnson. I am especially grateful to Dr. Mateja Matejic for his explanations of Orthodox religious rites and terminology and textual traditions. Thanks to Dr. Predrag Matejic for the OCS font which he created and provided, and to Petar Milich for the Greek font which he created and provided. I would like to thank the following people for providing information on the languages of which they are native speakers: Dorota Goralska (Polish), Drs.
Vassilis Lampropoulos and Yannis Tzifopoulos (Greek), Dr. Milan Malinovsky
(Czech), Dr. Mateja Matejic (Serbo-Croatian), Dr. Lyubomira Parpulova (Bulgarian),
Dr. Anelya Rugaleva (Russian), and Halyna Sydorenko (Ukrainian). To my parents I offer my sincere thanks for the support which they have offered throughout the years.
To Emmy Houser, thanks for making me "study" even when I did not want to. And to
Steve Houser, my deepest gratitude for providing a quiet place to work and think, and for all the love, support and encouragement you give me. VITA
September 19, 1966 ...... Bom — Cincinnati, Ohio
1988 ...... B.S., Georgetown University, Washington, DC
1988-198 9 ...... University Fellow, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio
1989 ...... M.S., Slavic and East European Languages and Literatures, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio
1989-199 4 ...... G.T.A., Russian Language, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio
1994-present ...... Title VI Fellow, The Ohio State I Tniversity, Columbus, Ohio
HELDS OFSTUDY
Major Field: Slavic and East European Languages and Literatures
Studies in: Slavic Linguistics (Drs. Charles Gribble, David Robinson, Anelya Rugaleva, Kenneth Naylor and Daniel Collins) Historical Linguistics (Dr. Brian Joseph) Balkan Linguistics (Dr. Brian Joseph) ABBREVIATIONS
GRAMMATICAL TERMINOLOGY
ACC accusative DAT dative GEN genitive INS instrumental LOC locative NOM nominative
PL plural SG singular
FEM feminine MASC masculine NTR neuter
MANUSCRIPTS CITED
Asm Codex Assemanianus evangeliaria, 10-11th c., Aprakos Gospel Cloz Glagolitica Clozianus, 10th c., Collection of homilies D Dobromirovo evangelie, 12-14th c., Tetragospel Mar Codex Marianus tetraevangelia, 11th c., Tetragospel Mir Miroslavljevo evangelie, late 12th c., A prakos Gospel Ost Ostromirovo evangelie, 11th c., Aprakos Gospel Sav Savvina Kniga, 10-11th c., A prakos Gospel Supr Codex Suprasliensis, 11th c., M enaion for March + sermons for Holy Week & Easter Z Codex Zographensis tetraevangelia, 11- 13th c., Tetragospel
iv TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... ii
VITA ...... iii
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS...... iv
INTRODUCTION ...... 1
CHAPTERS PAGE
I. T EXTO LOG IC A L PR O B LEM S...... 12
1.1 Nature of the p roblem ...... 12 1.2 Discussion of the Aprakos text ...... 13 1.3 Discussion of the Tetragospel t e x t ...... 16 1.4 Discussion of the Greek tradition ...... 17 1.5 Problems in selecting the Greek prototype ...... 20 1.6 Role of the Greek prototype in OCS studies ...... 21
II. THE ACCUSATIVE CASE WITH THE PREPOSITION K L ...... 25
2.1 Meanings of the construction ...... 25 2.2 Words used in the construction ...... 25 2.3 Use of the construction with the noun ALNhL ...... 26
2.4 Use of the construction with the noun c x e o t o ...... 47 2.5 Use of the construction with other days of the week ...... 51 2.6 Use of the construction with the nouns YdCZ/ro^z/ro^HNct .... 51 2.7 Use of the construction with the noun B.p'tWA ...... 63
2.8 Use of the construction with the nouns NOipu and B £Y £pz ...... 69 2.9 Use of the construction with the nouns M’fcc^Ub. and a'fcTO 71
2.10 Use of the construction with the noun B tK Z ...... 72 2.11 Use of the construction with other nouns ...... 74 2.12 Use of the construction with non-temporal nouns ...... 77 2.13 Summary ...... 80 III. THE PREPOSITIONLESS ACCUSATIVE ...... 82
3.1 Meanings of the construction ...... 82
3.2 Use of the construction with the noun 4 L .n l ...... 8 6
3.3 Use of the construction with the noun N 0l|JL...... 92 3.4 Use of the construction with the noun Y acz...... 93
3.5 Use of the construction with the noun M’tcA ijL ...... 94 3.6 Use of the construction with the noun /itT O ...... 95
3.7 Use of the construction with the noun Eptycft ...... 99
3.8 Second meaning of the construction ...... 100
3.9 Use of the construction with the noun 4 LNL...... ____ 101
3.10 Use of the construction with the noun hOTpo ...... ____ 105 3.1 1 Use of the construction with the other parts of the day . . . . ___ 109 3.12 Third meaning of the construction ...... ____ 1 10 3.13 Summary ...... Ill
IV. THE PREPOSITIONLESS INSTRUMENTAL ...... 113
4.1 Meanings of the construction ...... 113 4,2 First meaning of the construction ...... 115
4.3 Use of the construction with the noun 4 LNL ...... 115
4.4 Use of the construction with the noun yffcTO ...... 1 18
4.5 Use of the construction with the noun noijjl ...... 1 2 1
4.6 Discussion of the various constructions used with noijjl ...... 125
4.7 Use of the construction with the noun 4 LNL in the second meaning of the construction ...... 128 4.8 Third meaning of the construction ...... 130 4.9 Summary ...... 139
THE PREPOSITIONLESS LOCATIVE ...... 142
5.1 Meanings of the construction; Historical discussison ...... 142
5.2 Use of the construction with the noun YdC 2 ...... 146
vi 5.3 Use of the construction with the noun no/iZNOtjlb...... 148 5.4 Use of the construction with the noun jHM d ...... 151
5.5 Use of the construction with the noun ,tteT 0 ...... 152
5.6 Use of the construction with the noun KJTpo; Discussion of the various
constructions used with K J T p o ...... 154 5.7 Summary ...... 157
VI. THE PREPOSITIONLESS GENITIVE ...... 160
6.1 Problems in analyzing the construction ...... 160 6.2 Use of the construction in the adverbialized phrase RLY&pd .... 162 6.3 Use of the construction in negative phrases ...... 163 6.4 Use of the construction as a translation of a Greek G E N ...... 167 6.5 Use of the construction as a GEN verbal object ...... 167
6 .6 Use of the construction in the phrase 'per year' ...... 170 6.7 Use of the construction to express dates ...... 170
6 .8 Sum m ary ...... 171
VII. THE ACCUSATIVE CASE WITH PREPOSITIONS...... 175
7.1 Prepositions which take the accusative case ...... 175 7.2 Meaning and use of Nd with the accusative c a se ...... 175
7.3 Use of Net with the noun 4 b.NL ...... 177
7.4 Use of Nd with forms of oyTpww, etc ...... 180
7.5 Use of Nd with the noun Y d c z ...... 182
7.6 Use of Nd with the noun BpteM^ ...... 182
7.7 Use of n 7.9 Meaning and use of no with the accusative case ...... 188 7.10 Use of no with the noun 4 LNL...... 189 7.11 Use of no with the noun ^ teT O ...... 190 7.12 Use of no with the noun YdCZ ...... 190 vii 7.13 The difference in meaning between the Net and no constructions 191 7.14 Meaning and use of osz with the accusative case ...... 191 7.15 Summary ...... 192 VIII. THE INSTRUMENTAL AND DATIVE CASES WITH PREPOSITIONS AND THE PREPOSITIONLESS DATIVE ...... 194 8.1 Why these three constructions are discussed in one chapter 194 8.2 Meaning and use of prepositions with the instrumental case ...... 194 8.3 Meaning and use of iti with the dative case ...... 196 8.4 Meaning and use of the dative case ...... 198 8.5 Summary ...... 200 IX. THE LOCATIVE CASE WITH PREPOSITIONS...... 203 9.1 Prepositions which take the locative case ...... 203 9.2 Meaning and use of EZ with the locative case ...... 203 9.3 Use of EZ with the noun 204 9.4 Use of e z with the noun noijje ...... 207 9.5 Use of e z with the noun KiTpo ...... 209 9.6 Use of e z with the noun ncuZNoijJtL ...... 210 9.7 Use of e z with the noun Y d c z ...... 212 9.8 Use of e z with the noun Ept,w^i ...... 214 9.9 Use of EZ with the noun /tteTO ...... 215 9.10 Use of e z with the noun Ne 14 t./ik t...... 215 9.11 Use of EZ with with non-temporal nouns ...... 216 9.12 Summary of the use of e z with the locative c a se ...... 222 9.13 Meaning and use of na with the locative case ...... 224 9.14 Use of N 9.15 Use of na with the noun Ytftcz and r o ^ z ...... 226 9.16 Use of Nd with the noun JKUTMte ...... 226 viii 9.17 Use of Nd with the noun REYEpM ...... 227 9.18 Summary of the use of Nd with the locative case ...... 227 9.19 Meaning and use of no with the locative case...... 228 9.20 Use of no with the noun4 LNL ...... 232 9.21 Use of no with the noun YdCZ ...... 232 9.22 Use of no with the noun ro^HNd...... 233 9.23 Use of no with the noun /itTO...... 233 9.24 Use of no with the noun Bp'fey^...... 233 9.25 Use of no with non-temporal nouns...... 236 9.26 Use of no with quantifiers...... 237 9.27 Use of no with demonstratives ...... 238 9.28 Use of no with the pronoun e l c e ...... 241 9.29 Summary of the use of no with the locative case...... 241 9.30 Meaning and use of npH with the locativeca s e...... 241 9.31 Use of npH with the personal nouns...... 242 9.32 Use of npn with the noun ro^HNd...... 243 9.33 Use of npH with the noun E E Y epz ...... 243 9.34 Summary...... 244 THE GENITIVE CASE WITH PREPOSITIONS...... 248 10 I Prepositions which take the genitive case...... 248 10.2 Meaning and use of o t z , c z and HJZ. with the genitive case . . 248 !0.3 Meaning and use ofo t z with the genitive c a s e...... 249 10.4 Use of o tz with the noun 4 t.NL...... 249 10.5 Use of o t z with the noun SEYG pz...... 250 10.6 Use of o t z with the noun Y dC Z ...... 250 10.7 Use of o t z with the noun Rp'fe.y^i...... 253 10.8 Use of o t z with the noun /CfcTO...... 253 10.9 Use o f 0 T 2 with the noun B*hkz ...... 257 10.10 Use of o t z with non-temporal nouns...... 258 10.11 Use of otz with demonstratives ...... 261 10.12 Use of o t z in a relative phrase ...... 264 10.13 Summary of the use of o t z with the genitive case...... 265 10.14 Meaning and use of cz with the genitive case...... 265 10.15 Meaning and use of Hjz with the genitive case...... 266 10.16 Use of h j z with nouns such as OTpOYHNd...... 266 10.17 Use of Hjz in th.e phrases HCkONH and ncnpLRd ...... 268 10.18 Use of h j z in the phrase HJdtftfcZNd...... 272 10.19 Summary of the use of h j z with the genitive c a s e ...... 272 10.20 Meaning and use of 4 0 with the genitive case...... 273 10.21 Nouns used with 4 ° ...... 273 10.22 Use of 4 0 with the noun 774 10.23 Use of 4 0 with the noun YdCZ/rodHNd ...... 278 10.24 Use of 4 0 with the noun nO/tzNOlgk...... 278 10.25 Use of 4 0 with the noun BpteWA...... 278 10.26 Use of 4 0 with the noun / t t T O ...... 279 10.27 Use of 4 0 with non-temporal nouns...... 280 10.28 Use of 4 0 with the noun k p d T Z ...... 281 10.29 Use of 4 0 with the noun k on L14 L ...... 281 10.30 Use of 4 0 with substantivized adjectives or adverbs ...... 283 10.31 Summary of the use of 4 0 with the genitive case ...... 288 10.32 Second meaning of4 0 with the genitive c a s e...... 288 10.33 Meaning and use of np'fe.JK^e. with the genitive ca se...... 290 10.34 Use of nptikrtG with the noun dLNfc...... 292 10.35 Use of np’h)krfG with the noun B .ptw ^ ...... 293 10.36 Use of nptxcd^ with npajdLNHkz n a c x z t ...... 294 x 10.37 Use of n[>'b)Krt& with the noun E’fekZ ...... 294 10.38 Use of npwith the demonstrative ce ...... 294 10.39 Use of np’fe.JK^e with non-temporal no u n s ...... 295 10.40 Summary of the use of np’fejKde with the genitive c a s e ...... 297 10.41 Meaning and use of j a with the genitive c a s e ...... 297 10.42 Meaning and use of e x with the genitive c a se ...... 299 10.43 S u m m ary ...... 301 XI. ADVERBIAL EXPRESSIONS OF TIM E ...... 304 11.1 Discussion of adverbial expressions ...... 304 11.2 Adverbial use of noC/t'fertE/noc/ffe.^H ...... 304 11.3 Adverbial use ofnp’feJK^e, ...... 306 11.4 Adverbial use of npXBtee./npLBOte ...... 308 11.5 Adverbial use of ex TOpot€ and Tp E T H tc te ...... 310 11.6 Adverbial use of YETEopo and c&AUOpo ...... 312 1 1.7 Adverbial use of yaAO ...... 313 1 1.8 Adverbial use of nob x ...... 314 11.9 S u m m ary ...... 315 CONCLUSION ...... 317 12.1 Introduction ...... 3 17 12.2 The temporal frames expressed by OCS constructions ...... 317 12.2.1 The time at which an action o ccu rs...... 318 12.2.2 The lime completely filled by an action ...... 324 12.2.3 The time completely filled by an action with emphasis on the duration of the action throughout the entire period in question 325 12.2.4 The time within which an action is c o m p le te d ...... 326 12.2.5 The time since which an action occurs ...... 326 12.2.6 The time before which an action occurs ...... 327 12.2.7 The time after which an action occurs ...... 327 12.2.8 The time until which an action occurs ...... 328 12.2.9 The time around which an action occurs ...... 328 12.2.10 The time fo r which or over which an action is intended to last 329 12.2.11 The time during which an action is repeated or intended to last 329 12.2.12 The times betw een which an action o ccu rs...... 330 12.2.13 The time tow ards which an action occurs ...... 330 xi 12.2.14 How many times an action is repeated ...... 330 12.2.15 Problem spots ...... 331 12.3 The temporal frames expressed by Greek constructions ...... 336 12.3.1 The time a t which an action occurs ...... 336 12.3.2 The time completely filled by an action ...... 338 12.3.3 The time completely filled by an action with emphasis on the duration of the action throughout the entire period in question 338 12.3.4 The time within which an action is completed ...... 339 12.3.5 The time since which an action occurs ...... 339 12.3.6 The time before which an action occurs ...... 339 12.3.7 The time after which an action occurs ...... 3 4 0 12.3.8 The time until which an action occurs ...... 340 12.3.9 The time arou n d which an action occurs ...... 340 12.3.10 The time fo r which or over which an action is intended to last 340 12.3.1 I The time during which an action is repeated or intended to last 341 12.3.12 The times betw een which an action occurs ...... 341 12.3.13 The time tow ards which an action occurs ...... 341 12.3.14 How many times an action is repeated ...... 341 12.3.15 Problem spots ...... 342 12.4 The temporal frames expressed by modem Slavic constructions .... 345 12.4.1 The time at which an action occurs ...... 345 12.4.2 The time completely filled by an action ...... 358 12.4.3 The time completely filled by an action with emphasis on the duration of the action throughout the entire period in question 359 12.4.4 The time within which an action is completed ...... 359 12.4.5 The time sin ce which an action occurs ...... 360 12.4.6 The time before which an action occurs ...... 361 12.4.7 The time a fter which an action occurs ...... 362 12.4.8 The time until which an action occurs ...... 363 12.4.9 The time around which an action occurs ...... 363 12.4.10 The time fo r which or over which an action is intended to last 363 12.4.1 1 The time during which an action is repeated or intended to last 364 12.4.12 The times betw een which an action occurs ...... 365 12.4.13 The time tow ards which an action occurs ...... 365 12.4.14 How many times an action is repeated ...... 366 12.4.15 Problem spots ...... 367 12.15 Summary 370 INTRODUCTION 0.1 In the year 862 the Great Moravian Prince Rostislav requested of Byzantine Emperor Michael III a mission which would introduce Christianity to his people in their native language. Michael chose two brothers from Salonika, Constantine and Methodius, who were fluent in both Greek and the Slavic dialect of their region, noting that CG/toyNnjUNE, rech yhcto c^ORtNECKZi EectdoytOTL 1 {Life of Methodius 2). Before departing for Moravia, Constantine created a new alphabet for the Slavs, which later came to be called Glagolitic . 1 Once in Moravia, he and his brother set about their missionary task—training Moravians as clergymen, and translating the most important liturgical books from Greek into Slavic. The language of these translations was based upon the dialect of Slavic spoken around Salonika and adapted to the dialect spoken in Moravia. In English this language is usually called "Old Church Slavonic" (hereafter abbreviated as OCS). 0.2 Many Slavists believe that Cyril and Methodius' native Greek influenced their translation of the holy books to the point that it is impossible to study the syntactic 1 "All Thcssalonians speak pure Slavic”. “ Taken from the manuscript Uspcnskij Sbornik (late twelfth or early thirteenth century) as published by the Michigan Slavic Papers in Dostiil 1976. •' Although the Cyrillic alphabet was named in honor of Constantine (who took the monastic name Cyril), it is now widely accepted that he did not create this alphabet, but rather the Glagolitic alphabet, which is based on the Greek minisculcs. The Cyrillic alphabet was in all likclihtxid created later bv his disciples, probably in Bulgaria. For more information sec Carlton 1990, Diels 1963 and Lunl 1973. 1 structure of OCS without comparing it to that of Greek. For example, O. von Giildenstube, in explaining why he is not studying the syntax of OCS, states, "Ohne standigc Rucksichtnahme auf den griechischen IJrtext hat dahcreine altkirchcnslavische Syntaxuntersuchung keinen Zweck" (1923, 150). J. Kurz explains this position by saying that "OCS from the very beginning was only a written language, and it developed under strong Greek influence" (1972, 159).4 However, Kurz himself cautions against approaching the syntax of OCS solely from the Greek point of view. OCS syntax can, and does, stand on its own. He advises that "the analysis of the syntactic means of OCS translations must be approached above all from the point of view of the Slavic language itself, from the point of view 1 of its inner rules/regularities" (1972, 159). Thus, in consideration of the fact that Greek syntax probably did influence OCS syntax, on the one hand, but that OCS was an independent language, on the other, one should study OCS syntax as an internal phenomenon of OCS, but should also make a comparison to the Greek. This should be done not only to establish what is Greek in the OCS text, but, more importantly, to delineate what is Slavic. According to H. Bimbaum, "Erst so liesse sich ja echt Slavisches, Altererbtes von Nachgeahmten |sic-SF| und Entlehntem trennen und dadurch in manchen Punkten ein dcutlicheres Bild der altesten genuin slavischen Syntax, ihrem Bau und den ihr zu Gebote stehenden Ausdrucksmitteln, gewinnen" (1958, 241). 0.3 The question of whether Cyril (Constantine) translated mechanically, bound to the syntax of the Greek text, or freely, using Slavic structures to express Slavic meanings, is crucial in determining whether or not the language found in the oldest OCS All quotes from scholarly works in the Slavic languages will be translated; quotes Irom German or French scholarly works will be given in the original. texts is indeed Slavic or just Slavic words molded into a Greek sentence structure. Many OCS scholars believe that Cyril, being a talented polyglot, opted to translate freely, creating a text which would be comprehensible to the Slavic audience for which it was intended, instead of mechanically reproducing the Greek text in Slavic. As P. Dinekov states, "|although| Cyril exerted himself to translate precisely, this does not mean that he blindly translated his original, nor that he translated it literally. His primary care was above all else to transfer the true meaning of the text" (1985, 637 | italics mine|). T. Carlton explains the reason for this: "After all, the point of the entire enterprise was to preach and teach in the language of the people." In addition, "the students trained by St. Cyril and Methodius were local people accustomed to speaking their own dialect. They could hardly have been able to copy the dialect of their prestigious teachers in all respects as, for example, in copying the translations of their masters"; therefore, he concludes, "The two apostles very probably adjusted their language to make it more acceptable to the local population" (1990, 38). K. Horalek writes: "II est caracteristique pour la traduction de Constantin que la ou il n'existait aucune possibility de traduction litterale, il se servait de periphrases" (p. 274) and "il ne jugea necessaire de suivre dans tous leurs details, les particularites de la syntaxe du texte grec original que la ou I'exigeait le sens de la phrase. On peut dire avec raison que I'esprit du texte lui import ait davantage que les particularites de la langue" (p. 177 litalics minej). 0.4 In spite of the obvious importance of syntactic studies of OCS, very little concrete work has been done in this field. A thorough, in-depth study of all syntactic structures of OCS is ultimately necessary. As a contribution towards this labor, my goal in this study is to discuss one particular aspect of syntax, and to examine it thoroughly. The aspect of syntax which I will discuss here is the syntactic expression of time in OCS—which case constructions and which prepositional constructions are used to convey which temporal meanings. I intend to show that in this particular aspect of syntax--the use of case to convey meaning—in the overwhelming majority of instances we do not see loan translations from Greek but rather native Slavic elements at work. When faced with the task of choosing form or meaning, the translators most frequently opted for correspondence in meaning rather than correspondence in form. By comparing the OCS expressions to the Greek, not only will 1 show that that, in the overwhelming majority of instances, Greek syntax was not copied, but I will also establish a framework of syntactic structures used to express temporal concepts in OCS. 0.4.1 I have chosen the syntactic expression of time to examine because it is an area of syntax which does allow some choice in which syntactic structure is used and does present some differences between the two languages in question (as opposed to those aspects which they share, often due, perhaps, to a common structure inherited from Proto-Indo-European; e.g., both place the direct object in the accusative case). The convergences, due to a common inheritance or mere coincidence, do not permit us to separate the native from the borrowed. However, OCS used five cases (accusative |ACC], genitive |GEN], dative |DAT], locative |LOC| and instrumental [INS|) as well as numerous prepositional constructions and adverbial phrases to express different temporal frames,-'' while Greek used three cases (ACC, GEN and DAT) as well as 1 will not be discussing either nominative (NOM) phrases or DAT absolute phrases which were used in temporal expressions. The former existed in statements such as "It was the Sabbath" and, being identical in both languages, arc not of interest for comparison. The latter has been discussed in numerous works on the DAT absolute, w hich lor the most part always render an equivalent Greek GEN absolute. For more on the DAT absolute, sec V. Polak "Po/.namky k siaroslovenskcmu dalivu absolutmmu", Sbfrka stall' venovantich prof. Joselu Vaisovi. Prague, 1948, pp. 106-110; J. Stanislav "Dau'v absolutny v starcj cirkevncj slovanCinc", Bvzanlinoslavica. 5, 1933/34, pp. 1-112; and P. Trosl numerous prepositional constructions and adverbial phrases also. With rare exceptions, where meaning converged in the two languages, form diverged. Thus, by demonstrating how the form in OCS diverged from that of the Greek, I intend to show that meaning took precedence over form in the translated texts, and also to establish the native Slavic means for the expression of time. 0.4.2 In addition to the case constructions listed above—the ACC, GEN, DAT, LOC and INS—I will also discuss the prepositional constructions and adverbial phrases which were used to express time. First I will discuss the most prevalent construction for the expression of time in OCS, the construction with e z + ACC. As this is the most common and most important construction, I have chosen to devote a separate chapter to it and to begin the discussion with it. Then I will discuss the prepositionless cases in the following order: ACC, INS, LOC, GEN. These constructions are discussed in descending order of frequency. This is followed by a discussion of the corresponding constructions with prepositions. I have chosen to do them in the same order as with the prepositionless cases : ACC, INS, LOC, GEN. In the chapter on the INS with prepositions, I also will discuss the prepositionless DAT and the DAT with prepositions. Although these three constructions have nothing in common, there are so few examples of each that I do not think that each warrants a separate chapter. Rather, they are the "marginal1' constructions which can be grouped together simply on the basis of their marginality. The final chapter will discuss adverbial phrases. These adverbial phrases do not include case forms which, although originally nominal constructions, at some point in the history of the Slavic languages became adverbialized (such as noijihix 'in the night’ or oyT pt ’tomorrow’) and may even have been adverbs during the period "O dativu absolutnim", Sbornik slavislickifch pracf venovantjeh IV me/inarodnimu sjczdu slavistu v Mi>skve. Prague, 1^58. under consideration. Rather, 1 will discuss those adverbs not derived from nouns, including those which were also used as prepositions (such as npfewdc 'before' and noC/tfeAL 'after'), as well as several ordinal numerals in the NTR SG ACC form (for example npLBote 'first') and a few other adjectives which were used adverbially. Each individual chapter will discuss the meaning(s) of the construction under discussion, demonstrate with examples which nouns could occur in each construction, and give the Greek equivalent(s) for each construction. The meanings of the Greek constructions will be discussed only as they relate to the OCS constructions, but not separately, as the goal of this study is to establish an OCS syntax, not Greek. The conclusion will draw the data together for overall observations and as evidence for the thesis that the syntax of OCS as seen in the extant manuscripts is native Slavic and not merely translation syntax from the Greek. 0.4.3 Throughout this study, various temporal frames are referred to in conjunction with the various constructions. The temporal frames are as follows: (1) the time at which an action occurs, which may be a time which is not completely filled by the given action, or the time during a segment of which or at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place or begins; (2) a time completely filled by an action; (3) a time completely filled by an action with emphasis on the duration of the action th ro u g h o u t the entire period in question; (4) a time w ith in which an action is completed ;6 (5) a time since which an action occurs; ( 6 ) a time before which an action occurs; (7) a time after which an action occurs; ( 8 ) a time until which an action occurs; (9) a time around which an action occurs; (10) a time fo r which or up to " This meaning differs from thul expressed in (2) by ihc emphasis on the completion of an aclion, with the achievement of a result. This is discussed in Chapter 4, on the prepositionless INS. which an action continues :7 (1 I) a time for which an action is repeated or intended to last; (12) the times between which an action occurs; (13) a time towards which an action occurs; and (14) how many times an action is repeated. In discussing these temporal frames, it is important to keep in mind that the modem concepts of the measurements of time differ greatly from those of ancient times. The day did not always have twenty-four hours—nor was there always a concept of 'hour' as a time period lasting sixty minutes. These concepts of the division of time into ever-smaller parts vary from culture to culture and epoch to epoch. In Daniel J. Boorstin's The Discoverers (1983), the historical development of such concepts as year, week, day, hour and minute are discussed. He says: While the ancients measured the year and the month, and set the pattern for our week, the shorter units of time remained vague and played little part in the common human experience until the last few centuries. Our precise uniform hour is a modem invention, while the minute and the second are still more recent. Naturally enough, when the working day was the sunlit day, the first efforts to divide time measured the passing of the sun across the heavens (26). He notes that, regardless of the means used to measure time (sundials and water clocks being among the ancient devices), the hours which were measured varied from day to day, season to season, region to region. Thus, for example a daylight hour in the summer in the Middle East was longer than a daylight hour in the winter. The result of this was that "| t Jhese variant 'hours'—equal subdivisions of the total hours of daylight or darkness—were not really chronometric hours" (30), and "it was only around 1330 that 7 This meaning differs from lhal expressed in ( 8 ), although they arc both expressed in OCS with 4 0 + GEN. This is discussed in Chapter K), especially 4 0 + GEN in ( 8 ) is an unmarked unlit, while the meaning expressed by 4 0 + GEN in (10) is marked for extension of the action. the hour became our modem hour, one of twenty-four equal parts of the day. This new ’day' included the night. It was measured by the time between one noon and the next" (39). Another question Boorstin raises is "When does a 'day' begin?" (40). This, too. varied from culture to culture: "The Babylonians and the early Hindus calculated their day from sunrise. The Athenians, like the Jews, began their 'day' at sunset, and carried on the practice through the nineteenth century" (40). The result? The archeology of our everyday life leads us all over the world. The 365 days of our year acknowledge our debt to ancient Egyptian priests, while the names of months--January, February, March—and of the days of the week—Saturday, Sunday, Monday—remain our tie to the early Hebrews and to Greek and Roman astrologers. When we mark each hour of our 24-hour day, and designate the minutes after the hour, we are living, as a historian of ancient science reminds us, by 'the results of a Hellenistic modification of an Egyptian practice combined with Babylonian numerical procedures' " (43). These different cultural and historical concepts of the division of time will be especially important in this study of time in discussions of hours, which were different for the Hebrews and Greeks and of the New Testament period. These differences were carried over into the Slavic translation. Where, for example, the Greek text shows TtepC TpcTV)v wpav (Mt 20:3; cf. §2.6.2), this does not refer to 3:00, but rather 'around the third hour'. Phrases such as ^.ccrtis vuktoj, ^eexovukt loxj or H.eCTOVUKTLOV, rendered by OCS ( £ 2 ) noaoVNOIJJH (cf. §5.3), refer to the general time 'middle of the night' rather than 'midnight', although the phrases in the modem languages descended from them do mean 'midnight' (for example. Modern Greek H.ecravuxxa, Modern Russian no/iHowb. 0.4.4 In the discussion of various temporal expressions, frequent reference is made to the substantivization of adjectives or adverbs and the adverbialization of prepositional or nominal phrases. By substantivization I mean the process whereby an adjective or adverb functions as a noun due to its usage in a prepositional phrase (for example, 4 0 N2 1 Nt 'until now'1). Often when an adjective is substantivized it is through the ellipsis of a head noun (for example, 4 0 NZ l N’te.WLNkjro 'until now', with the ellipsis of a noun such as 4 LNL 'day' or Bp'bMiei 'time'; Nd o y TpHki, also with the ellipsis of the noun 4 LNL, meaning 'in the morning' or 'on the next day'). In general, such substantivized adjectives are not used exclusively in prepositional phrases; within the sphere of temporal expressions, however, they are. By adverbializ.ation I mean the process whereby a prepositional or nominal phrase functions adverbially and therefore at some point in time ceases to be seen as a prepositional or nominal phrase and becomes instead lexicalized or univerbated as an adverb. Of course, since all time expressions which answer the question 'when?' could be viewed as adverbs, we could say that this entire study deals only with adverbial expressions. However, most of the phrases can still be interpreted as either a prepositional or nominal phrase. In the history of the Slavic languages, many of the prepositional or nominal phrases as found in OCS do indeed become lexicalized (for example, j a oyTpd 'in the morning' gives 3aBTpa in Russian, Z ltra in Czech meaning 'tomorrow'; roTpfc 'tomorrow', gives yTpe in Bulgarian also meaning 'tomorrow'). Sometimes the two processes may be combined; for example, the adjective 4 4 &LNZ 'ancient' is substantivized in the phrase H jz Ad&LNd 'from a long time ago’ which functions adverbially. At some time, the phrase became lexicalized, resulting in (for example) Russian M 3 /taBHa also meaning 'from a long time ago'. In some instances the phrases as found already in OCS may be interpreted as adverbialized or lexicalized (for example, 4 b.Nb.cL 'on this day' which gives Serbo-Croatian jaHac, Bulgarian ztHec. Macedonian aeHec, Czech/Slovak d n e s 'today' was possibly already an adverb meaning 'today' in OCS); this is difficult to determine, as we have no extant dictionaries which could categorize such phrases for us. The possibility of adverbialization will be discussed for each occurrence that warrants it. 0.5 I have chosen six canonical OCS manuscripts as sources for this study, with three non-canonical manuscripts for the purposes of comparison. "Canonical" manuscripts include those which were written in the appropriate era (tenth to eleventh centuries8) and which are generally believed to show a more "pure" OCS dialect (i.e. Old Bulgarian), vs. later manuscripts and those which reveal dialectal elements which come from later periods or different regions .9 Of these nine manuscripts, four are Aprakos Gospels, three are Tetragospels (the meaning of both of these terms will be discussed in Chapter 1, §§1.2.1 and 1.3), one is a collection of homilies and one is a Menaion. The three non-canonical manuscripts which I have chosen to examine represent the earliest written stages of three recensions of Church Slavonic; the Ostromirovo evangelie (Ost) which is an eleventh-century Russian Church Slavonic Aprakos; the Miroslavljevo evangelie (Mir) a late twelfth-century Serbian Church Slavonic Aprakos; and the Dobromirovo evangelie (D) a twelfth-fourteenth-century Bulgarian/Macedonian Church Slavonic Tetragospel. I examined these manuscripts to see both how their syntax differed from and how it was similar to the syntax seen in the 8 Cl'., e.g., Carlton 1990: "No texts later than the end of the eleventh century arc accepted into the canon. This dale is considered the cut-off point bccuasc by the end of the eleventh century, the spoken language had changed to such an extent that the written form no longer reflected the spoken. In other words, the written language lost its living base and became an entirely artificial one” (41), 9 For example, the proper use of the nasal vowels can distinguish a canonical manuscript from a non-canonical one, or the phonemic realization of Prolo-Slavic * t j/* d j as st/z d . The proper use of Ihcym (fc. and z), on the other hand, marks a manuscript as East Slavic, and therefore non-canonical. canonical manuscripts. I did not use them to draw conclusions, but only as supporting evidence. The canonical manuscripts examined are: Codex Assemanianus (Asm) and Savvina Kniga (Sav), both Aprukoi, Codex Marianas (Mar) and Codex Zographensis (Z), both Tetragospels , Glagolita Clozianus (Cloz), a collection of homilies, and C odex Suprasiiensis (Supr), a M enaion for the month of March with sermons for Holy Week and Easter. The data which I will discuss is exhaustive for the Gospel texts and Cloz, but only selective for Supr. Due to the length of the latter (452 printed pages; 285 folia), I chose only representative examples of each construction. For example, the phrase no TOMb. 'after that' occurs quite frequently, but is cited for only a few of its occurrences. Greek equivalents are given for all examples taken from the Gospel texts and Cloz, but not for Supr. The reason for this is simply that the edition of Supr which I read did not contain the Greek edition of the text. 0.6.0 Appendix A is a list of all occurrences of the substitution in the A prakoi of the TT phrase £ Z CO for other expressions found in the Tetragospels. Appendices B-M contain charts which list each occurrence of each phrase as found in the OCS manuscripts; appendices N-T contain charts which list each occurrence of each phrase as found in the Greek text. Appendix U contains examples of various time expressions in selected Slavic languages, and Appendix V contains examples of those expressions in New Testament and Modem Greek. CHAPTER I TEXTOLOG1CAL PROBLEMS 1.1 A major obstacle for any study of OCS is the fact that, although the Slavic liturgical tradition began in 862/863, the oldest surviving manuscripts date from the end of the tenth and the beginning of the eleventh centuries, a gap of at least 150 years. Because of this, we can only conjecture as to the nature of Cyril and Methodius' original translation. As K. Horalek states, "Nous ignorons (egalement) comment etait I'evangeliaire original et nous n'en savons rien de certain" (1959, 268). If we were to assume that our oldest surviving manuscripts faithfully reproduce the original translations, then we could have a good picture of the nature of these translations. However, we cannot assume that later copyists did not make any changes, be they accidental or intentional. Horalek continues: ...nous n'avons pas le texte direct de I'evangeliaire cyrillo-methodien, ni celui du Tetraevangile. Les manuscrits conserves datent d'une epoque bien posterieure... Le texte vieux-slave de I'Evangile subit deja avant le XIC siecle, un developpement assez complexe dont nous ne pouvons nous faire qu'une idee tres aproximative. II est evident que la version cyrillo-methodien de I’Evangile, de meme que d'autres textes bibliques conserves en manuscrits, n'a pas garde sa forme originate. Ceci resulte avant tout de la technique de reproduction des manuscrits. Chaque manuscrit differe du texte qui lui servit de modele, et plus un texte fut recopie a la chaine plus le resultat s'eloigne du texte originale... (268-9 | italics mine-SF|). H. Lunt explains: 12 13 It is assumed that most of these manuscripts |the early, extant ones| contain translations made by Cyril and Methodius, and the rest are translations made by their disciples, probably during the first decades after the deaths of the saints. However, since we lack contemporary manuscripts, or even the immediate copies which were doubtless made in the heyday of the states of Simeon and Samuil, we cannot know in detail exactly what the language the Slavic Apostles used was. Their own works, taken to Bohemia, Bulgaria and Macedonia, were copied and recopied, edited and modified by generations of workers, and we possess only a few random examples of these copies (1974, 2-3). Because of the nature of this problem, I do not propose here to reconstruct the syntax of the original Cyrillo-Methodian translations; rather, I make my claims based solely upon the information which is found in the extant manuscripts. To be sure, it is unlikely that the earliest extant manuscripts differ that greatly from the Cyrillo-Methodian autograph, as most of the disciples probably did not know any Greek and were therefore unable to go back to the Greek prototype and retranslate it. If changes were made, they would have been "Slavicizing" changes to correct anything in the language of the Cyrillo- Methodian autograph which seemed strange to them. Recall, however, T. Carlton's hypothesis that "|t|he two apostles very probably adjusted their language to make it more acceptable to the local population '1 (1990, 38), an adjustment which would have occurred during the period of the initial translating process, rather than later. For this study (which aims to demonstrate the Slavic nature of the language of the manuscripts) what is relevant is that the language recorded in these manuscripts, whether it represents the language of the Cyrillo-Methodian autograph or of versions "edited" by their disciples and/or later generations of scribes, is Slavic and not Greek. 1.2 It is commonly accepted among Slavists that the first text which Cyril translated was an A prakos Gospel (called a "Gospel Lectionary" in Western |i.e. Roman] 14 Christianity), a hypothesis which leads many to the conclusion that the earliest A prakoi "generally represent the original Slavic translation of the Gospel as it was made by the hands of Constantine and Methodius" (Nevostruev 1865, 212). This tradition is accepted by Slavists on the basis of the description in the Life of Constantine: , , , H OSIC C/tO)KM nHCWENd H NdYETL flHC <3T H eY/tCKOV HCk'ONH E ± CdCORO H CdCORO E ± G> E d M EL E ± CJOORO H npOYGS . . . 1 As these are the opening words of the Gospel according to John, this leads most scholars to the conclusion that Cyril's first translation was most probably an A prakos text (see for example Moszyriski 1957, 373) rather than a Tetragospel, which would begin with Matthew 1:1. There are other reasons for believing that the A prakos was translated first: on a statistical level, there are many more A prakos manuscripts than manuscripts representing other textual types. Also, the A prakos was much more practical than the Tetragospel or a M enaion (collection of saints lives), as it was the A prakos which was used on a daily basis for readings at church services. Given the scarcity of materials for writing in the period and the intense labor which went into producing just a single manuscript, it is logical that Cyril would have first translated a text which would be the most useful and the most necessary—the Aprakos. 1 ...and then he created letters and began to write the Gospel: In the beginning was the word, and the word wax with Hod. and the word was Hod, etc... Taken from the Vladislav Grammaticus manuscript (1469; XIV, 17-19) as published by the Michigan Slavic Papers in Doslal 1976. 15 1.2 .1 The Aprakos 2 is a collection of readings taken from various parts of each of the four Gospels, each of which is designated for a certain day in the Church calendar. The A prakos or Lectionary text always begins with the reading for Easter. Often at the end of the text is found the Mecfm.ec.flOB, which gives a liturgical calender listing the appropriate readings for each sermon (Nevostruev 1865, 210). Bruce Metzger details the development of the Aprakos text in the history of the Christian Church: Following the custom of the synagogue, according to which portions of the Law and the Prophets were read at divine service each Sabbath day, the Christian Church adopted the practice of reading passages from the New Testament books at services of worship. A regular system of lessons from the Gospels and Epistles was developed, and the custom arose of arranging these according to a fixed order of Sundays and other holy days of the Christian year... For the added convenience of the reader, lectionary manuscripts were prepared which present in proper sequence (beginning with Easter) the text of the several passages of Scripture appointed to be read on Sundays, Saturdays, and, in some cases, on week-days throughout the year. Such lectionaries are called synaxaria. Another service book is the menalogion? which supplies Scripture lessons for feast days, saints' days, and the like, starting with the first of September, the beginning of the civil year. It is noteworthy that substantially the same choice of Scripture passages in lectionary manuscripts dating from the seventh or eighth century is still followed by the Greek Orthodox Church today (Metzger 1992, 30-31). 2 Zukovskaja gives the source of the Slavic term aprakos as having been derived from the Greek word QirpQXTOS meaning "holiday, Icsta!" (1973, 358-9). In this Greek adjective we sec the root npax, which means 'work', with the alpha-privative prefix -a. Therefore anpaxtri fipepa is a 'non working' or 'idle' day, which could only be a holiday. ^ Note that these terms have different meanings in the different traditions. Metzger is actually describing the Roman tradition. In the Greek Orthodox tradition, the synaxaria arc abbreviated saints' lives which arc read alter the sixth ode of the canon in the daily matins. The m enologian is the MectmecjioB, which is the calendar (or index) listing the daily readings at the end of the lectionary text (consultation with Father Mateja Matejic, Serbian-Orthodox Priest). 16 1.2.2 Assemanianus, as a Glagolitic text dated to the late tenth or early eleventh century, is the oldest known Aprakos. Assemanianus, and the other oldest Slavic Aprakoi-Savvina Kniga and the Russian Ostromirovn evangelie, both Cyrillic texts-- are short Aprakoi: they contain readings not only for Sunday liturgies, but for all seven days of the week for the first cycle-the fifty days from Faster to Pentecost. For the cycle from Pentecost to Lent the short Aprakoi contain readings for Saturday and Sunday only. For Passion Week (the last week of Lent before Easter) again there are readings for every day of the week (Zukovskaja 1973 , 371-2). 1.2.3 The full Aprakoi contain daily readings for the entire year, except for the weeks of Lent when there are readings only for Saturday and Sunday. There are only about 150 surviving parchment manuscripts of the full Aprakoi, the oldest of which are Mstislavovo (c. 1117) and Jurjevskoje, neither of which fall into the period of canonical OCS. Even the oldest examples of full Aprakoi are not consistent in either content or order of readings. The rarest kind of Aprakos text is the npa 3 /tHMMHbm (lit. 'festal'). It includes daily readings only for Passion Week, and also readings for twelve major holidays (Zukovskaja 1973, 372). 1.3 The Tetragospel is the complete work of the four Evangelists in their standard order. Again, the oldest surviving manuscript is not the Cyrillo-Methodian autograph, although tradition ascribes the translation of the Tetragospel to Methodius and his disciples after the death of Cyril. The oldest extant Tetragospels are Zographensis and M ariams, both glagolitic manuscripts dated to the tenth century. 17 1.4 Another major obstacle facing students of OCS textology is the fact that we do not know from which Greek manuscript Cyril or any of his followers made their translations. In fact, we are not even certain of the textual "family" of the Greek prototype--Byzantine (or "Neutral"), Western, or Alexandrian. For example, K. 1. Logacev writes: Neither the "Textus Receptus" (TR) nor the Alexandrian type editions can be considered the editions of the oldest Slavic translations.,, If we consider the oldest Slavic manuscripts, then it is not difficult to see that the type of text represented by these manuscripts either differs from the Alexandrian type, coinciding with the TR..., or differs from the TR and coincides with the Alexandrian type..., or, finally, differs from them both... (1976, 96-7). The fact is that we now possess thousands of manuscripts of the Greek New Testament. According to Metzger (1992, 262) statistics (as of 1989) show the following: Papyri catalogued ...... 96 Uncial MSS. catalogued ...... 299 Miniscule MSS. catalogued ...... 2,812 Lectionaries catalogued ...... 2.281 TOTAL 5,488 Even taking into account that some manuscripts have been double-catalogued (counted twice), we are still dealing with over 5,000 documents. And as with the Slavic manuscripts, the scribes made alterations from their sources, either by accident or by deliberate choice, with the result that "no two manuscripts of the New Testament are identical in their wording" (Tuckett 1987, 21). 1.4.1 To complicate matters even further, the Greek manuscript tradition covers a millenium and a half: from the original texts written in the first century to the advent of printing in the fifteenth. This can be divided into three periods: the papyrus period, from the mid-first century to the beginning of the fourth; the uncial period, from the fourth to ninth century, characterized by vellum used as a writing material and large letters formed separately; and the miniscule (or cursive) period, from the ninth to fifteenth century, in which the writing is in small characters, often linked together; vellum is increasingly replaced by paper from the thirteenth century onwards (Kenyon 1912, 19-20). 1.4.2 As stated earlier, Greek manuscripts are traditionally divided into three "families"-Byzantine (or "Neutral"), Western and Alexandrian—on the basis of the work of Johann Jakob Griesbach (Metzger 1992, 119). However, later investigations by Westcott and Hort led to a division into four familes: Syrian, Western, Alexandrian and Neutral. Their differences can be described as follows: (1) The latest of these four forms of text is the Syrian, which is a mixed text resulting from a revision made by an editor(s) in the fourth century who wished to produce a smooth, easy, and complete text. This conflated text, the farthest removed from the originals, was taken to Constantinople, where it wax disseminated widely throughout the Byzantine Empire |italics mine-SF|. It is best represented today by codex Alexandrinus (in the Gospels, not in the Acts and Epistles), the later uncial manuscripts, and the great mass of miniscule manuscripts | italics mine-SF], The Textus Receptus is the latest form of the Syrian text. (2) ...[Tlhe so-called Western type is both ancient and widespread. It is preserved in certain bilingual uncial manuscripts, notably codex Bezae of the Gospels and Acts (D)... Its date of origin must have been extremely early, perhaps before the middle of the second century... One of the marked characteristics of the Western text, according to Hort, is a love of paraphrase... (3) The Alexandrian text, according to Westcott and Hort, is preserved to a greater or less extent in codex Ephraemi (C), codex Regius (L), codex 33, and the Coptic versions... Its characteristic is that which 19 might be expected from the influence of a Greek literary centre-a delicate philological tact in correcting forms, syntax, and in subtle changes made in the interest of attaining a greater degree of polish in language and style (such as the rearrangement of words to avoid hiatus)... (4) The Neutral text, as its question-begging name implies, is, in the opinion of Westcott and Hort, the most free from later corruption and mixture, and comes nearest to the text of the autographs. It is best represented by codex Vaticanus (B), and next by codex Sinaiticus (>i). The concurrence of these two manuscripts is very strong, and cannot be far from the original text... (Metzger 1992, 131-3). Thus the "Neutral" family contains the oldest Greek manuscripts which can be considered protographs for the rest of the Greek tradition. The "Western" family is also veiy ancient, but already contains changes. The "Alexandrian" family is later and shows linguistic and stylistic "corrections". The "Syrian" is probably the youngest text, one which spread widely throughout the Byzantine Empire and thus is of great interest for those dealing with the Byzantine tradition. It was this text (or type of text) which was adopted as the Byzantine Textus Receptus. 1.4.3 What makes textological studies even more difficult is the variety of names which have been assigned to these "families". The "Syrian" family is also referred to as: Koine, Byzantine, Constantinople, Antiochan or Received Text (Textus Receptus). Hort calls the "Alexandrian" family the "Neutral". There is yet one more grouping yet to be mentioned—the "Caesarean", which contains a mixture of "Western" and "Alexandrian" readings (Metzger 1992, 213-14). In addition there is a whole class of "authorities" which are seen as having "less value” for the study of the Greek text—the lectionaries. They are grouped in two classes, known respectively as Evangeliaria when they contain lessons from the Gospels, and Apostoli or Praxapostoli when they contain the Epistles or Acts (respectively). According to Kenyon, in the catalogues of the lectionaries, uncials and miniscules are counted together, but the uncials are never of 20 very early date, being almost invariably of the ninth century or later (Kenyon 1912, 128). However, we know little about the Greek lectionary tradition: "many of the miniscule manuscripts (especially those which are still preserved in the monasteries of the East) have been only superficially studied; and the lectionaries have been even more neglected than the miniscules" (Kenyon 1912, 128-9). Says Metzger (1992, 31): Scholars have only recently begun to appreciate the importance of lectionary manuscripts in tracing the history of the text of the New Testament during the Byzantine period. Inasmuch as the form of the citation of the Scriptures in official liturgical books always tends to be conservative and almost archaic, lectionaries are valuable in preserving a type of text that is frequently much older than the actual age of the manuscript might lead one to suspect. 1.5 Although the lectionaries have been neglected in Greek studies, they are quite useful for Slavists since in all probability the earliest translations were done from these texts. The question as to the family of the Greek prototype for these translations has not yet been definitively answered. According to A. A. Alekseev, "the existing viewpoint in Slavistics of the Slavic New Testament base was defined in the 1920s and 1930s in the works of J. Vajs on the material and mass of the Tetragospel. In his works, Vajs wrote on the textological theory of the Greek Gospel of Hort (1881) and...Soden (1906)" (1984, 4). Based on Hort's theories of the division of New Testament texts into four "families" or "groups" ("Neutral", "Alexandrian", "Western" and "Syrian", with "Neutral" being the "Byzantine" or "Constantinople" redaction) and Soden’s divisions of the texts into three "families", Vajs determined that the Greek manuscript from which the original translation was prepared was the "Constantinople" text with a large inclusion of "Western" readings...(and) in the path of reconstruction 21 of the Slavic text, each time chose the Slavic variant which corresponded to the "Western" reading of the Greek records (Alekseev 1984,6). However, as Alekseev points out, "Vajs’s main miscalculation was, that in searching for the Greek basis of the Slavic Gospel, he did not consider that the original was a translation of the Greek lectionary and not the Tetragospel" (Alekseev 1984, 6 ). A large part of the problem in determining which Greek original(s) served as the basis for the oldest translations is based on the large amount of variant readings found in the various texts and text-types. Between the Greek Aprakoi and Tetra texts, as well as among the Greek Aprakoi and Tetra texts, there are many differences. There are many "hybrid" texts, with reading apparently from one tradition in some places and from another tradition in others. According to I. Dobrev (from the KnpH/io-MeTo,aneBCKa EHUMK/ioneziMii. P. Dinekov, ed.), under the topic "EBaHreyine", ...During the time of Constantine and Methodius the Byzantine redaction was still completely dominant... According to Vajs, in the Old Bulgarian text of the Gospel according to Mark, over 1,000 Byzantine variations exist, but there are also over 500 (Western) and about 500 Alexandrian variations. Vajs established that in Marianus there are more Byzantine variations than in Zographensis... (1985, 633) Here, too, Vajs's claim for a 'Western' source of the original translations is disputed, with the explanation that "part of the 'Western' variants can result from a later collation of an Old Bulgarian text from a Greek model which contained deviations from the more standard Byzantine redaction text" (ibid, 633-4). 1.6 What role do these controversies play in the study of OCS? According to many Slavists, it leads to the conclusion that the student comparing the OCS text to the Greek 22 text must consider more than one Greek text as a possible source or influence. As. H. 1. Skupskij writes. Therefore we suggest that in the study of the language of the OCS monuments it should be necessary to consider the evidence of not one, but, possibly, of a whole series of the greatest number of manuscripts of various redactions of a certain age, because each one of them could have been either a potential original for the original translation, or could have been related to those original manuscripts which exercised influence on this translation... (1977, 129). In spite of these seemingly overwhelming obstacles to a successful study of OCS syntax, it is possible to complete a study on the syntactic expression of time without reading all 5,000-plus Greek manuscripts of the New Testament. The Nestle-Aland Novum Testamentum Graece contains all variant readings, and B. Metzger discusses in A Textual Commentary on the Greek New Testament all of the disputed points, ranging from the inclusion vs. exclusion of a definite article to the inclusion vs. exclusion of entire lines of text. An examination of this book provides an account of all points of contention which could have an effect on the outcome of this dissertation. Most examples are insignificant—for example, in Matthew 13:40 some texts have ev T?j CTUVTeXeca to u q u o v o j 'at the end of the age', whereas later texts add to u to x j 'this'. The meaning may differ slightly, but the syntactic structure is unaltered. Examples, however, such as the one found in Matthew 8:13, could be of importance. The oldest Greek texts have ev T?j topa EKEtvrj 'at that hour'; whereas other, later, texts have either ev xfj f]| 4 .epa eKCLvrj 'at (on) that day' or even qtto xfjs topa£ EKELVriS' 'from that hour'. 2.3 If the Slavic manuscripts exhibit different readings, it could be due then to differences found in their sources. For example, the first example given, which has variants either with or without the demonstrative 'this' has the same structure regardless: ev + DAT + GEN phrase. In fact, all Slavic manuscripts which attest this verse (Asm, Ost, Mar, Z and Mir) have the demonstrative: e z czkokil YdNHe etn a cero. This tells us that the Greek prototype probably came from the group with the demonstrative, but it does not change our intepretation of the syntactic structure: s z + ACC + GEN phrase. More interesting is the fact that in Matthew 8:13, all of the Slavic manuscripts which attest this verse (all except D) show e z t z y a c z . This means that the Greek prototype probably had the phrase ev xfj topa ekelvvi rather than ev tfj V)p.epQ EKEtvrj. This is not definite, however, because sometimes the Slavic manuscripts also translate qtto Tris wpas ekelvvis TZ Yacz. If we were to compare which Greek manuscripts had ToOtou in Matthew 13:40 and ev trj topa eKStvrj in Matthew 8:13, we would see that the following manuscripts had both of the readings as seen in the Slavic manuscripts: L, 0106, 0233, 0242, f 13 and M. Only the last could reasonably be considered of interest: M is the symbol chosen to represent the "Majority of Lectionaries". Although a decision cannot be based on only two out of thousands of variant readings, these two examples appear to suggest that the prototype for the Slavic translation was indeed a lectionary. Another example, in J 13:36, shows how a change in word order in Greek changes the meaning. The Slavic text shows: J 13:36 . . . noc^'bah. xce no ia &ujh (Z) 24 In which the adverb noC/t'hAl 'after, later' occurs phrase-initially and is a temporal expression. Only a very few Greek manuscripts, including M, show the same structure: J 13:36 . . . xjcrxepov fie QKoXouBricrets n .01 Thus: later you will follow (after) me'. The preferred reading, however, shows a different word order and omits the pronoun: J 13:36 . . . QnoXo\J0f|trets fie UCTxepov Thus: '... you will follow later'. In this instance, the Slavic text shows a structure which is indicative of a prototype that contains the alternate reading (also found in C3, xj>, a n d / / ?) rather than the preferred reading. Variant readings will be discussed as they arise, although very few have any consequence for the discussion of time expressions. For example, many variants have to do with word order; others, with the inclusion or exclusion of an article. Although interesting for the larger question of the Greek prototype, they play no role here. However, even such examples of variant readings in time expressions as discussed above would not prevent a successful comparison of the OCS syntactic structure to that of the Greek or, the more important outcome of this dissertation, an analysis of the OCS syntactic structure as an independent phenomenon. What we are most concerned with is which structures OCS used to convey the meaning found within the Greek text, and most often this can be discovered regardless of variant readings among the Greek manuscripts. CHAPTER II THE ACCUSATIVE CASE WITH THE PREPOSITION 2.1 By far the most prevalent means in OCS for expressing a time when an event occurs is with the preposition £Z with the accusative (ACC), which occurs over 500 times in the extant texts (Xodova 1971, 124). This expression designates a time which is not completely filled by the given action, i.e. a time during a segment of which or at one moment of which an event takes place or beings (ibid, 124). The verb which expresses this action most often is of perfective aspect. Kz + ACC in OCS most often corresponds to the Greek preposition ev with the dative (DAT) or the plain DAT case, which is used, according to Smyth (1984, § 1539; 1542), to denote a definite point of time (chiefly day, night, month, year, season), at which an action occurred. The dative contrasts one point of time with another, and is usually accompanied by an attributive...; ev is added: (a) To words denoting time when there is no attributive... (b) When the attributive is a pronoun (sometimes)... (c) To statements of time within the limits of which an event may take place...; to statements of how much time anything takes; with numbers, dXu-fOs, noXuj, etc. Blass (1949, §200), says that the DAT continues to be used in this way in the New Testament period, answering the question 'when?': 25 26 Der temporaie Dal. auf die Frage "warm?" ist im NT noch zicmlich gebrauchlich, allerdings ncbcn der Verdcutlichung mit ev, die schon in der klass. Sprache vcrbreitel ist. Da der Dat. nur den Zeitpunkt bezeichnet, ev dagegen Zeitpunkt und Zeitraum, so ist fiir "bei Tage, bei Nacht" (Zeitraum) wohl ev (t?|) fiv.epa, ev (t?)) vuktl m o g lic h (J 11:9)... Dagegen zur Angabe eines bestimmten Tages oder einer best. Nacht ist neben ev der Dat. am Platz, so immer t»j Tpunj np.Epa Mt 16:21...; aber ev tF) ecrxdTrj fin.epa (J 7:37)... However, in certain expressions or in certain circumstances BZ + ACC can correspond to other Greek structures. These will be discussed as they arise. 2.2 The following set of words is used in the construction with EZ + ACC in OCS (as taken from the entire canonical corpus): abne 'day', czKOTd/cstEDTZ 'sabbath, Saturday', and other days of the week, Y 'time', noi|jl 'night', BEYBpz 'evening', ybcrfHijL 'month', /ttTO 'year', BtKZ 'century, age'; also NdYA/to 'beginning', k o n lijl or czkONEYdNME 'end', CTpawa 'guard (shift, watch)', n acx a 'Passover' (eventually, 'Easter'), npajALNHKZ 'festival, holiday'; and the following, found rarely: CTdpocTE 'old age', ktWpor/fdtu&NHE (and other variants) 'cockcrow', npfcncMO£/ie.NH& npd ja e n h k ^ 'middle of the festival', npfeC£/i&NH& 'movement, migration' and pOKABCTBO 'birth'.. 2.3 The noun ALNh. (PL AENH) 'day' is never found alone in the ACC with the preposition b z : it is always accompanied by a modifier, be it an adjective or a genitive phrase. In such phrases, the construction bears the meaning 'on (a certain) day’. This is not similar to the restriction given by Smyth for the Greek use of ev with the dative 27 because the latter construction bears the same meaning as its corresponding prepositionless construction. However, the prepositionless ACC construction with ALNL bears the meaning of time spent, not of time at which an event occurs (see Chapter 3). flkNt. 's also used in the &z + LOC construction; in this it is always unmodified. However, in this construction sz ALN& bears the meaning 'in the day(time)1 (i.e. vs. 'in the night[time|)' rather than 'on (a certain) day'. In all, AiNt. occurs about 200 times in OCS manuscripts in the EZ + ACC construction (Xodova 1971, 124).1 The following adjectives are used with it in this construction: the demonstratives CL (PL Ctfi) 'this', TZ (PL T Z l) 'that', ONZ (PL ONZ I) 'that '; 2 TptTLH 'third', fioc^E aln lh 'last, final', c x a ln lh 'judgement', ovfTptM 'morning', and various others. When e z a ln l (or PL A^nh) is followed by a genitive phrase, the noun in the genitive is usually a person, such as in Mt 2:1 Icoy powAtkUJK) c a e z aHk/i&OM'b . , , e z a hh HpOAd 4 pd (Sav); in such occurrences, Ab.NL bears a metaphorical meaning 'in the time of. Phrases such as B.Z a ln l norp’fcEG.NHM MO&ro 'on the day of my burial', however, which are also found (J 12:7), demonstrate that in such constructions a ln l can also bear its concrete meaning 'day'. The phrase a z t€AMNZ o t z a l n z 3 'on one of the days'also occurs a few 1 Xodova does noi give an exact number of occurrences tor az alnl . 2 The difference in the meanings of ihc various demonstratives is one of distance: ch. 'this one here' (temporal example: 'on this day' perhaps referring to today); t z 'that one there' (temporal example: 'on that day' i.e. on a day further removed, perhaps referring to yesterday or tomorrow), o n z 'that one over there’, further away than TZ (temporal example: 'on that other day' i.e. on a day even further removed, perhaps referring to the day before yesterday or the day al ter tomorrow). 3 This is a normalized spelling, based on idealized orthographic norms never actual I y realized in the extant mss. A lnl, as a consonanl-slcm noun, should have a GEN PL with a back jer (z); however, none of the extant mss. shows £LNZ in this phrase. Instead, wc sec alnch or AbNHl, which demonstrate a shift to the i-sicm class, with different vocalizations of tense jers. 28 times, as do variations of the relative clause phrase--RZ alnl r z ndke . 'on the day on which', which appears in various forms, 2.3.1 Variations of RZ aln l + demonstrative (rz t z 4 LNL, etc.4) appear 34 times in the Gospel text alone. Examples included Mt7:22 wzno Sh eo p&KXTZ MLNt. rl t z 4&NL (Mar) M k 8 :l rz tzi xilnh naKzi MNorov po^oy cxujtk) . . . (Z) f J 14:20 RZ TZ 4NL pdJOyvkRTG RZ I . . . (Sav) The phrase r z TZ alnl also appears in Supr: Supr 19:22-23 r z t z omso iie.NL CLEHpaxujToy ca NdpOAoy C Supr 91:2-3 r z TD Kdc anl riptide Md/tOMOWTZ Supr 94:20 MKO RZ TZI 4LHH ATM EZIIUA CHH CZ CdRHNIX In some instances, the A p ra k o s texts (Asm, Ost, Sav and Mir) have R z Rp'tMA omo or the abbreviation r z co in place of r z t z a ln l (etc .).6 Most often these occur at the beginning of a new reading and are possibly stylistic devices used to signal this. 4 Variations in ALNL occur because of spelling (e.g. a weak jer represented as a full vowel: 4ENL); or because it is used in the plural (flLNH). For a complete list of all occurrences of this and all other constructions, sec Appendix B < ^ 11 For a complete list ol all instances ol such variations with 6 2 go, sec Appendix A. 29 All occurrences of E Z T Z (etc.) correspond to the Greek construction with the preposition ev with the DAT: M t7:22 TToXXoL epOUCTLV H.OU ev CKELVr) X?j *1H.£pQ M k 8 :l ev e*euvais TQts f)p.epai.s ttqXlv ttoXXoij oxXou ovxos. . . J 14:20 ev CKetvr) xrj ftn ep a 'pvobtxecxBe u^eCs . . . A.few examples of ez t z a ln l (etc.) correspond to something slightly different in the Greek text. LI3:3lihasRZ t z a^ni (appearing only in Mar and D) which does correspond to ev XQUxr) x^ f|p.epa 'on this day' in the majority of Greek texts, whereas the older Greek texts have ev xauxrj xrj topa 'at this hour '.7 L 13:33 has ...crr)p.epov kql aupcov kql xrj epxo|4.evrj-.- 'today and tomorrow and (on) the coming (day)', while Mar and D (the only attestations) have simply e z onz 'on that day'. In L 1:24, two Slavic texts change the meaning of the time expression, to e z onz i (Ost), or e z 00 (Mir). This is an alteration which does not correspond to the Greek text, which has ^.exd xauxaj t q j f)p.epQS 'after these days', which is usually translated into OCS as no c h x z jke . ^kNLXZ(no + LOC'after'). All of the other examined texts except Sav, which does not have the verse, attest this latter phrase. Even Ost and Mir, which both contain two occurrences of the verse, both have the exact correspondence no c h x z jkr a l n l x z in one of the occurrences: 7 For a specific listing of which manuscripts (mss.) contain which readings in this and all other verses, cf. Nestle, E. and K. Aland, cds.. Novum Tcstamcntum Graccc. Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibclstiltung, 4lh revised edition, 1981. For a discussion of how preferred readings arc chosen, cf. Mcl/.gcr, Bruce M. A Textual Commentary on the Greek New Testament. London: United Bible Societies, 1975. 30 4 Luke 1:24 no chxz xs 4 l w l x z j a y a t z e.HHC Luke 1:24 s z 4 LNH onzi j< iyatz g^hc^irgl (Ost—1st) "S’ As mentioned, RZ ONZI 4 LNH or r z to often occur in place of a more specific temporal expression, especially when the temporal phrase of the verse begins a reading; this is indeed the case in this particular instance. 2.3.2 The adjective most commonly used with 4 LNL is Tp&TLH 'third '.8 In various Gospel manuscripts, only fourteen occurrences of r z TpGTLH 4 LNL are found, as opposed to thirty-eight occurrences of TpGTLH 4 t.NL, i.e. the plain ACC. Almost all occurrences, with or without RZ, correspond to the Greek prepositionless DAT: t?| TpLTrj Kip.epa- Five verses with RZ Tp&TLM 4 LNL are attested in three or fewer texts: Mt 17:23 (Sav; all others have ACC), Mt 20:19 (Mar; Mir has ACC), L 13:22 (Mar, D and Mir), L 24:46 (D; all others have ACC), and J 2:1 (Mar and Z; Ost has RZ ono RpfeMft): Mt 20:19 1 RZ TpGTH d£NL RLCKpZCNGTZ (Mar) c J 2:1 1 RZ TpGTH 4GNL EpdliZ EZI RZ KANd f 1.1 CUt. 1 Mt 20:19 *ql T?j TpLTTj rinepa e-fepBrtcreTQL J 2:1 KCii T?j ripiepa x?) xpuxri -pan.os e-pevexo ev K ava x % ra X u X a u a s 8 The reason that 'third' occurs so often is simply due to the fact that the phrase 'tin the third day' occurs so frequently in the Gospel text. L 24:46, attested in all of the examined texts except Sav, has RZ TpRTLH 4 LNL only in D—all other texts have TpETLH a ln l: L 24:46 H RRCKpLCRNXTH OTL MpRTRLIHXZ RL TpETHH d&Nh, (D) L 24:46 H RZCKpLCMXTH OTZ MRpZTRZtHXZ TpRTHH 4h.NL (Ost) L 24:46 KdC QVQCTT^VOL CK VEKptOV X?j TpLttJ TIM-Cpa The opposite occurs in Mk 9:31, where all the texts have r z TpCTLH 4 LNL except for Mir, which has the prepositionless ACC: Mk 9:31 H Tft&TH 4NL RCkpLCNCTL (Mir) Mk9:31 RZ TpRTIH 4 &NL RZCKpCNRTZ (Asm) However, this corresponds not to the Greek DAT, but to ptexa 'after' + ACC9: Mk9:31 k,cil qttoktqv Ss l j ^.exd xpeCj fyLepas dvacrxficrexau piexd + ACC also occurs in Mk 8:31, where Ost and D have the corresponding no with the LOC (see Chapter 9), but where Sav, Mar and Z have TpGTLH ALNL, and Mir has r 4 NL ( see Chapter 3). The preferred reading shows p.eta; however, a Few mss., including M—the majority oj' Aprakos texts (lectionaries) show ttj Tpi/crj f|p.epa 32 2.3.3 It may appear as if the phrase 'on the third day’ occurs so frequently in the prepositionless ACC in OCS rather than in the construction with r z + ACC because the Greek construction t ?j TpiTri f]p.epa is prepositionless. In Greek, this prepositionless construction appears, at least on a superficial level, to be in almost free- variation with ev + DAT. Since the Greek text shows the prepositionless variant, this may lead to the assumption that in the phrase 'on the third day' a prepositionless variant was also chosen for OCS. In other words, if the Greek constructions with the prepositionless DAT or ev + DAT had appeared to the translator(s) to be in free variation, the phrase Trj TpcxK) f||4£pa, which appears only in the prepositionless DAT, could have been rendered in OCS by the prepositionless ACC instead of RZ + ACC to continue the prepositionless construction seen in the Greek. However, the data, as seen in the following chart which shows the variant chosen in each manuscript for each verse, do not support this assumption: xPj xpcxr) f)H.epQ Asm Ost Sax Mar Z D Mir Mt 16:21 — — — ACC — — r a nr Mt 17:23 ACC ACC RZ ACC — — r anl Mt 20:19 — — — RZ — — r anr Mk 8:31 — no + LOC ACC ACC ACC no + LOC r anr Mk 9:31 RZ RZ. RZ RZ RZ RZ ACC Mk 10:34 ACC ACCACC ACCACC ACC r AMR L 9:22 — — — ACC ACCACC r AMR L 13:32 —— — RZ — RZ RZ L 18:33 —— — ACCACC ACC ACC L 24:7 ACC ACC— ACC ACC ACC r a n r L 24:46 ACC ACC — ACC ACC RZ ACC J 2:1 — (RZ 0N0 — RZ RZ — — Thus, for example, in Mt 17:23 Asm, Ost and Mar all have the prepositionless ACC, but Sav has ez + ACC. However, in Mk 10:34 all the manuscripts show the prepositionless ACC. All of these examples have as their source the Greek Trj TpLTrj f|H.epa. except for Mk 8:31 and 9:31, which both have ^.exa + ACC, as discussed earlier. We have seen that two constructions express the same meaning ’on the third day', although the BZ + ACC construction is far more prevalent in general than the prepositionless ACC for expressing the meaning 'on (a certain) day'. However, to express 'on the third day'—the most common phrase in the Gospels involving 4 LNL and a numeral—the prepositionless ACC is found far more frequently than RZ + ACC. Only six verses contain RZ TpGTLH 4 ln l, and four of those have TpGTLH 4 LNL in at least one, often in many, manuscripts (and the other two verses—L 13:32 and J 2:1—have no other attestations of the phrase 'on the third day'). On the other hand, six verses show TpGTLH 4LNL without any occurrences of r z TpGTLH 4 L.NL in any manuscripts. Supr shows examples of both r z + ACC and the prepositionless ACC for phrases with 4LNL and an ordinal numeral: Supr 10:19-20 RL YGTRpZTZH 4E.NL MdpTd M’fcCAlJd HJH40CT<51 . . , Supr 52:27-28 rz h 4 &nl c b 4 Z c z R0 &R0 4 X Supr 136:9-10 H RZ TpGTHH ALNL nORG/tt. FlpHRGCTH M , , , Supr 321:23-24 rt 4 dMZ c z j z 4 Supr 118:4 TpGTHI 4LNL tlpHUIGilZlUG Supr 129:19-20 H YGTRpZTZIH 4LNL HMdTZ TpZflA EGJ EpdLUZNd 34 Although Supr shows a clear preference for b z + ACC , 10 it seems that, based upon careful comparison between Greek and OCS, both OCS constructions were in free variation for expressing 'on the Nth day'. However, another element of the Greek could have played a role in this: phonology. Already by the time of the translation of the original OCS manuscripts the Greek language had undergone two phonological changes which led to a convergence between the DAT and ACC cases (on the surface): the loss of final -n, and the loss of the final -i off-glide (spelled according to tradition as an iota-subscript). Thus the prepositionless DAT tf] TpuTrj f|| 4 .epa sounded like the prepositionless ACC t?|(v) TpLTY|(vO (ri)n.epa(v). In fact, in Modem Greek it is the prepositionless ACC (e.g. Tri(v) TpLTl'i p.epa) which is used to express a time at which an event occurred. In addition, the Greek DAT had gone out of active use by this time, and was only used in written texts to carry on the literary tradition established centuries before. If the Greek text was being dictated to the translator or even group of translators (a common medieval practice in the copying of manuscripts 1 ■), what actually was a prepositionless DAT with the meaning of a time at which an event occurred could have been interpreted instead as a prepositionless ACC with the meaning of a time completely filled by an action. This conclusion, however, implies that the translators) of the manuscripts did not understand the text they were translating, which is contradicted by the use of perfective verbal forms (either in an aorist or future tense) to render the corresponding Greek forms. If they had thought of these expressions with t?| Tpitr) fm.epa, etc., as prepositionless ACC with the meaning of a time completely filled by an action, they would have had to 1 (t For more examples, sec Appendices B and C. 1 1 For a discussion on the practice of copying texts, see F. G. Kenyon, Handbook to Ihc Textual Criticism of the New Testament. 2nd cd. London: MacMillan and Co., 1912 and Bruce M. Mct/.gcr, 1992, The Text ol the Greek New Testament: Its Transmission. Corruption, and Restoration. 3rd. cd. Oxford: Oxford University Press. change the verbal forms to imperfectives (in the imperfect or future tense). But instead they retained the perfective forms, which express a momentary action or an action completed, rather than an ongoing or incomplete action. Thus we cannot look to the Greek text for explanation and again we are ted to the conclusion that the OCS constructions with r z + ACC and the prepositionless ACC were simply in free variation at this point in time for expressing 'on the Nth day'. 2.3.4 The phrase s z noc^e^LNLH tft.NL 'on the last, final day' occurs seven times in the Gospels, each occurrence appearing in the Gospel according to John: J 6:39 NZ RLCtfp'felDX H BZ nOC/lfetfLNHH tf&NL (Mar) J 11:24 RZCkpZCN&TZ BZ RZCkp’feUlRNHt RZ nOC^fbdLNH 4h.Nl (Z) This construction has two Greek equivalents: ev + DAT or prepositionless DAT : J 6:39 aXXa dvatrxfioxo auto | ev| xfj ecrxdxrj rmepa J 11:24 QvacTTyicrexaL ev xrj dvacrxdcrei ev x?| ecrxaxvj f|H.epa From text to text, the Greek shows great variations between the use of ev + DAT and prepositionless DAT. However, in this phrase the overlapping in usage between ev + DAT and the prepositionless DAT does not have any effect on the OCS: only r z + ACC appears. This is due simply to the fact that the a z + ACC construction was the I 36 one that best expressed the meaning of the Greek construction, regardless of which one occurred in the prototype. 2.3.5 EZ ALNL CXALNLH 'on judgement day' occurs five times in the Gospels and also occurs in Supr. This phrase is interesting due to the fact that, although the Greek text has ev f||*lSpa + GEN phrase, the Slavic texts all express this not with a GEN phrase but with an adjective modifying a ^nl : Supr 120:1-2 . . . MMXiUTddro E a actl e l 4 LNL c * 4 ZNZIh Supr 316:7-8 . . . CZTEOpH OTLEtTZ EZ CZ4ZNZH 4 LHL OyKO M N Mt 12:36 EZjAdA'fc'r* 0 NE cjoeo ez as csazhzi (Asm) M k 6 :ll OTZpciAENte. e z a & t l coaomomz hah roMopoyz sz 4 ln l CZ4ENZH (Ost) Mt 12:36 QTToBcjcrouCTLV nepL quxou Xo-fov ev fiptepa Kptcretoj Mk6:ll QveKTOTepov ecTTat- EoBofious rj ron.6ppois ev fiH-epa K p ta e w s 12 However, the pattern of e z + ACC = i ev +1 DAT continues here and the change in structure from GEN phrase to ADJ phrase (a stylistic change rather than a semantic change) does not alter the nature of the temporal phrase. 12 This ending to Mk 6:11 occurs only in some mss. (inc. M) and is not the preferred reading. 2.3.6 The pattern of RZ + ACC = | ev +| DAT is also seen, albeit with less regularity, in the adjectival phrase r z oyTp'feH 4 b.Mb. (Mar has r z oyTpbMLH |AbNb| in two instances), which occurs seven times in the Gospels and corresponds in each instance to the Greek xf) ETTaupiov (i.e., the prepositionless DAT) 'on the morrow': 0 Mt27:62 rz ovTpfcixe, gctz n napdCKCRfciH . . . (Asm) J 6:22 RZ OVTpfcHXe ALNL NdpOdZ H)KG CTOMdWG . , . RH^tRZUJG . . . (Ost) Mt 27:62 x?j 5e ETTaupiov, fjxLS ectxlv n.exa Tr)v TrapatTKEuriv . . . J 6:22 xrj CTTQUpLOV o ox ^los o scrxriKtos . . . slSov . . . However, other variations exist: Mir has Nd +ACC in Mt 27:62 (Md WTpM'fc) and r z + LOC in Mk 11:12 (RZ tOTpfc). Asm, Ost, Sav and Mir (the Aprakoi) have in J 1:29 TT and 1:35 r z a instead of r z oyTp-fch dLNb.. 2.3.7 The phrase r z AkNb cstsoTkNZ l 'on the Sabbath day'or'on the day of the Sabbath' (as opposed to simply 'on the Sabbath', discussed in §2.4 below), occurs four times in the Gospels and corresponds to a number of Greek expressions, all incorporating the DAT or ev + DAT: L 13:14 and 13:16 have xrj f]p.epQ xou ctq PPqxou while L 14:4/5 also has this, but adds the preposition ev: 38 ev Tfj f)|4.epa to O c tq ^ ^ q to u and in some manuscripts, the article is omitted in this verse: ev f||4 .epa tou ctqPPqtou Finally, L 4:16 has 'Sabbath' in the PL: £ v Trj >l|4 .epa TCOV CTQfifjdTWV yet another variation. As in the example above with EZ alnl cxAk-NLH for Greek ev fiHepa k pure to S’* OCS replaces a GEN phrase with an adjectival phrase. In this instance, the adjectival phrase is not capable of distinguishing between the SG and PL of 'Sabbath'as seen in the Greek. Thus, OCS has one phrase—a 2 AkNk CXKOTLNZI — for four Greek phrases, all variations upon each other: L 14:4/5 H NE. dEHE HCTpkTNETb. ETO RZ. 4RNR CXEOTkKZIH (Ost) C L4:16 H RkNHA& no OEZIYdIO KZ 4NL CXEOTZHZI RL CZNZWH141E (Sav) Supr 295:1-2 az arne c x s o t z h z h Y/tORtkd Ht^’b/tH Since all the variants of the Greek phrase (with or without an article, with or without the preposition ev) express the same thing—'on the Sabbath day' or 'on the day of the Sabbath'—we quite expect to find just one phrase in the OCS to render this, especially as 39 OCS did not have articles and the absence of the preposition BZ would have changed the meaning. 2.3.8 There are a total of ten more phrases containing BZ alnb /agnm and an adjective in the Gospels. Most correspond to the Greek ev + DAT or the prepositionless DAT: 't' C N L 1:59 H EZH BZ OCMZI 46. OSpfejdTZ OTpOYATE (Asm) L 1:59 e -fe v e ro ev x?j fifiepa x?j o-fSoti rpvBov TrepLxefieCv to ttol Sujv L 17:28 TdKOWrtB H tKOJKB EZICTZ BL jlLNH ^OTOBZI (Mar) L 17:28 6f4.ouos kq Bws er^ve,co tats ^epocs A u t C L9:37 EZICTZ 3KG BZ npOYH 4 NL CZUiG4 ZUieMZ HMZ CZ TOpZ I (Z) L9:37 ’Exevexo 6 e xvj fylEpa kqxeXBovxwv qtjxwv and x o u o p o u s One, however, reinterprets an original NOM (nominative) phrase: Mt24:37 mkojke eo ezictz bl alnh no&bzi tako ez^gtz npHUiBCTHe CNa Y/tYLCKddro (Sav—2nd) Mt 24:37 wcjnep V)M.epai xou Nwe, ouxws ecrxat kql f) napouCTui xou ulou xou dvBpamou Compare the first occurrence of Mt 24:37 in Say, which retains the NOM phrase: 4 0 <■ ^ Mt 24:37 mko 4HHC. norrz i raxo e x a e t z npHtuLCTHC cn<3 Y,tYhCK The change in structure changes the meaning—from 'aswere (he days of Noah' (with 'days’ as the subject) to ' as i( was in the days of Noah' (with 'days' being part o f a temporal expression). H is interesting that only one occurrence of this verse shows the original Greek structure—this first occurrence in Sav. All other occurrences (as represented by all manuscripts except Z) make this change in structure and therefore also in meaning. Supr also contains examples of e z 4h.NL/4LNH and an adjective, phrases which are often also followed by a GEN phrase: Supr 25:19-21 czEHpaiKiiJTe c<* r z np'feC/trtRZMZH t z 4 &hl naMATH CEATflflro kohowa . . . Supr 80:29-81:2 kzih OTzatTz k* 4 & tz rumz rz c^arznzih h r&3hi<:zih dh.NL np rnuLCTBHki c z n a c a Ndtu&ro . . . Supr 295:2-3 h np ajN X h coyxz pstiix r l n p a?4L N Z a l n l N npOCTLpt 2.3.9 The phrases with r z 4 LNL/4 LNH followed by a GEN phrase (seven total in the Gospels) correspond in all instances to the Greek e v + DAT: f f ^ M t2 :l Icoy pOX£4hllJH) Cift RZ RHL^&OWb . . . RL 4NH H p04d up<3 (Sav) Mt 23:30 digs KZIXOMZ SZUH RZ 4LNH OUL NflUJHXZ . , . (Ost) Mt2:l Tou Se ’incrou -fevviiGevTos ev Bri 0 X e e |4 . . . . bv fm.spaus' Hpu&ou xou Pqo’lXews Mt 23:30 ei! rj|4 .e0 a ev xaCs fmepatj xtov naxepuiv finwv . . In Mt 24:37--continuing the verse from earlier—another original NOM phrase- 'thus too will be the coming of the Son of Man'- Mt 24:37 wcrnep qi- tou Ntoe, outcjj eatau kolC n napoutrua xou ulou xou av0pwTTOU was reinterpreted in some texts (Asm, Mar, and Z) to a temporal expression—'thus too will it be in the days of the Son of Man': . , . Tdko ESCrteTZ H RZ 4 RNH CNd Y^RYCKflflrO (Mar) Sav retains the original meaning—'thus will be the coming of the Son of Man': . . . TdKO CXA&TZ npHIULCTHR Ctffl Y,fYRCKddrO And Ost alters the original meaning to make it temporal, but without the word arnr — 'thus it will be in (=at the time of) the coming of the Son of Man': . . . TdKO E3K4&TL RZ npHliikCTHS CNd Y>YLCKddrO 42 So two phrases in this verse both show Greek NOM constructions altered to temporal constructions with R 2 in OCS. Greek NOM constructions most often are rendered with OCS NOM constructions; alterations or reinterpretations such as this one seen in Mt 24:37 suggest that the translators felt the liberty to make structural changes which altered the meaning of the text without totally destroying it. Changes such as the one seen in this verse offer evidence to support the proposition that the syntax seen in the OCS manuscripts reflected living Slavic syntax, at least for the altered passages. Supr also contains examples of this construction—RZ arnr /^ rnh with a GEN phrase: Supr 21:11-12 non aAWM rl nmxz rr 4 Rnh rwfrRpy . . . Supr 162:3-4 czTROpH we komhcz r z 4RNR HPpH . . . (See also those phrases given above in §2.3.8 which contain both an adjectival and a genitival phrase modifying r z arnr .) 2.3.10 Another expression involving arnr is the phrase r z te^HNz o tz ARNZ, which occurs three times in the Gospel according to Luke, as well as in Supr. The corresponding Greek phrase is bv |^.lq tw v f)|4 .epcov- Note that the verse always begins with the phrase 'and so it occurred' (Greek e-pEVE'CO- OCS Ez ICTZ) and also the use of a prepositional phrase in OCS (RZ ic^hnz o t z a rn z ) to render a Greek prepositionless GEN ( bv |4 .ia toiu fipeptuv): 43 L8:22 EZICTZ *E RZ l€dHNZ OTZ 4ZNEH I TZ RZ-tfcje RZ KOpdEZ (Mar) L 8 :2 2 c t e v e t o 5 e ev ^.ca xwv f)n.spwv kql auTOj eve^vj els ttX o lov TT Here the Aprakos texts have simply r z oj, except Mir in L 20:1. In L 5:17, Z has r z ie^hnz ellipted and only o t z a l n z appears: L 5 :I7 I EZICTZ OTZ 4LNHI I TZ S t oyY A . . . (Z) L5:17 kql e'peveTO ev hlq tcov rmepcov kcll q utos riv &LSdtrKwv Mar and D both show the full phrase RZ (E^hnz o tz 4 LNZ; the Aprakoi (except Sav, TT which does not contain the verse) all show r z CO. Z probably manifests a common phenomenon known as "scribal error"—in this case, the omission of a word or phrase, Supr here shows RZ IE4HNZ 4 tk.NL instead of RZ lE^HNZ OTZ 4 LNZ: Supr 91:15-27 . . . noRE/ffe , , . rz ieahnz alnl ie 4 hnohs npHR&CTH . . . This is different from other occurrences of numeral with 4 LNL in the RZ + ACC construction: icahnz here is in the cardinal form, not the ordinal, as seen in all other occurrences. 2.3.11 Finally, we have relative clauses involving alnl and RZ + ACC. These can take the following structures: alnl r z n d k c , r z ndke a l n l , r z alnl r z 44 NLW&. R Z NL)KR; and in the PL 4LNH R Z R Z NAWG. 4 LNH, R Z ARNH R Z NA5KG, R Z n a k g '(on) the day(s) in which'. There are eight occurrences o f the SG and two of the PL in the Gospels; the phrase also occurs in Supr. Most correspond to a some form with ev + DAT, although there are three occurrences of the prepositionless DAT. The Greek also shows great variation in the structure of the relative phrase: ev fipiepa 13 , ev rj, I ev] >3 , fj Se f)M.epa, ev finepais ats, ev aij. N Mt 24:50 npHA&TZ XCC TNL p<3E<3 T oro RZ 4C RZ NLXCE N£ YttTZ . . . (Asm) Mt 24:50 ^£et o KUpios to u SouXou cksrvou ev f|M.epa f) ou npocr6oK,Q . . Mt25:13 mko ng RtecTG dLNS nh 'raca r e h rx g cnz Y/kTkzi npHAGTZ (Sav) Mt25:13 o t l ou* ol Sq t e t »iv fipiepav ou£e Tr|V topav ev 13 o ULQS TOU QV0PWTTOU epXCTQL13 L 1:25 . . . RZ 4 RNH RZ HAWS npHJLpt , . . (Ost) L 1:25 . . . ev finepaLS ais enet&ev . . . L 12:46 npHAGTZ rocnoAHNR pasa Toro rl nlxe. 4&nr ng y<3<3tz (Mar) L 12:46 tfeeu o KupLOS t o u Soxj X o u c k c l v o u ev >iM.epa vj ou npotxSoKa The rclalivc clause occurs only in some mss. (inc. M) and is not the preferred reading. 45 L 13:142_^ rAawe. c 14 4 LNH1 gctz rz h^xg aoctohtz . . , (Sav) L13:142* eXe-rev tu > oxXuj otl e£ r)|4 .epQL clctlv ev q lj SeC ep t'a ^ e o ' 0 QL L 17:29 r z nlxcg 4GNL mjh ^ g ^ o tz o t z coAow^tNL (Mar) L 17:29 Kj Se f)M.epa e£?|X8ov A wt and EoSo^wv L 17:30 no TOMOyWG H dGNh. Rh. NDKG CtTz Y/IRYCKZI ’fcRHTZ Ceft (Mar) L 17:30 k q t q t o o u t q ecrTat f) riM-Spa o u l o s t o u dvBpwnou dnoKaXuTTTeTat, L21:6 npHflXTZ 4LNL.G Rb. HAKE. NG OCTdNGTZ KdMGNL Nd KdMGNI , , (Z) L21:6 eXeucrovTQL fm.epaL ev q l s ou k , dtpeBrtcreTau X lBo j enu X lBcoI . . . L22:7 npH^e *£ /irnl onpfccNZKZ r z ndkg nortosktio s t . . . (Z) L22:7 fiXflev Se f) f)n_epa tw v q ^ u ^ cjv [ev] fj eSeL , . . L 23:29 •fevo CG dLNRG rpflsflJRTZ EL NA^G pGKXTZ E/ICJ)KGNd NGrU0,4ZRH I Yp*bRd t^ G NG pO^HUJA (Z) L 23:29 epxovTOL rmepau ev a ts epoucrLV naKdpuau a t cTTeCpaL * q l au ouk ey evvricrav . . . 14 Sav, as a Cyrillic ms,, should have J AkNHi here rather than £ alnhi to render the Greek e£ f)p.epaL 'six days’. As it is only in Glagolitic mss. that the letter £ represents the number six, it is likely that the scribe of Sav copied the letter as it appeared in his Glagolitic (presumably) prototype. The correspondences between the OCS and Greek phrases show no distinct pattern, probably owing to the great variation in structure within both languages. This is seen below in the exact match-ups for the various constructions: Mt 24:50 BZ BZ NDKG ev nnepa rj > ~ Mt 25:13 ALNG . . . BZ NDKG • tv|v finepQV . . . ev ti L 1:25 BZ abnh BZ n a >kg ev fmepQLS qlj L 12:46 BZ NLJKG AGNL ev rinepa >3 L 13:142 3 G ALNHI GCTZ BZ NA>KG e£ fip.epat clctlv L 17:29 BZ NDKG AGHL rj riM-Epa L 17:30 AGNL BZ NDKG rj nuepa L21:6 ALNLG BZ NA)KG fl|4.epaL ev ols L 22:7 ALNL BZ NDKG ft nn.epa lev] rj L 23:29 ALNLG BZ NAJtCG f)H_epaL ev qls Supr and Cloz also exhibit various structures, and Supr introduces the adverb a in place of BL NLWG, et. al., as the relative conjuction: Supr 74:4-5 . . . 4LHH |dat. sg.| bl ndkg npfcazchAZ dNoyndTZ b z N d p o at a Supr 94:14-15 . . . bl 4 LNH |acc. pi.] BLH&rdfl ca po^i E-tdiKGNZlH MXYGNHKZ Cloz lla:4-5 (AGML) bl nlxg x o w t g t z c x a ,t h e z blc&i jgm i Cloz I la:4-5 ( fmepav) ev tj ^.eXXeL kplvclv o Beds Tr|v OLKOf^evviv 47 2.3.12 Supr shows a use of arnr in the az + ACC construction not demonstrated in the Gospels—with the interrogative relative pronoun kZi: Supr 132:23 N’t b z kzih diNh. Rznpdwats mxz 2.4 Above the phrase b z arnb c x e o t z n z i was given as one way of expressing 'on the Sabbath/Saturday'. There are two additional ways, both with many variations, using BZ + ACC. The first involves a form of the numeral ieahnz 'one' with a form of c x e o t z : b z t€AMNZ c x e d t z (FEM numeral, MASC noun) or r z te ahnz c x e o t z (MASC numeral and noun), or in the PL: BZ iea h n zi c x e o t z i ; the second involves the ordinal numeral npRRZ 'first' b z npLRXKR (FEM) or ripRRZi (MASC) c x e o t x (FEM) or c x e o t z (MASC). Yet another way to express 'on the Sabbath' is with a form of RZ + a form of cjkeotx (FEM), cjkeotz (MASC), or cstEOTZi (PL) (for an exact listing, see Appendix B). 2.4.1 Of the expressions involving a form of the numeral te ahnz 'one', all four of the occurrences in the Gospels correspond to a Greek DAT: T Mk 16:2 5"tyto ja oyTpa rz tcdiNX ckbo npHA* N a rpoEZ . . . (Asm) Mk 16:2 \ l q v TTpWL trj piLQ Ttov ctq^Pqtw v epxovT ai eTTL to pivr|( 4 .eCbv . . . 48 2.4.2 The translation of Mt 28:1 shows numerous problems. The occurrence of nphRXHK CZEOTZ in Mt 28:1 seems to be a reinterpretation of the Greek, which does not have DAT or even ev + DAT, but rather ec’s + ACC: M t28:l BZ RGYGpZ CXEOTZNZI CRHTdgUIH BZ tlpRBX CXEOTX npMflG WttpMW w<3r,A M t28:I oxjje 8 e crafifidxiov x?j enupwcrKO’ucnj c l’s ftCav crafJ/Jaxtov f|X 0ev HdpLQft f) MQYSaXKjvri , . . In Greek, xo crdpfkixov, especially in its PL form, can also mean 'week'; W. Bauer (1979, 739) translates (ty ftuav (xcj v) crafifidxttV as 'the first day of the week'. It is not as if the concept of 'week' or a word for 'week' was lacking in Slavic--we see the use of N&Afe/tki in the b z + LOC15 construction in Supr to express 'in the week': Supr 209:5-6 n^n be NGdfc/tH abnhh ng mgrm ca YytOB’fekoy . . . Indeed, many modem translations of this verse show the modern word for 'week': Modern Russian has no npouiecTBHH aee cy66oTbt, Ha paccBere nepBoro a n n HeneJ\vi~~'after the passing of the Sabbath, at the dawn of the first day of the week’; and Bulgarian has a KaTo ce mhhb ci>6oTaTa. Ha ni»pBH^ ijeHb qt*» 1 - As opposed to the use of NEdt jki in the b z + ACC construction, in which it means ’Sunday'; cl. the discussion of this below in §2.5 49 ceziMMuaTa—'and when the Sabbath had passed, on the first day of the week'.|f’ The OCS sentence can be translated, however, as 'on a Sabbath evening at dawn on the First Sabbath', which is actually ambiguous—to which Sabbath does this refer? Notice also that the Greek text, by using the preposition els instead of ev renders a slightly different meaning: 'at dawn into/towards the first day of the week', i.e. the dawn leading into the first day of the week. As is obvious, this leads to an awkward translation in English, and perhaps an exact translation would have also been awkward in OCS, thus the change to 'on a Sabbath evening at dawn on the first Sabbath'. One other major misunderstanding occurred in the translation of this verse. The Greek verse begins otjre Se cra^QTuiv, which can mean either 'late in the week', 'late on the Sabbath', or, as defined by W. Bauer (1979, 601) 'after the Sabbath', with mjie used as "an improper prep, with gen." (ibid). Note here that the modern translations show an interpretation based on this meaning of dtj;e. For example, the Revised Standard Version of the English Bible has 'after the Sabbath...'; Modern Russian has no npoiiiecTBHH ace cySSoTbt...—'after the passing of the Sabbath'; and Bulgarian has a KaTO ce MMHa c-bS oT ara'and when the Sabbath had passed'. OCS, however, shows a translation which interprets dtps as the adverb meaning 'evening': EZ RCYepz c z e o t z n z i . This interpretation, in combination with the others, leads to a very confusing sentence in the OCS: 'on a Sabbath evening, at dawn on the first Sabbath...'. Did Mary Magdelene arrive on a Sabbath evening, or at the dawn of a Sabbath day? Throughout the historical pcritxl numerous rctranslations of religious texts were carried out; in Russian one of the most (in)famous of these rctranslations is known as the "HcnpaBJierme KHHr", the 'correction of the books'. 5 0 2.4.3 Forms of r z cstEOTX, et. al., occur thirty-one times in the Gospels and fifty- eight times in Supr (Xodova 1971, 171). As the chart in Appendix B shows, there is no correspondence among the Slavic texts as to the gender or number of the noun; e.g.. Mk 2:23. which has ev + DAT PL in the Greek, has r z c x e o tz i in Ost, Mar, Z and D, but a z c x EOT z in Asm and rz cjreotsr in Sav. Nor is there correspondence between the Greek and Slavic texts: where Greek has SG, Slavic can have SG or PL, and vice versa. Almost all occurrences, however, correspond to the pattern RZ + ACC = I ev + 1 DAT, with twelve occurrences showing ev and the others not. Mt 24:20 NG EX4&TZ EtCTRO RdWG JHWfe N) RZ CStSOTZ (Asm) Mt 24:20 Eva fir| Y^VTTcai' *1 tpuT^l tyiwv xeL(iwvos poiSe crapflaTco Mk2:23 xowdddWG mTc r z c x e o t z i ckro cfedNHW (Ost) Mk 2:23 kql e-pevexo auxdv ev xols crdpflao-LV TrapaTTopeueaBat Sea TUV (TTTOpLp.UV L 6 :2 YLTO TROplTG GTOKG NG 4 OCTOHTZ TROptTH Rb. CKBOTJK (Asm) L6:2 xl TTOteCxe o ouk e£ecrxLv xoC s C Ta^atxtv J 7:22 H RZ CXEOTJg OEplSJdGTE Y ARkd . . . (Ost) J 7:22 kcll ev a-a&pdxw nepLxe| 4 .vexe avBpunov Supr 209:7-8 r z c x e o t x . . . RZXOWrtddUiG rl l)pZK \ g Supr 334:14-15 rgY G pz jkg r z c k e o t x . . . npH^G Mdpww M Supr 209:7-8 r z c x eo tx >ke m rr H&dt/t* npLRte rrc ex z ■) RZXOKAddUJG. BL HpZK B£ J 19:14 E t )K£ r z n a t z k z OEtrtz ro^oy . . . (Sav) The latter example, however, replaces a NOM construction in the Greek texts and in other Slavic texts: J 19:14 r)v Se napacrKeuri toxj nacrxa • • - J 19:14 E t 3«e napdCkeRftiH n a c T t . . . (Asm) It is interesting that here Sav changes the NOM construction to the RZ + ACC construction; earlier, we saw an example of a NOM phrase in the Greek being retained only by Sav but changed to r z + ACC in all other manuscripts (Mt 24:37; cf. §2.3.9), This shows that it was not just a single scribe in a single instance who felt at liberty to make such a structural change. 2.6 The nouns Y TZ, and also with the interrogative relative pronouns Kz/k5tz/k0T0pz l, the relative 52 pronoun n lx g /nkkkg ., wilh various numbers, and in four constructions in the Gospels with a genitive phrase. 2.6.1 The most common usage of Ydcz (and only Ydcz ) is in the phrase RZ TZ Ydcz, occurring thirteen times in the Gospels. This corresponds in two instances to a prepositionless DAT, and in the rest to ev + DAT, with one exception: Mt 8:13 h Hcut/it c^oyr Mt 8:13 Kau uaBrj o naCs [qutoxj] ev tf) £6pa eKELvrj L 2:38 H T L 2:38 KaC auc?| T?j topa e n u x T a tra avBcon.oXo'feCro tw 0ecoL Supr has this phrase, as well as the phrase with the demonstrative cl 'this' instead of t z 'that': Supr 16:14-15 ok<4myh o ml N't. c h a x row lctrh TRoero bl cl YdCZ Supr 217:7 r z t z y a c z h ^ g r z cratxhk rh Tgmz In addition, Sav adds RZ TZ YdCZ to the end of L 9:42, although this is without precedent in any known Greek text and does not appear in any of the other ancient Slavic manuscripts: L 9:42 (Sav) 53 2.6.1.] The one instance where a z TZ Ydcz docs not originate from a Greek lev +) DAT is in Mt 15:28, where we have qtto + GEN: Mt 15:28 H Hcyt/fb dZljJH ao t z y a c z (Mar) Mt 15:28 kql udSti r| auTrjj qtto Tris wpaj eKecvrij All of the Slavic texts which contain this verse translate qtto t9|£ copas EKecvTlS 'from that hour' (with the sense: 'from that hour on', 'from that hour forwards') as a z t z Y Mt 15:28 h HCij’bxi’fe a z p i t€H to m u Y Most of the other examples with qtto + GEN have corresponding OCS o t z + GEN, except Mt 15:28, and again in Mt 17:18, where all the texts have LOC corresponding to qtto + GEN, except Sav, which does have o t z + GEN. Thus, Slavic had three means of rendering qtto + GEN of hour: o t z + GEN, prepositionless LOC, and, here, a z + ACC. Thus: Ostromir Savvina Greek Ml 15:28 TOML YdCtl a z TZ Y4CZ qtto ttis upa^ eKBLVllS Mt 17:18 TOML Y dC t OTZ TOro YtfC a otto xfjs Wpaj exeLVtlS 54 This variation shows us that the translator(s) did not feel compelled to translate the Greek construction with an exact equivalcnl--the decision to express the healing as occuring 'at that hour' rather than 'from it' demonstrates the likelihood that he/they chose a Slavic phrase based upon the meaning within it, rather than its external equivalence to a Greek construction. This change was probably felt to be necessary due to the semantics of the verb involved—verbs of 'healing' denote a state (here, of being healthy) which begins at the moment designated by the time expression. Since these verbs are perfective and indicate the inception of a state, a time phrase which expresses the moment of inception ('at') combines better with them in Slavic. 2.6.2 Whenever 'hour' is modified by an adjective—more exactly, with various ordinal numerals designating the hour during which something occurred, began or finished-the noun ro^UNd is used in the r z + ACC construction in the Gospels. Supr does have examples with Y Supr 57:6-7 r z yacz we npZRZiH noujth czkyttuiTaaxx ca . . . However, out of six occurrences in the Gospels, Y J 4:52 RLYfcpd RZ YflCZ CeAMZI OCTdRM OTNL (Z) As the noun Y acz seems to be the only lexical possibility for rendering the phrase 'at that hour', so too does rOAHN<3 seem to be the only lexical means used to express 'during a (definite) hour'17: Mk 15:34 i b Z. ae-B^TXtat rodHN* BLjztiH hc (Z) (O st)J 4:52 BLYepo b z rodHNX c&mxkk oct <3bh h otnl (Ost)J Only one instance of Bz + ACC for 'hour', however, corresponds to the expected Greek DAT: M k 15:34 *ql xrj eyatKj wpa efloKicrev o ’ Iritrouj J 4:52 corresponds to a Greek ACC18: 17 According to the dictionaries which I consulted (sec bibliography lor listings), lew of the Slavic languages preserve both nouns for expressing 'hour'. Even within the Slavic languages families (East, West, South) we sec distinctive usage of the two. Russian docs not use godina at all (according to a 17-volume Russian language dictionary), whereas Ukrainian uses only it. Casis used in the meaning 'time'. Belorussian uses both godina and c a s , but prefers godina (hodina) to render the meaning 'hour'. Polish too shows this, but it retains C as(czas) in the meaning 'lime; season; moment, space of lime'. £ a sis also used in Polish in frozen adverbial expressions such as czasami 'at times, now and then, occasionally' and czasem 'sometimes; by any chance’. Slovak uses both hodina and c a s to render 'hour', but Czech only uses hodina. Like Polish, Czech uses c a s ('time') in adverbial expressions such as vCas'on time'. Moving to the South, like Russian, Slovenian shows only c a s , as docs Bulgarian. In Bulgarian and also Serbo-Croatian, godina has come to mean 'year'. In the former it can also mean 'a long lime' and in the latter--'a commemorative service'. In Serbo- Croatian, although c a sts used to mean 'hour', it is only in official times; in colloquial Serbian, it has been replaced by the Turkish borrowing sat. 18 Robertson (1914) cites this as an example of the ACC of time which is problematic (since we would expect a DAT here): "|T)hcrc arc uses of the accusative of time that do iumish trouble at first blush. In some of these the accusative seems to be adverbial with little stress on duration. Indeed a point of time may be indicated... |A] more difficult example is found in J 4:52, ex0££ wpav efJbop.pv', where a point of time is indicated... One may conjecture that this use of ijpav was not regarded as essentially different from the idea of extension. Either the action was regarded as going over 56 J 4:52 ELnav ouv auxw otl e x 0 es iopav Ep86n.K|v QcpftKEV au x o v o nupeT os In Mt 20, r z + ACC with rodHNd is used four times (vs. 3, 5, 6, 9): Mt 20:3 h hujz ^ z r z Tp&THX roaHNK . . . (Ost) Mt 20:5 ndKzi we Muie^z r z m ecTxts h r z 4 e.r a t x ik ro^iHMy . . . (Asm) Mt20:6 h r z re/iHNWw: we ua dECATe Hiuzdz . . . (Sav) Mt 20:9 npmiJEdzme we wwe r z (CdHNgw; N However, this does not correspond to Greek ( e v +| DAT, but rather TtepL + ACC: Mt20:3 kol sijsX0wv nepC xpLxr)v wpav , . , Mt 20:5 ttqX lv [6 e] e £eX 0 wv T tept ektkiv kql svdxriv topav . . . Mt 20:6 ttepl S e svSsKdxtiv e^ eXO cov . . . M t20:9 kol eXOovxes ol nepC xr|v ev8eKaxr)V wpav . - . No known texts contain J ev +| DAT in these verses. This is an example of the reinterpretation of the meaning of the Greek text: nepL + ACC means 'about, around, near, approximate', not 'at' or even 'during'. However, recall from the discussion in the Introduction that the modern concepts of 'hour' do not apply here, and that specifically nepL xpLT>iv topav means 'around the third hour’ rather than 'around the hour or the hour was looked at more as an adverbial accusative... In the Modem Greek vernacular the accusative is used freely to designate a point of lime as well as extent of time. So in the N.T. the accusative is widening its scope again" (470-471). Blass docs not comment on this particular occurrence of ihc ACC of lime. 5 7 3:00'. This is a very approximate time. Thus although the Slavic text shows 'during the third hour' rather than 'around the third hour', the approximation is still expressed, although it has become more limited: the event is occurring at some (unspecified, unknown) moment within the third hour. The Slavic is more limited in that the event is occurring between the third and fourth hour, whereas in the Greek it could be occurring during that time period or before it. The reinterpretation here again demonstrates that the translators) did not feel constrained to translate a phrase word-for-word, but instead felt free to render the meaning of it which they sensed within it. 2.6.3 The interrogative relative phrase RZ kZ/kOTOpzi YdCZ or RZ kXts ro/jHNX occurs three times in the Gospels: Mt 24:42 . . . MkO NR RtCTR RR kZlflt rOdHNX TR RdUIR npHflETZ (Sav) c L 12:39 ■ ■ ■ ER kz Yd TdTR npiACTZ (Asm) J 4:52 . . . R Z kZIH YflCZ COV/fbR t€M0y KZICTR (Ost) The first two correspond to Greek DAT, and the third—to ev + DAT: Mt 24:42 otl ou* ol Sclte ttolq wpa|tJ o Kupios xJM-tov epxETau L 12:39 . . TTOLQ wpa 6 k X eTTTTIS EpXETQL J 4:52 . . ev nontltoTEpov ecrxev 19 Ilota f)M.epa is the preferred reading, but a few mss., inc. M, show ttolq copa- Since the OCS texts shows 'hour'. I chose the Greek reading w ith 'hour' as a correspondence. 5 8 2.6.4 In the relative construction, we see the same type of variation as we had with 4RNR: we may have ycjcz rz niwc, rz nrike. Ydcz, rz Y also the feminine form rodHNd RZ nurxcc. 'at the hour at which', perhaps also 'in the hour during which'. These also correspond to many variants in the Greek: copa, upa ev tj, ev cjpa rj, ev rj (these variants within Greek and OCS and between Greek and OCS are similar to those given in §2.3.1 I for relative clauses involving At-NR). Mt 24:44 mko rr ndkc . nr mrnhtr Y Mt 24:44 otl rj ou* SoKeCxe L5pa o ulos tou avSpumou epxexau J 5:28 ■bko rpA4CTZ rodHMd rr hkukr |sic-SF| rrcm . . , oyc^ziujATz r T c z cn a EWH'b (Mar) J 5:28 otl epxeTQL f] wpQ ev r| ndvTEs . . . qkouo ’ouctlv Trjs cpcovrjs q u t o u Supr 359:4-6 ARtf K tC T ^ OTR NHXZ HAXlUTd . , . RZ TZ YdCZ RR NR3KR WHJNR Nd 4p*bR'b npMTRO, . . 2.6.5 In constructions with a GEN phrase, the noun Y T0 4 Z appears three times in the Gospels: Mt 13:30 H RR r04R MtETR'fe pRKtOTR JKRTR/ffcMR CRERpfcTR npRROR n^'bac^L (Mir) L 1:10 i Rh.ce m z n o w z c tro akahh Et. mo^htrz AtA Rhwb rz roaz TeMhtN^i (Mar) L 14:17 h noch^a paza cRoero rz rodz rryr[)A (Asm) Only Mir has r z r o ^ z in Mt 13:30; the other texts which contain the verse have RZ Rp’bMA instead. Also, Mir shows a DAT jk rtr *fe instead of the usual GEN seen in the canonical texts.20 This phrase corresponds to a Greek ev ^ a tp u ; L 1:10 and 14:17 correspond to a Greek DAT construction— (Opa- Mt 13:30 k q l ev Kat,pw xou 8epto>t.ou epw xoCs BepuCTTQts, EuWe^axe npwxov xa ^l^qvlq Ll:10 kql ttq v xo nXfj0o$ f|v xou Xaau npoaeuxon.evov e£w xrj upa xou 6u|4.hd|^.axo^ L 14:17 *aC dneo"xeL7y.ev xov SouXov auxou xf) topa xou S clttvou Based on the fact that the Greek wpa can be translated by three different words in Slavic, the question arises: what is the meaning of roAZ? It renders both Greek 'time' and 'hour', and seems to be used with both meanings in Supr: Supr 276:3 h nr r z rcm z npocHUJA Supr 276:18-19 npocHTH K t noAOKd nr r z ro ^iz r z 20 The DAT of possession is quite common in early mss. and is preserved, especially with pronouns, in the South Slavic languages. 6 0 Supr 209:12-13 c ^ljm th tcwoy b z roaz KCTcxpzsNZiA KpZTBZi Unlike the Gospel texts, Supr also shows the use of Y acz with a GEN phrase: Supr 144:21 m Tzr^d oyatCH b z y a c z g’fe a z i TBOt€ It appears that ro ^ z had both meanings--’time' and 'hour', and is synonomous with both v a c z and ap'fcMA. 2.6.6 An example with BZ ro^HNZ also appears, in J 5:35: H J 5:35 BZ 5K£ XOTtCTB BZJApd rtOBdT I CA BZ rOdINX CBLT'hNH'h &ro (Asm) However, it seems that the use of BZ + ACC (found in all mansucripts which attest this verse, which are all of them except Sav) here was another reinterpretation of the Greek, which has Trpoj: J 5:35 xj^iecs 5e tiQeXficraxe a-ya^XLaBtivat, npoy copav ev t u CpCOTL QUTOU 61 The Greek preposition npoj in this temporal context has the meaning of 'for'; the meaning of the Greek verse is 'you wished to rejoice fo r the hour (spent) in his light', thus it is expressing the "duration of a period of time" (W. Bauer 1979, 710). In the Slavic, the rejoicing is occurring 'at or during the hour of his light'. What we would expect to see instead in OCS is a prepositionless ACC, which is the stucture most commonly used to express duration of time. Indeed, the Modern Russian translation shows the prepositionless ACC here: a Bbl xoTeyin MaJloe BpeMS nopa/iOBaTbCfl npH CBeTe ero; and the Bulgarian shows a phrase with the preposition 3a, which indicates length of time, 'for': m BHe noxce^taxTe /ta ce pa/tBaie 3a MaaKO BpeMe Ha HeroBOTO CBtTeHe. Thus not only was a syntactic change made in the text, but also a semantic change (a similar change occurs below in a usage with the noun BpfeM^ 'time', where the Greek structure conveys the meaning 'for' but the Slavic structures bears the meaning 'at'; cf. §2.7.3). The resulting Slavic sentence makes sense and is structurally correct in Slavic—'you wished to rejoice in the hour of his light'—although it does not convey the same meaning as did the Greek sentence. Subsequent scribes would not have felt the need to "correct" the structure of this phrase, since it does make sense, and thus it was transmitted over and over again for a long period of time. 2.6.7 A question surely arises in the analysis of expressing 'at (X) hour': what is the difference, if any, between the words rodHNd and YdCZ? Although this is a lexical matter rather than a syntactic one, it bears answering nonetheless. L'vov, in his lexical study of the OCS texts (1966), discusses this very issue. He states that clearly "the word Y kz Yfl TdTL nptA&TZ (Asm)|, in which "a specific hour is not referred to, but rather the moment at which the thief will arrive" (262). According to L'vov, "it is probable that the first translators could distinguish ro^HN a and Y these words were used to translate the Greek word wpa, expressing various nuances of this latter in its transfer into Slavic" (266). Problems arose later, when the distinction between the two was not always perceived by the scribe or translator. For example, he cites that in Supr Y roAHNa is used in the Gospels (264). And "in certain texts of the Gospels there is a preference for the word YdCZ, in which this phenomenon, apparently, reflects dialectal peculiarities of the language of the editor or scribe. At least the editor or scribe of Z according to all the facts did not sense the difference in meaning between roAHNd and Yacz" (260). In the modem Slavic languages, West Slavic preserved the Common Slavic rodHNd in its ancient meaning ('hour'), and, apparently, under its influence, roAHNd used in the same meaning in Ukrainian and Belorussian. In the South Slavic languages roAHNd has received a broader meaning: 'year' (in addition to some non-temporal usages). As for the Common Slavic Yeacz, which originally designated 'a very short time', 'a moment' (265), it was preserved in the same meaning in Serbo-Croatian, and partially in Russian (in phrases such as b t o t M a c 'at that time/hour', or the adverb c e ii M a c 'now, immediately' < 'at this time'). In West Slavic and also in Ukrainian and Belorussian, it broadened its meaning to 'time (in general)'. In the South Slavic literary languages and Russian, Y L'vov concludes: 63 In the course of the historical development in various Slavic languages the analyzed words changed their meanings in different ways. In the South Slavic literary languages the word ro^MM a acquired mainly the modem meaning 'year' (not counting dialectal meanings), and y o c z - the modem 'hour' (this latter especially in Bulgarian). In connection with this in place of (~oahn 4 in certain texts, without doubt, of the Bulgarian recension, they begin to use y o c z , replacing with it rotund. This process is reflected already in Z, Ost and Sav. A monument such as Supr consistently uses y < j c z instead of roAHNo, which is convincing evidence that in Eastern Bulgaria already in the eleventh century roAHNa ceased to be used in its ancient meaning (266). 2.7 The noun 'time' occurs quite frequently, most often with some sort of modifier, as with the other nouns. As already mentioned, the A prakos texts (Asm, Ost, 'n ' Sav, and Mir) use R Z ono R p ’bw * (or abbreviated s z oo; in some instances this abbreviation could stand for r z o m z £LN L instead of r z ono R p t M A ) in many places to replace a different time expression in the Tetragospels.21 The Tetragospels contain the translation which more precisely renders the Greek meaning. For example: J 1:29 RZ OVTIitM jICNL BHA’fe MC<3 . . . (Mar) N N ^ J 1:29 RL 00 R ’feAfcJ HOd HCa (Mir) J 1:29 tFj enaupiov fiXeneL tov ’iricrouv . . . J 21:1 no CGML •kBH CA n d k Z I Hcf OVYGNHkOUZ crdhuz (Mar) * , +-* J 21:1 &Z. ONO t& H CM HC S OUY&NHkQMX CR0HU2L . . . (Asm) J 21:1 H.ETQ touto etpavepwerev eauxov ndXiv o ’ Iritrous xocs H.a0>rraLS . . . For a lisl of all ihc verses where g z ono aptwA is substituted, sec Appendix A. 6 4 2.7.1 az apt wa + genitive phrase occurs two times, both equivalent to Greek ev K,QLpco + GEN: Ml 13:30 i r z aptuift x a t e z i ptKX dt-tdTeaeyz czaeptTe, rtpzate n ^ ta e ^ z (Mar) Mt 13:30 Kat ev kqlpu xou 0epLO-|4.ou epto xoCj 0epicrxaCj, £uXXe£axe npwxov xa ^L^dvLa L8:132 , , , h az aptMA NdnacTi oDTstn^xTZ (Asm) L8:132 . . . K,QL ev K,QiptO TT£LpQ(T|40U QtpUTXQVXQL a z aptM ^ + genitive phrase also occurs in Supr and Cloz; in the latter it corresponds to a kqtq + ACC rather than the more expected ev + DAT: Supr 308:29-309:1 aa aptM A npmuacTHM h x z Hm>4<3 CTOkuae e -jm jz h x z Cloz 4b:38-40 h noc/toyutdi y z t o CTaopH a z to aptMfr nptddNatc Cloz 4b:38-40 QKOUCTdV XL TTOLOL kqx ’ QUXOV xov Koapov xris TTpoBoCTLQS In Greek, ^axa + ACC can have the temporal meaning 'at', thus xqt ’ quxov xov KQipov 'at that time' (W. Bauer 1979, 406). 65 2.7.2 All expressions involving s z BpteMA + adjective phrase also correspond lo a form of Greek KaLpos 'time': seven out of nine have equivalencies in the Gospels of b z + A C C e v + | DAT: Mt 11:25 BZ TO gptMA OTZBfclUTdBZ Hcf pE YE . . . (Z) Mt 11:25 ev ckclvw tw Kaipw QnoKptBeus o ’iyitrou eunev . . . L 18:30 i>«£ ne BLcnpHHMETZ mznojkmijex be BptM ^ ce (Mar) L 18:30 o s o u x l | 4 .r) dnoXafSvi TroXXanXaoxova ev tw Kaupu TOUTWL Supr and Cloz also show a handful of occurrences of phrases with BZ Bp^MA + adjective, most of which correspond to the expect Greek ev + DAT: Supr 392:11-12 BE Bb.CE BptMM OCB’fcUJTdteTZ CZJddNXHt Cloz 4a:25-26 t a N Cloz 4a:25-26 ctol enaLfieucrav o SlSqcjkq X os ev toctoutu xpovw However, one instance of BZ Bp'kMift + adjective in the Gospels corresponds to Greek el’s + ACC. This construction, which in Classical Greek temporal expressions had the meaning of "the goal—up to, until or at, by such a time" (Smyth 1984, §1686.l.b)—an intended time in the future—, had extended meanings in later periods. During the Koine period, cl’s + ACC had already encroached onto the semantic field of ev + DAT. In temporal expressions, clj + ACC bore numerous meanings, one of 6 6 which was the time 'at which something takes place', in this example—'in their time' (W. Bauer 1979, 228-9). Ll:20 ’fewe c z e s c a x t z ca b z ap-feuA cbob (Asm) Ll:20 ouTLves TfXripuBKicrovxai, eJj xov Kacpov auxwv Another expression with BZ + ACC corresponds to a Greek prepositionless ACC: J 12:35 4I4JB Isic-SFI BZ U4/I0 Bp*bMA C B tT Z BZ BtfCZ GCTZ (Sav) J 12:35 e x l H-iKpov xpovov xo (ptoj e v un.Cv sctxlv We would actually expect an ACC here in the Slavic to express duration of time; and indeed two of the examined texts have the prepositionless ACC instead of b z + A C C — Ost and D: J 12:35 BUIS Md/to Bp’bMtft C fitT Z BZ BdCZ GCTL ( O s t- ls t22) Neither manuscript, of course, is considered to be canonical OCS; perhaps here we have an example of a later scribe "correcting" what he felt to be a grammatical error. 22 The second occurrence ot this verse in Ost shows a z + ACC. 67 2.7.3 In addition to phrases with BZ Bp'tMA + GRN or adjective, we have five occurrences of BZ BptWA without any modifier: Mt 24:45 /\a 4<3CTZ HMZ BZ Bp’bMA mips: (Asm) Mk 12:2 t nocz^ The phrase BZ BpfeMA 'in time1 without any modifiers may seem peculiar in OCS, because we expect to see some sort of modifier. In Greek, too, ^atpos itself is usually accompanied by some sort of modifier, such as ev ek ,elvco t u *aipu> 'at that time'. However, k q l p o j does not only mean 'time', but can also mean 'appropriate time, the right time', so that [ev] naupw means 'at the right time' or 'in due time'. Perhaps then the Slavic phrase b z BpfeMA had this meaning also.23 One occurrence of b z BpfeMA corresponds to a Greek prepositionless DAT, and two correspond to ev + DAT. One, L 20:10, varies by manuscript, with some showing ev + DAT, but the preferred reading has the prepositionless DAT: Mt 24:45 . . . Souvau auToCs xriv xpotptiv ev kqlpw Mk 12:2 *aC QTTeoreuXev n p o s tous YetjJP T °u s t u Kaupw . . . 2.7.3.1 One instance of b z Bp*kMA, however, in L 8:13, in its first occurrence in the verse, corresponds to a Greek npos + ACC: Modern Russian docs have the idiomatic expression b o epeMJt, which means 'on time', i.e. 'nol laic'. 6 8 A L8:I32 . . . !*£ B2 Rp’bMft Rtpx r w x t z . . . (Asm) L 8:132 . . . oe npos Kaipov ttutt £ ilio \j It is difficult to determine exactly what the meaning of the OCS r z Rptu^ here may be. It could be interpreted, as the examples above, as 'in due time', 'at the right time'. However, npos + ACC in Greek has the meaning of the duration of time; here it has the meaning 'those who believe for a time'. As in the example in §2.6.6, the meaning of the Slavic is not the same as the meaning of the Greek, but the resulting Slavic sentence makes sense and is structurally correct in Slavic—'those who accept faith in due time'—although it does not convey the same meaning as does the Greek sentence. Supr also shows one instance of unmodified RpfcuM: Supr 339:17-18 4R0H . . . RZ RfttMift npH^ottJA Cloz has two occurrences of this: Cloz lib: 16-17 TZI 3tte Na KpZCT'fe npOCTRpZ pxyfe RZ RpfcMA Cloz 13b:5-6 r z RptMA x I ln I lm wxyfc npt^st Neither occurrence in Cloz corresponds to the familiar ev + DAT: Cloz 1 lb: 16-17 cru Se, e u K Q L p o iy enC t o v crxaupdv xaj xeC pas arrXcjCTas 69 Cloz 13b:5-6 KQTQ TQV TOU XpUJTOXJ nQ B O U J KQLpOV napa-('e"('0VQV’ Instead, we see an adverb euKaLpws 'when it is convenient’ (W. Bauer 1979, 321) in the first occurrence, and a prepositional phrase with kqtq + ACC in the latter; as mentioned earlier (cf. §2.7.1), this construction can express the temporal meaning ’at’. 2.13.2 In L 8:13, one text—Sav—inexplicably has EZ + the LOC of Y L8:13 . . . i x e a z Y Even though this does not translate the Greek EUKatpcoSi perhaps it, too, may be interpreted as 'when it is convenient'. 2.8 Two other nouns which refer to parts of the day are also used in the formula a z + ACC: noljjl 'night' and a&Y&pz 'evening'. However, they are found in this formula only with modifiers: a z noijjl is modified by a demonstrative—either TZ or Ch.; and aeY epz, which occurs only once in the Gospels, is modified by an adjective— c x k o t l n z i 'Sabbath': Mt 26:31 BZCH azw CLE/tdJNHTG. CA 0 Wh.N'fe BE CI MOUIL (Asm) J 21:3 I BZ TX. NOIUTL NG AW A NHYEC0J4CG (Z) 70 M t28:l BZ BBYBpZ CZBOTZNZI CBHTdXIgH BZ npZBX CXE 0 T 5! npHfle MdpHW M^r^^/tziNH . . . (Sav) K z chkr NOipb. 'in this night' follows the expected pattern: it originates in either the Greek prepositionless DAT or ev + DAT (three occurrences have ev, three do not): Mt 26:31 TmvTes xJneCs o'KavSaXLtrBvio'eo'Be ev eh .ol ev t ?| vuktc toiutv ) J 21:3 naC ev eKetvrj tv ) vxjktl enLacrav ouSev But BZ BBYBpz CXEOTLNZI 'on a Sabbath evening’ renders a Greek adverb (m[ie [perhaps used as a preposition, cf. W. Bauer 1979, 6011) + GEN (□’q PPq tu v ): M t28:l otfie Se CTappQTWV eTTUpwcrKoucn,^ e i j \iCav craf^dTtov rjXBev Maptdn. f) Ma-rSa^tlvri . . . As discussed above (§2.4.2) in addition to misunderstandings involving the preposition et’s and the meaning of pitav crappdxuv, otye Se crafifldTGOV was also misinterpreted, leading to a very confusing sentence. Recall that dtl»e Se craflfJaTCOV can mean either ’late in the week1, ’late on the Sabbath', or, as defined by W. Bauer (1979, 601) 'after the Sabbath' and that the modern translations show an interpretation based on this meaning of ot[;e: Modem Russian no npoiuecTBHM >tce cy66oTbi—'after the passing of the Sabbath', and Bulgarian a KaTO ce MMHa 71 ct6oTaTa—'and when the Sabbath had passed'. OCS. however, shows a translation which interprets oijfe as the adverb meaning 'evening', resulting in an ambiguous phrase—did Mary Magdelene arrive on a Sabbath evening, or at the dawn of a a Sabbath day? Supr and Cloz also have NOigR and R&YEpz with modifiers: Supr 66:17 C'feRGpOy T Z rfld BZ TZ HOtUTR RfcZUJTOVf Supr 381:3-4 nOC/tOVHTB RRCH NdFlCdNHH . . . ^RURCR H RZ CRB! HOLUTL Supr 339:22 4B*b JKpRTR'fe. BZ TZ RE.YE.pZ ddkUDGTE. CAt Cloz 13b 11 RZ TZ RGYEpZ rt'feadWE.TG CA Cloz 6a 18-19 S t RGYBftZ BZ ND1CB oyYGNIl)! CG r^O dX Z |sic-SF| , , 2.8.1 It is interesting to note that tOTpo 'morning' does not occur in this construction - -'in the morning' can be expressed by the prepositionless ACC, + GEN, or (rarely) b z + LOC, but not b z + ACC (see Chapters 3, 10, and 9 for further discussion). 2.9 The nouns M*fcCffeijG 'month' and /itTO 'year' occur rarely in the Gospels in the body of the text. Only one occurrence of each in BZ + ACC is found: L 1:26 BZ U1SCTZH MCE. MUR nOCZ^dNZ EZMCTZ dpXHY/tZ rdRpHM/tZ 0 em (Asm) L 3 :l-2 BZ RZTOpOG Nfl AGCiftTG .ffcTO R ^ ^ Z IYZCTRd THRGpd KGCdpd „ ^ N . . . EZICTZ r^lZ B5KHI KZ MOJd [sic-SF| (Sav) Both of the occurrences correspond to Greek ev + DAT: Ll:26 ev 6e t u m.iivl tu cktw dneo"i:dXr| o a-freXoj Taflpir|\ an d tou Beou L3:l-2 ev exei 5e nevTe^aLSeKQTU) t ?is rn-epiovLas Tcpepuju K a u ra p o s ...... e-peveTO pripia Beou errC 'Icaavvriv Examples are also found in Supr: Supr 178:4-5 rz oigctzh MtcAUL p&Y& noc^dNZ ezictz arreAZ. . . . Supr 186:13-14 r z /fkTO ocMONd4&c Supr 204:15-16 r z h " arnr GNoyapa wfccAi* MapKMdNM IjtCdpRCTRd . . . Supr 213:27-28 r z to /I’bTO oyEO . . . caNZ r r jr w z 2.10 The noun R'bkz (PL R 'tvzi) 'century, age' always appears in the construction RZ + ACC, for a total of twenty times in the Gospels. The majority of occurrences (fourteen) are unmodified: J 6:51 . . . >k ir z e x ^ g t z r z RtKZH (Asm) J 14:16 4 Supr 124:3-4 mskg arngujrnhi arnr rr RfekZi paaocTM pdEOy CRO&uovf 4<9pZCTR0R<»RZIH I 73 All of these unmodified occurrences correspond not to Greek ev + DAT, but rather et’s + ACC in the meaning of intended time: eLj xov auova or ec’s xous aujjvajj 'for the age' or 'for eternity', i.e. 'for all time': J 6:51 . . . ^ricjei e J j xov au ova J 14:16 lv q |4.e0’ xjhuv ei-S tov auova n The Slavic r z R’kxz/RZ R’kvzi apprently conveys this same meaning, although this is not the usual meaning of the construction r z + ACC as seen elsewhere. As stated at the beginning of the chapter, RZ + ACC designates a time which is not completely filled by the given action, i.e. a time during a segment of which an event takes place; however, one would suppose that ’for all eternity’ is a time completely filled by its action! Since the use of the r z + ACC construction does not express the meaning expected, it is probable that RZ RfckZ/RZ RteKZ i is an idiomatic expression. Indeed, this phrase occurs at the end of almost every chapter in Supr, in the form of r z R’kKZ I R’fckOMZ ’for ever and ever'. 2.10.1 The four instances in which RZ R'bkZ translates the Greek ev + DAT are all instances where 'age' is modified by an adjective, in both Greek and OCS, and refers to a very specific 'age': Mt 12:32 ng SnoycTHTZ ca ewoy nh rl cl a t v z nh r rtuftdxiUTm (Asm) Mt 12:32 ouk Qtpe0r|trexQL auxw ouxe ev xouxto xu auovu ouxe ev xu neXKovxt 74 Here, the Greek does not mean 'intended time' to be filled by the action, but 'time during which' the action (will) occur—'neither in this age nor in the one coming'—i.e. RZ. RfekZ here renders the same meaning as the Greek ev tw qccovl . 2.1 I A number of words, most of low-frequency, have temporal meaning in context when used in the construction RZ + ACC. Such words include, as stated earlier in this chapter, NdY^/io 'beginning', konlijl or czkonly<5)NMG 'end', CTpdJKd 'guard (shift, watch)', n a cx a ’Passover’ (eventually, 'Easter'), n p ajaln h k z 'festival, holiday'; and the following, found rarely: CTdpocTL 'old age', koypor/tdUiGNHG (and other variants) 'cockcrow', npfctlO/IOR/ieNHG npd£Ak,NHkd 'middle of the festival', npfeCG/lGNHG 'movement, migration', and powALCTRO 'birth'. 2.11.1 NaYi^o 'beginning' and konlijl 'end' are not found in the Gospels. In place of r z NiJYA/io 'in the beginning' one finds hckonh or ncnpLR <\ 'from the beginning* in the Gospels. Supr, however, does use RZ NdYAyto and the variant r z NdYATZKZ: Supr 6:21-22 r z NdYtfuo czTROpn eo tz ngeo h jgm kx . . . Supr 212:8-9 RZ NdYrfsTZKZ Toro SOJKGCTRZNddrO XCOKA&NHM NG OV HCKOyCRNZ EZIR Z TO A noyCTZINA Supr 426:16-17 RZ MdYtfUO R Z JA pdC Td RZ OE/ldllJLCT'feMZ O E pdjt. CZI . . . In place of r z kONLI)L, one finds two examples of RZ czkONLYdNHG in the Gospels (the noun konlijl does not occur in the r z + ACC construction in the texts of the canonical OCS manuscripts): 7 5 Mt 13:40 . , , Tdko s s t f l G T z h b z c l k o n l y Mt 13:48/9 . . . TdkO KX4 GTZ RZ CZkONUYdNHG B'fckd (Sav) All correspond to Greek ev + DAT: Mt 13:40 . . . outw j etJTau ev xfj cruvxeXeui xou auovos (xo Oxoxj ) Mt 13:48/9 . . . o u x w j ecrxat, ev xrj cruvxeX eta xoxj acwvos 2.11.2 BZ CTpdJKX 'during the guard (shift, watch)' occurs four times in the Gospels, each time with a modifier—three times modified by an ordinal number, and once modified by a relative interrogative: Mt 14:25 BZ YGTBpZTXffli MG CTpdMX HOtiJI H^G kZ NHMZ HCZ (Asm) Mt 24:43 . . . b z ksttsi C T paxx T<3TB npHd&TL, . . , (Ost-2nd) L 12:38 /IHJGtO BZ BZTOpZffl /ttOEO BL TpGTHZWt CTpflMX npH^GTZ (Sav) The first two correspond to a Greek DAT, and the two occurrences in the third verse—to ev + DAT: Mt 14:25 xexapxrj 6e cpuXoK^ xfis vxjkxos r)X0ev npos auxous Mt 24:43 . . . ttolq qpuXaK^ o nXenxris epxexai L 12:38 *av ev xrj S euxepa kov xfj xpcxvj cpuXaK?} sX8t] . . . 76 2.11.3 The phrase ev T(0 ttqcjxq 'at Passover'{evcnlually,‘Easier’) occurs twice in the Greek Gospels in a temporal meaning: J 2:23 WS Se r)v ev tols ' IepocrcOvuM.OLS ev xw Tidcrxa ev t?j eopxfj J 18:39 lvq eva QnoXucrw up.LV ev xw Ttdcrxa It is difficult to determine the Slavic correspondence. Only three of the examined texts contain J 2:23, and of them, D has N a nacxx Tor Passover1, while Mar and Z have k z nacyta, in which n nacxd, but problems arise from its non-declension. It is possible that this can be attributed to the fact that it does not decline in Greek; however, it is declined in other instances in Slavic. For J 18:39, all seven texts have N a + ACC, which expresses intention, 'for': J 2:23 e r a # Efc b z tu y fe x z b z n J 18:39 tG^HNoro bomz oTznoyujTX n 2.11.4 5z npd ja l n h k z 'at, during the festival, holiday' occurs six times in the Gospels in a temporal meaning; all but one occurrence originate from a Greek ev + DAT: o J 12:20 n K/ J 12:20 lv q npocrkuvV)crwctlv ev xfj eopxrj 77 L 2:41 i xowddduieTe pOAHTB/ffc ero , . . b z h m z b z npa?iiLNHKZ n a c t f h (Z) L 2:41 «iQL enopeuovxo ol ' f o v e i s q u t o O . . . et’s ’iepoucraXrin T?J COpXrj XOtJ TTQCTXa K z npd JABNHkZ also occurs once in Cloz: Cloz 6a:27-28 BzytkCTi sz BZ npa?4h.NlKZi h x z The corresponding Greek was not given for this particular section. 2.12.1 Of the remaining four words which express time when used in the construction with b z + ACC, the first three of which are found only one time each in the Gospels, only one corresponds to a Greek ev + DAT: BZ CTdpocTL cbonk 'in one's old age': L l : 3 6 i r a j a y a t z c n a bz cTapocTL cbohe (Mar) L 1:36 Kau avrcri cruveiTXritpev ul o v ev ^fipeL atixris 2 .1 2 .2 K z k o y por/t<3UJ£NH& (and o th er variants) 'at the c o c k c ro w ' at M k 13:35 corresponds to a Greek prepositionless GEN: Mk 13:35 nb BtcTe eo KzrAd tl Aoyoy npHABTZ a h B e y e p z a h no^oyNoiiJTH a h b z Koypor^aujBNLB a h o y T p o (Z) Mk 13:35 ou* ouSaxe y ^ P Troxe o KUpioj xfjs ouaas epxexat, >1 otJ;e ri ptecro vukxlov ri aXekxopocpwvuis rj npwu 78 2.12.3 K z np’fcntMOR/tBNHe npdjAENMKd 'at middle of the festival’at J 7:14 corresponds to a Greek GF.N absolute phrase, which in this instance expresses the time at which the subsequent event occurs: J 7:14 b z np’tencMOB/tENHE npa?AENHK J 7:14 t?is copras n.eo’oucrris aveptq ’iricrous elj to uepov 2.12.4 K.Z np’bCE^ENHE 'during the movement, migration' at Mt 1:11 corresponds to a Greek enu + GEN meaning 'in the time of: Mt 1:11 HOCHM WE pOAH MOXONHHt H KpdTHKK ETO BE nptcE^eNHE B Mt 1:11 ’iucruas S e E'pevvrio-ev to v ’ iex o v tav Kac t o u j QSeXcpous outou e n t t % ^.exot-Kea-Las BafJuXwvos 2.12.5 K z powAECTBO 'at birth' is found once in Supr and twice in Cloz: Supr 341:2-4 b z nr>EB0 t€ po/tECTRO XpwcToc . . . renhab j e m z n z i h Hepoyc^uHMZ Cloz 14a: 11-12 nE/tewzi r z powdzcTRo npieM^eTZ Cloz 14a:24-26 b z npzRoe powdzCTRQ x z . . . b z n h a c , . . b z ypTkBE Both of the examples in Cloz render different Greek phrases: 79 Cloz 14a: 11-12 andp-fdVQ eiy tkiv x k w r \ ( T L V KataSexeTat Cloz 14a:24-26 ev Trj npwTtj xevvdcreL XpLcrxos . . . eucrfrXBev . . . ei’s tov vqov The latter is the expected ev + DAT; the former, however, is eCj + ACC. In temporal constructions, clj + ACC could have the same meaning as ev + DAT (and had already begun to merge with the latter by the time our manuscripts were being translated); thus they were both rendered by a z + ACC in Cloz. 2.12.6 Although these four phrases have different Greek sources, the logical translation for the Slavic in each instance is az + ACC, since this construction expresses the corresponding meaning. However, there were some discrepancies between texts between the use of a z + ACC and a z + LOC. Most often the discrepancies appear in the non-canonical texts: a z CTdpocTH caoaH appears in D, and az Koypor.tdtue.NH’k appears in both D and Mir; but az np’kce/t&NiH a da uoNCT’kdMb. |sic-SF| is found in Asm. It is my opinion that these discrepancies arose out of the confusion which resulted from translating Greek phrases which did not fit the expected pattern (a z + ACC = ( ev +| DAT), since here we do not usually have | ev +1 DAT. Thus, the copyists were 'on their own', so to speak, to come up with the best phrasing for their own recension of Church Slavonic. Also, a z + LOC, although used quite infrequently and in limited expression, is not so dramatically different in meaning from a z + ACC and in fact often overlaps with it in usage in the manuscripts. It is also possible that, at least in the case of the non-canonical manuscripts, changes in the structure of these languages had taken place. 80 2.13 In summary, in the vast majority of instances, OCS a z + ACC corresponds regularly to Greek [ ev + | DAT. Among the Slavic manuscripts we find very few discrepancies in the use of this structure, especially among the most commonly occurring phrases, such as a z t z a l n l , a z t z Y etc. In the instances where the Greek text has something other than | ev +1 DAT, sometimes the Slavic translation is the result of a reinterpretation of the meaning of the Greek, e.g. in Mt 28:1, with a z a c Y e p z cxezotznzi for otpe Se cra(JfjQTtov; or in the phrases in Mt 20:3, 5, 6 and 9 with a z ro^tlNX which corresponds to Greek nept wpav; or az to^hnz CBLTtNHW tcro for the Greek npos wpav ev TW cptOTL QUTOU. However, other times the Slavic texts appropriately use a z + ACC to convey a meaning which is rendered by something other than | ev +] DAT, as in az koypor/tduiCNHe for aXeivtopocptovuis or az apfeM>e> caoe for euj tov KQLpov qutcov. As j ev +| DAT expressed a time when an event occurred, so too did a z + ACC. As the numerous examples have shown, this construction was quite prevalent in OCS to express this particular temporal meaning. 2.13.1 In addition to its frequency and predominance in OCS, BZ + ACC remains quite active in the modern Slavic languages as well. In Miklosich’s Vereleichende Grammatik der slavischcn Sprachen (1926, 398) we find many examples from the various Slavic languages of az + ACC in temporal expressions: Croatian: u ovu noc rodi bozja sina zena Polish: wsiadaj w dobra aodzine na swoj kon Czech: 1 stane se v ten den Russian: y Hac ObiJi CoraTbipb b o ,nocio-/ibHbte rozibi 81 Kz + ACC continues to be used to express 'on (a certain) day' in Russian (b t o t .aeHb. B nocjieAHHh zteHb), Polish (W ter) dzien), Serbo-Croatian (U taj dan) and Bulgarian (B t o 3 H aeH), and is used with the days of the week in all of the modem Slavic languages Russian (b n^THMuy), Serbo-Croatian (U sredlt) and Polish (W SObote). It is used in all but Polish (which replaced a z + ACC with 0 + LOC in numerous instances) to express 'at (X) o'clock: Russian (B ab& naca), Serbo-Croatian (U jedan sat) and Czech (V pet hodin). It is retained in in Russian (b t o BpeMfl) and Serbo-Croatian (U tO vreme) to express 'at that time', but this phrase is now expressed by a z + LOC in Polish and Czech and no in Bulgarian. Its distribution with 'night' remains similar to that seen in OCS: in order to appear in the a z + ACC construction, noijil must be modified; otherwise, it will appear in the prepositionless INS or some other construction. With months and years, we no longer see the a z + ACC, but rather the a z + LOC, construction in all the languages which retain nominal declension. Many more such examples could be given to show the widespread usage of the a'z + ACC construction in the modern Slavic languages. Such examples demonstrate that this construction is indeed native Slavic, as it was used widely in the early history of Slavic literacy and continues to be used in all of the Slavic languages today. CHAPTER III THE PREPOSITIONLESS ACCUSATIVE 3.1 The prepositionless ACC is the prepositionless case construction used most frequently to express temporal meaning in OCS. It has three different meanings: it can express (1) a time completely filled by a non-completed action (Xodova 1963, 116); or (2) a time at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place (ibid, 109); or (3) how many times an action is repeated . 1 In the first and third meanings, the verb which expresses the action is most often of the imperfective aspect, with a durative mode in the first meaning, and an iterative mode in the third meaning. 3.1.1 In the first meaning—a time completely filled by an action—the noun in the ACC is usually accompanied by a numeral (for example TpH a l n h h TpM noijjh '[for| three days and three nights') or another modifier (for example &b.cL 'all day'). In this first meaning a limited number of nouns which have temporal meaning are found in the canonical corpus: a l n l 'day', NOljlb. 'night', Y d c z . 'hour', 'month', > l t T 0 'year', and BpfeM^ 'time'. The same nouns can be used in the second meaning (a time at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place), which is rarer, and in 1 The Jakobsonian approach to case meaning, in which the ACC is the case which expresses "an entity toward which as action is directed fiiezugsgegensiand/" and is dif ferentiated between a "strongly governed ACC" which "denotes cither an inner object of the action, which originates as the result of the action, or an outer object of the action, subject to the effect of the action but also having prior existence independent of the action", and a "weakly governed ACC" which "denotes a segment of time or space that is entirely encompassed by the action" (R. Jakobson, Russian and Slavic Grammar Studies 1931 - 1 9S 1. Berlin: Mouton, I9R4; p. 66) is not applied here. 82 this meaning they are usually accompanied by an adjective or demonstrative (for example alncluinih aln l 'today' or dkNLCk 'on this day; today’; Tpctlh arnr 'on the third day’). Additional nouns are found in the second meaning of the prepositionless ACC, often without modifiers (for example M)Tpo 'in the morning' or R & Y & p Z 'in the evening'). In the third meaning—repetition—only one noun is used; k p d T z 'time', accompanied by a numeral (TpH K p d T Z l 'three times') or a quantifier (KO/tL k p d T Z l 'how many times'). 3.1.2 As in the pattern OCS R Z + ACC = Greek e v + DAT, we again see great consistency in the correspondence between one Slavic structure and one Greek structure. In the first meaning, the OCS prepositionless ACC in almost all occurrences corresponds to a Greek prepositionless ACC. According to Smyth (1984, §1582-85), the Ancient Greek prepositionless ACC denotes an extent of time... The accusative of time implies that the action of the verb covers the entire period... The accusative of time is rarely employed where the dative is properly in place... |It is used] to mark (a) how long a situation has lasted or (b) how much time has elapsed since something happened... In addition, Greek has many adverbialized accusatives (§1611); to vuv 'now', to hq \ ql 'of old’, npoTepov 'before', to upotepov 'the former time', npcjTov 'first', ... to rrpuxov 'in the first place', to teXeuTaCov 'in the last place', ... to Seutepov 'in the second place', . . . t o X olttov 'for the future', ... 2 2 The first two examples cited by Smyth arc actually nominalizcd adverbs: vuv 'now ', ndXoi 'long ago'. They become nomtnalizcd by the use of the NTR ACC article ( t o ) and by their usage as accusatives of time arc "rc-advcrbializcd", so to speak. 84 New Testament (or Koine) Greek shows this usage of the prepositionless ACC as well, called the "Akkusativ dcr Ausdchniing" by Blass, to which he ascribes the definition "zeitlich steht der Akk. auf die Fragc "wie ianf>e?" " (1949, §161). 3.1.3 As is seen in the definition of the Greek prepositionless ACC, the first meaning of the OCS (Slavic) prepositionless ACC of time and the meaning of the Greek prepositionless ACC are the same. However, this is not an instance of OCS merely imitating Greek syntax; rather, the use of the prepositionless ACC in OCS to designate a time completely filled by an action is an inherent feature of Slavic syntax and is not a borrowing or an imitation. The fact that the individual modem Slavic languages all have the prepositionless ACC to express a time completely filled by an action (and some show the prepositionless ACC for the other meanings in their early histories) supports the hypothesis that OCS, as a representative of one dialect of early Slavic, was manifesting a native Slavic feature in this usage of the prepositionless ACC and not copying a Greek usage. 3.1.4 For example, Modem Russian continues the use of the prepositionless ACC in the first (as well as the third) meaning today, as the following examples from the Academy Grammar (1982) show: >KHTb rozi. jKziaTb Mac. npoBecTH b ropo/te Heztejno. mejibie) CTOJieTHfl H€M3B6CTHbIM, ... MCflaTbMHOrO JieT. ... BCe BPeMfl neMaJibHbtfi ...3 (§2693.2) ■ To live (for) a year, to wait (for) an hour, to spend a week in the city, f /forI entire) centuries unknown, ... to wail (for) many years, ... sad all the time. 85 And Old Russian showed the use of the prepositionless ACC in the second meaning—a time at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place: a b. poycoy th knxce e ja h th oce.NL a ^eT(e) ne ejam th a a j z ovfTpo noc^ro no bzi & zcTdBz BEYEpz h . . . (Borkovskij 1968,220) The noun phrase a ln lc l 'today', through its usage in an adverbial function, became advcrbialized in many of the Slavic languages (for example, Serbo-Croatian daHac, Bulgarian AHec, Macedonian zteHec, Czech/Slovak dneS). In these modern languages, 'today' is not parsable--it cannot be divided into its constituent parts. For example, Serbo-Croatian danas contains the root dan which is recognizable as the word 'day', but -S is no longer recognizable as the demonstrative 'this'. The phrase was originally a nominal case construction (ACC) consisting of noun + adjective, but over time became fixed (no longer analyzable as ACC noun + adjective) and because it functioned as an adverb (answering the question 'when?') it was re-classified as an adverb in those languages which use it. We see the continued usage of the prepositionless ACC with other nouns in other languages as well: Serbo-Croatian: bolje je biti pevac jedan dan nego kokos mesec sluzi mene 1 trecu nodinu Polish: stowlk caiajioc spiewa cirzpiai jesm wszgstek dzieri Czech: ten celti tenner den v bojipracoval a sla ten vecer (Mikiosich 1926,393) 86 3.2 The noun ALNL 'day' is commonly found in the prepositionless ACC in its first meaning when modified by a numeral, pronoun, demonstrative pronoun or quantifier: A Z & d 4 LNH 'for two days', T pH 4 LNH 'for three days', y c tz ipG 4LNH 'for four days’, M/kf a l n h ’for forty days 1;4 a L C k a l n l all d ay 'o r s l c a a l n h 'all days'; t z ALNL 'that day'; N G M ^ N o r z 1 or M<3^0 a l n z 'for a few days', and MZNOTO 4 LNZ 'for many days '.5 It is also found in the phrase a ln l m Noqjk 'day and night' and, in addition, in this phrase modified by numerals: TpH a l n h H TpH NOlgH '( fo r ] three days and three nights', m/iT a l n h h m/ iT noijih ’| for | forty days and forty nights'. 3.2.1 With the cardinal num erals--dZ & d 'two', TpH 'three', YG TZipe. 'four'.M^H 'forty'--the use of the prepositionless ACC in OCS corresponds to a Greek prepositionless ACC (except in Mk 8:2, which has as its source a Greek NOM) and indicates 'time spent', for example 'for two days', 'for forty days', etc: J 4:40 h n p fcszi T o y a l r <3 AUJi (Asm) J 4:40 kql en.euvev ekel Suo riu.epas Mk 8:2 teKO W 3KG Tpn alnh npncbrt^TZ Mb.Mt (Mar) Mk 8:2 otl n5r| f|H.epaL TpELj npotrpisvouCTLV pioL 4 In Cyrillic, 'forty' is rcprcscnlcd by the letter M; in Glagolitic, it is represented by the letter K. 5 As mentioned in Chapter 2 (82.3), a ln z is a normalized spelling of the GEN PL representing the laet that the noun a ^ n i is a consonant-stcm noun. Instead of a l n z , however, we find instead in most of the phrases a GEN PL with endings from the i-slcm class: a ^ nh| or These arc both phonemic representations of with full vocalization of the tense jer. In the phrases waAO a ln z and uznoto a^mz, a ln l is in the GEN PL because it is governed by the quantifiers in their adverbial form (which alw ays demand the GEN in Slavic). In phrases such as W ZNorzi a ^ nh , however, a ^ hl is in the ACC PL because it is governed by the quantifier m z n o t z in its adjectival form (which docs not require the GEN). 87 J 11:17 OEp'fcTG M YETZIpH ilLNH OV^E- HMXlJJd E Zrp O S t (Ost) J 11:17 eupev auTOV Tsarcrapas fiSti rmepas ex ovto ev Tto ^ivrmeLto L4:2 K 4LNHI ICKOVflUdGMZ rtHtaO/IOMb. (Z) L4:2 fmepQS TecCTepanovxQ nepLQ^o^evoj uno tou SiafioXou Supr 388:22 TZl MpLTEZ TpH) 4LNL 3.2.2 A^NL H NOipL 'day and night'is found unmodified: f L2:37 . . . c^oyaiiftijJH 4NL h nouil (Sav) modified by the pronoun e l c l 'all': Supr 23:14-15 GZpXUJTdXUJTG CA EL CTtN dX Z ELCL 4LNL TZ H TZ NOUJTL and modified by the numerals: TpH 'three' and y/k 'forty': Mt 12:40 teKD EO Efc HONtS E Z Y p tE 'fe K H T O E t TpH ALHH H TpH N0U1TH (Mar) f ^ ^ M t4:2 h noijiL c a 4 n z u h noujhi u noc,fkrtL jaAZ.ua (Sav) Most of these correspond to a Greek prepositionless ACC: 88 L2:37 . . . XaxpEuoucra vukxci KaC rin.£pav Mi 12:40 ujo-TTEp V " Iwvay ev x y\ kolXui xou xp£i$ flU.epas kql xpEis vu*xas Ml 4:2 KQL VriCTXEOo-QS f)H.EpOS XEO'O’EpQKOVXQ kql vu * x as X£CJCrEpQK,OVXQ UtTXEpOV ETTELVQCTEV However, two occurrences of 4 LNL M NOl^Jtx have as their source something other than the Greek prepositionless ACC. In Mk 5:5, the Greek has Sia. + GEN: Mk5:5 H RZIHNX 4 LNL H NOtUTHL . . . T^ZKZI CA KdMGNHEMb. (Mar) Mk5:5 k,ql 8id TTavxoj vukxoj kql rmEpas . • • KaxaKonxwv eauxov Xc8ot,s which carries the meaning 'of uninterrupted duration' (Smyth 1984, §1685. l.b) when used in a temporal construction. This meaning is still expressed by 8id in the New Testament period. W. Bauer (1979, 179) defines the use of Sua to express time as denoting extent, "in the case of extension over a whole period of time, to its very end". Thus 8ta navxos vukxoj kqu f|p.£pas means 'throughout the whole night and day', which could easily have been expressed by the Slavic klcl dh.NL t z h t x NOtjiL, as in Supr 23:14-15 above. Instead, a modifier is used in Mk 5:5, the adverb r z ih n x 'always'/’ The meaning here, however, of the prepositionless ACC, does render the meaning of the Greek. K zih n x is defined in the Slovnik ia/.vka slamslovenskdho (1966- 1989. 35K) as an adverb meaning 'duucmd, lorlwahrcnd, immcr’ and is formed from the adjectival r In L 18:7, the OCS prepositionless ACC has as its source a Greek prepositionless GEN: L 18:7 . . . KZnHMKUJTHXZ. KZ N&woy 4LNL I NOLUTL (Z) L 18:7 6 S e 0 eo s ou n.v) noiricni Tr|v eKfiLKrjcrcv tw v ekX ektw v aUTOU TU)V POUVTWV QUTW flklEpQS KdL VUKTOJ Blass defines the Greek GEN here as an example of the Classical usage of the GEN of time, "innerhalb deren etwas geschieht” (1949, §186), as does Robertson (1914, 495), who cites this verse as an example of the GEN of "the time within which". Based upon the meaning of the Greek construction then, we must consider that this particular use of the prepositionless ACC phrase A^Nh. h noijjl bears not the first meaning of the construction, but rather the second-a time at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place—even though the action is repeated throughout this time frame. Based upon the OCS (or even the English: "...who cry out day and night") the reader may think that the action was continuous throughout the day and night, but a reading of the Greek text shows instead that it simply took place within the time frame cited. However, this is a literal interpretation of the Greek GEN, and it is not impossible that is the equivalent of numerous Greek phrases: Bed navtoy, Suivexey, dSLaXELtiToy, EKTevuy, g el, ttg v t o t e . It also occurs in Supr and Cloz, in which it is also found in correspondence to a Greek phrase w ith Bud: Supr 411:7-8 r z in x wo^MTBt Cloz 8a:23-24 pcYENO ezi e^NOt* a z i s y N Cloz 8a:23-24 £jbp&Bri p £ v gttq£, Bed navTdy 8 £ t o u x p 6 v o u 'j'fo'ETaL £ p -p u 90 the translator(s) understood that the action was going on continuously over the time frame, and not at just one moment (or even many moments) within it. 3.2.3 can also be modified by the pronominal adjective blcl 'all' (PL blca ALNH) in OCS. There are only three occurrences of this phrase in the prepositionless ACC in the Gospels. OCS has two other prepositional constructions to express the meaning of these phrases as well: RLCtnz aln l 'every day'or no 4 LNH 'every day'. Both will be discussed in Chapter 7 (cf. §7.3.2 and 7.10). In the SG, B.LCL a ln l corresponds to Greek oXr|v xr)V f)| 4 .epav and bears the first meaning of the prepositionless ACC-that of a time completely filled by an action: M t20:6 . . . yzto ctohtb CL^e bexl 4 e.nl npajdLNH (Mar) M t20:6 t l tnSe ecrTviKaTe oXvjv xfiv f|[ 4 .epav ap-pot; The PL Blca 4 LNM which occurs in Mt 28:20 corresponds to the Greek ACC PL TTQcras xas* f||4.epas an£l bears the same meaning: Mt 28:20 i ce a j z c z bomh e,cml rca ahh 4 0 czkONLYdNHt B’tk tf (Z) Mt 28:20 k,qC l’Sou e-pto n.e 8’ up.wv nairas Tas v^epas ecus xiis cruvxeXeias xou auovos However, the PL occurrence in L 1:75 has two possible Greek sources: some manuscripts have prepositionless DAT: 91 L l:7 5 ev octlotkitl kql SLKauocrijvvi evunuov auxoO n a c ra is ■caus finepQLS finwv which Nestle-Aland chose for the preferred reading; but many other manuscripts have the prepositionless ACC, including the lectionarics: L 1:75 ev ooxoTryrt *au SLKatocnjvri evwrnov qutou nacras Tay flH.epaS ripidv It is quite possible that this prepositionless ACC, as found in the lectionaries, served as the source for the OCS prepositionless ACC. 3.2.4 J 1:39/40 shows the usage of the demonstrative pronoun t z 'that' with dLNfc. in the meaning of'(all day) that day'; J 1:39/40 i oy Nero nptszicTe uknl t z (Z) This also corresponds to a Greek prepositionless ACC e^euvtiv tk |v rjpepav 'that day': J 1:39/40 Kql n a p ’ a u T u ep.ei.vav xf)v fyiepav eKELvriv 3.2.5 Finally, 4 b.NL can be modified by a quantifier, although this is quite rare in the texts. In the Gospels we have one example of the prepositionless ACC of NCMZNorz 1 4 LNH 'for not many days, for a few days': J 2:12 h tov N&uzNorzi jI lnh npfrezicTL (Ost) which corresponds to a Greek prepositionless ACC: J 2:12 k q l eK.eC e\i€tvav ou noW aj i^epas Md/io 4LNZ '(for) a few days' is found in Supr: Supr 12:11 4 <3 4 HTe mh eO/tK uaAQ 4 lnhi 4 a w e4 z . . , ■> Supr 111:4-7 no tom we Md/to alnhh nhwthh . . . npHtije 4 z . as is M2kNoro 4 LNZ '(for) many days': Supr 221:1 mnoto ^ilnhh Hctioycz hmxujtg 3.3 As mentioned earlier in conjunction with 4LNL, the noun noijjl 'night' occurs in the Gospel in phrases such as 4 LNL H NoqiL 'day and night', TpH 4 LNH H Tpn noijjh 93 '(for) three days and three nights’, and w/(T h (m4?) NOigH '(for) forty days and (forty) nights'. In addition, it occurs by itself in Supr, with a modifier: Supr 67:4-5 ezilua n a MCN’b rlc s houjtl ctowth Supr 191:11-12 H nptE Z iT H tcwoy N Supr 194:10 nptEZi NOiUTh. onz r z c x The nouns tOTpo ' morning' and r g y g pz ’evening1, the other two nouns which represent parts of the day, will be discussed later, as they do not occur in the meaning of a time completely Filled by an action; but rather represent a time at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place. 3.4 Another noun which does occur in the prepositionless ACC in the meaning of a time completely filled by an action is Y Mt20:12 tko cih noc/tfedzmH t€ 4 HNZ Ydcz czTRopmuA (Asm) It corresponds to a Greek prepositionless ACC: Mt 20:12 outol ol ecrxaxoi n.tav wpav enoLrjuav In Supr, Y Supr 47:3-4 rtoxuiTe Tp&THH Y or by a quantifier: Supr 34:14 npteKziaz mnotzi y a c z i el t1&x z pd N d x z 3.5 The noun M'fcCMlj.L 'month' occurs three times in the Gospels in prepositionless ACC in this meaning of the construction: L 1:24 H T d ’tw e cm ul Tl 4 (Asm) L 1:56 nptEzicTL we Maputo cz New: mko TpH M'fecMUM 7 (Ost) L 4:25 ^ A a S ati'IK)yh CM NEKO r /ffcTd H S trfe (Sav) The first two correspond to a Greek prepositionless ACC: Ll:24 K,aL nepLenpuPev squtkiv n> ivas ttsvte L 1:56 EpiELvev 6 e HapuapL cruv a\JTrj wj piivas Tpsuj However, for L4:25, most texts have the preposition ettl + ACC: 7 Mko here indicates approximation. 95 L 4:25 oxe ek X elctBii o oupavds ettl err) TpLa *ac njivas e£ According to W. Bauer (1979, 239), this construction, when used in a temporal context, has the meaning of "extension over a period of time for , over a period of'; thus enC etk) Tpco 'for three years'. In such instances, the time which is expressed is expected to occur after the completion of the action as expressed in the verb, so that ettl bears the meaning'for'in the sense of intent or duration. When we see ettl used this way, we would expect a Nd + ACC construction in OCS (cf. Chapter 7), as this latter, too, expresses a time which is expected to occur after the completion of the action as expressed in the verb. Note that jdK^KJYH is an aorist tense of a perfective verb, and thus implies the completion of the activity, rather than its extension 'over three years and six months’. Instead, the action is completed prior to the beginning of the time period, and thus the time is fo r three years and six months'. This meaning is expressed elsewhere in OCS by Nd + ACC. 3.6 / I t t o 'year' has numerous occurrences in the prepositionless ACC construction both in the Gospels and in Supr. /I t to always appears with a modifier—most frequently a numeral, but also with quantifiers (kcmhko 'how many', tcmhko 'so many', m^ n o t z 'many'), the pronominal adjective blcl 'all', and also the demonstrative pronoun CL 'this': M t9:20 i ce «e.Nd KpzaoTOYMKd 4 L&t na jiecate /itT t hmzuith (Mar) L 13:8 OCTdBH tx ) CE. /itTO (Z) J 5:6 t « o MNora >ttT Supr 152:13-14 TtfKO we TBOpdame BLC«a A 'tra KHTHki c e ro Supr 203:2 »AZ.\a * g &b,ce /fbTO Supr 40):24 7 A t z jkh tow As in the phrase in L4:25 with a perfective verb (jdk,tK)YH) and a time frame which is expected to begin only after the completion of the verb, in L 13:8 as well we have a perfective verb (ocTdttH), although it is in the imperative rather than aorist. Thus here, too, we might expect N a + ACC to express the inception of the time frame after the completion of the action as expressed in the verb: 'let it alone fo r this year also'. However, even the the verb is perfective, it is implied that the action of 'letting it alone' shall continue over the period of the year, in which case this meaning is best rendered in OCS by the prepositionless ACC. Note also that the Greek has a prepositionless ACC (as seen below) rather than ettl + ACC. In certain constructions /ffeTo appears in the GEN—when it is governed by a quantifier such as ko ^ hko 'how many', TO/lHkO 'so many', or MZNorz', all of which generally demand a GEN of the governed noun: L 15:29 ce k (mhko yt'feTZ paKoTdxx TGEt. (Sav) In these instances, although the noun ^'k.TO appears in a GEN form, the quantifier is itself is in the prepositionless ACC; thus the construction is equivalent in form to the others we have seen. Almost all of the fourteen occurrences of /itTO in the prepositionless ACC construction in the Gospels correspond to a Greek prepositionless ACC of eTOj: 97 Mt 9:20 KCXL J&ou QiHOppoucjQ SuSekq ex>i npocre\ 0 oxjo’a L 13:8 Qtpej auxryv kql t o u t o t o exos L 15:29 l&O'u t o c t q u t q exri SouXeuto tJOL However, the example in J 5:6 replaces a different phrase in the Greek—MZNora ,ffcT 'many years' for tto ^vuv xpovov 'much time': J 5:6 oxl ttoXuv fi&ri xpovov exec . . although the syntactic construction is the same .8 Some Slavic texts have a prepositionless ACC which corresponds to something else in the Greek. In L 2:37 most Greek manuscripts have the preposition ecos 1 'until' (although some have u j ), and five of the six attestations correspondingly have 4 0 'until'. However, D has the prepositionless ACC: 8 Although Bauer (1979, K 8 8 ) stales that " x p o v o c could sometimes = years", he cites this verse as an example of xpovos meaning 'time', "mostly in the sense a period of lime noXus x p o v o y a long time''. However, his reference was to the meaning of the word as it tx'currcd during early Christianity--!.c. the first few centuries of our era. The OCS texts were translated, however, at a much later date than his references. It is therefore very possible that xpovou did mean 'years' to the Greeks of the time of Cyril and Methodius and, if so, that the translators applied this later meaning ('years') to the verse rather than its original meaning (’time1). In Modern Greek, xpovos means 'year', both in the SG and in the PL, and 'lime' is expressed by xacpoj- Lampc gives 'year' as the third meaning of xpovoy (1961, 1534). 98 L2:37 k,ol autri xripa ews exwv oySofiKovca xecrcrapwv L2:37 h T a RE^ORd n ,<£ h VETLipH (D) In J 8:57, Ost has the prepositionless ACC corresponding to a Greek prepositionless ACC: J 8:57 nevTf|KOV»Ta ctk ) ounw exeus . . . J 8:57 n>ftTL h e c a t z ne oy km ^ ujh , . . (Ost) However, Asm, Mar, Z and Mir have instead a GEN here (Sav does not contain the verse, and in D the ending is illegible): J 8:57 HATH dECtfiTZ ME K) IWdWH . . . (Z) This is either a GEN of age, however, or negation (see Chapter 6 ). As is obvious when Asm and Ost are compared to the Greek, they both contain an exact translation of the Greek idiom 'don't you have fifty years', where 'fifty years' is a prepositionless ACC because it is a direct object of the verb 'have', and thus is not a true expression of time. 10 } In both the Greek and the OCS there is u zero-copula; i.e., the verb 'to be' is not explicitly expressed. 10 The problems arising from the expression of aye in OCS arc discussed in the conclusion (cf. §12.2.15.1). 99 3.7 Finally, the noun 'time' occurs in the prepositionless ACC construction in the meaning of a time completely filled by an action. It is usually accompanied by a quantifier, although in Supr we see RpfeM#> once in an adjectival phrase: Supr 379:28-29 jeyhM o^eo Rh.ce RptMA r &cnz no>€ umnzKZ h iw h HNZ l^BtTZ pdCTHTZ J 12:35 icige uaAO RptMA CRfcTZ r z R J 14:9 TO/IHkO AW Rp’frUtfi CZ RdMH RCMh (Sav) Such phrases usually correspond to a Greek prepositionless ACC: J 12:35 ETC H.LKPQV xpovov to cpws ev xj ^Cv eo 'tlv J 14:9 tocto G tov xpovov p.e0’ up.wv eluc However, J 14:9 occurs in the prepositionless DAT in a handful of Greek manuscripts, and in the prepositionless ACC—elsewhere. It is interesting that we Find no examples in the Slavic of a RZ + ACC corresponding to the Greek DAT, as RZ + ACC is the construction most frequently used to render the Greek DAT. We do, however, find r z + ACC in four of the seven texts in J 12:35: J 12:35 dUI& Isic-SFI RZ UCtAQ BpltMA CR'tlTZ RZ RdCZ 6CTZ (Sav) J 12:35 l€LU£ U4A0 RptMift CRfcTZ RZ RdCZ GCTL (O st-lst11) The second occurrence of this verse in Ost shows a z + ACC. 100 3.7.1 This was discussed in Chapter 2 (§2,7.2); the prepositionless ACC is more expected here to express 'for a short time1. It is interesting that it is the non-canonical manucripts which have the expected translation; however, the unusual usage of a z + ACC here cannot be attributed to the influence of the Greek construction, as we do not see the usual correspondence for a z + ACC here, namely | ev +| DAT. Since the usage of a z + ACC here violates the otherwise usual meaning of the phrase and does not render the meaning of the Greek, and at the same time does not copy the Greek structure, it is possible to suppose that a z Md'to a p t y ^ was also a viable means for rendering 'for a short time', perhaps an idiomatic expression. It is also possible to interpret this phrase as 'in a short (period of) time', and thus a z + ACC is used to express a time during one of the moments of which an action takes place. 3.7.2. In Supr, we see an occurrence of the noun ro /jz in the prepositionless ACC-as discussed in Chapter 2 (§2.6.5), this noun apparently was synonomous with both Y Supr 212:18-19 nptszi oy nEro rodz uaAZ. Thus, 'he was with him for a short time'. 3.8 The second meaning of the prepositionless ACC—a time at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place-is not as common as the first. It too occurs with the noun alnl 'day', as well as the other parts of the day-NOtjiL 'night', aeY ep z 101 'evening' and WTpo 'morning'. 4 LNL in this meaning is found only when modified; the other nouns—only unmodified. 3.9 4 l n l occurs with either an ordinal numeral (T p e T L H al.n l 'on the third day'), with the demonstrative pronoun CL 'this'; and, in Supr, with the adjective a ^ n g u jln lh 'today'. 3.9.1 The use of T p e T L H al.nl. 'on the third day' was discussed in Chapter 2 (§2.3.2) in conjunction with the overlap between prepositionless ACC and r z + ACC. Although occurrences of prepositionless ACC far outnumber those of R Z + ACC in this phrase (with seven texts and twelve verses, and a total of fifty-four occurrences, there are thirty-eight instances of TpeTLH A^NL, as compared to fourteen of R Z T p e T L H a^nl; no + LOC accounts for two occurrences), the prepositionless ACC of the OCS never has as its source the corresponding Greek prepositionless ACC.12 In two verses, Mk 8:31 and 9:31, T p e T L H a^n^ has as its source a Greek ^.eta 'after' + ACC, which is why Ost and D show no T p e x z a ^ n l x z 'after three days'instead of TpeTLH a ^nl in Mk8:31: Mk8:31 nac piETa TpeCj r)n.epas dvatrxrjvaL Mk8:31 H no TpLX Z 4LNLXZ RZCKpLCNXTH (Ost) C Mk 8:31 H TpeTHH ANL RLCKpLCMXTM (Sav) 12 In one verse—L 24:21~thc prcposiiionless ACC of TpeTLH ALNL in both the Greek and the OCS is the direct object of a verb in an idiomatic phrase: L 24:21 Tpctriv tqutk]v f)p.epav a y e i acp’ 0 0 tqutq e-peveTO N ^ L 24:21 TpeTiH ce 4 4 * * 6 hm<3TZ ■ 0Ne,n>i£e ci kziuia (Asm) 102 Mk9:31 *aC dTTOKtavBeCs p.ETa TpeCs rm ep as avacrTricreTaL Mk9:3l ez TpETiH j1C.hl rzckdcnetz (Asm) Mk9:31 H TpETH ilNL KCKpLCNETL (Mir) The remaining eight occurrences render a Greek prepositionless DAT: L 24:46 . . . *ql avao"r?ivaL ek veKpwv Tirj TpLTtj fmepQ L 24:46 . . . H SZCKpLCMStTM OTZ MLpZTRZIMXZ TpETHH 4LNL (Ost) The use of the prepositionless ACC instead of a z + ACC to render the Greek prepositionless DAT does not violate the rules governing the usage of this construction: it expresses a time at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place. As discussed in Chapter 2, it is probable that the prepositionless ACC and a z + ACC were in free variation for expressing 'on the Nth day’, where N represents a numeral. 3.9.2 The noun al .nl is also used in the prepositionless ACC with the demonstrative cl 'this'. As mentioned earlier in this chapter, this phrase— a ^ nlcl —eventually became adverbialized and resulted in a fixed phrase meaning 'today', which remains in many modem Slavic languages (Serbo-Croatian .qaHac, Bulgarian ztHec, Macedonian aeriec, Czech/Slovak dnes) (cf. §3.1.4). Support for the position that a ^ nlcl way have already been seen as a fixed phrase can be found in occurrences of the phrase A° ALNECL in Supr (cf.§ 10.21.3), in which a ^ necl is not declined; although a ^ nc can be interpreted as the GEN of a ^ nl (which is the case A° always governs), cl could never be interpreted as the GEN of cl (which would be ctro). This example of its 103 non-declension demonstrates the likelihood that Ab.Ne.CL was already a frozen adverbial form in OCS. Of nineteen occurrences of a l n l c l , all but two correspond to a Greek adverbial as well -crf)p.Epov: Mt 27:19 mlnoto eo nocTpdAdxz alh g cl r z CLNt ero p^A' (Asm) M t27:l9 tto ^iX q y a p enaBov crK|p.epov max’ ovap fit’ au x o v L 19:5 ALNLCL EO nOAOEdGTL MH RZ AOMOV/ TRORML EZITH (Ost) L 19:5 crrpepov yap ev tw otku crou Seu p.e ^.euvau L 1 1:3 has kq B’ r)p.epav 'every day' in the Greek: L I 1:3 tov apxov kih .ojv tov ettlouctlv SlSoxj r)p.Lv to kq B’ f)p.epav Of the five texts which contain this verse (Asm and Mir do not), four have Ha RLCiftkZ ALnl 'for each day', which renders both the meaning of repetition and of intention ('for'): L I 1:3 XyffeEZ NdWZ ANGRLNZI A^3KAZ NdMZ Ha RCflkZ 4NL (Sav) However, Ost has here alnlcl instead: 104 L I 1:3 X /ltE Z NdlUL NdCJKIJJLNZ IH A<3)KAL NdMZ 4LNLCL (Ost) Only two known Greek texts have trf)p.epov here: it is interesting that the Greek leetionaries (as represented by M) do not.1' As it is traditionally thought that the prototype of Ost was another Slavic manuscript, it is curious that the scribe would have changed the phrase in such a way, from 'for each day’, to ’today’. L 22:61, which is found in the Greek as: L 22:61 np tv oX eK xopa tpcovricraL crrinepov QTTQpvf| 0 "K| H-e tp f c does not have crf|H.epov translated in any of the Slavic manuscripts which I examined; instead, they only contain the phrase TpH KpdTZi ’three times' rather than TpH kpdTZi alnlcl 'three times today': L 22:61 np'kJtcAe a <3)K£ ng r z jr/tdCHTL koypz TpHJij>.^TZ.! OTZRpLJKGllJH CA MGNG (Ost) L 22:61 np’fcJKAG A<3)KG NG RLJLr/ldCHTL kOypL TpH KpdTLI OTLB.pLJKE.LLIH CA MGNG (D) Zr||4 .&pov is also omitted in quite a few Greek manuscripts, including the leetionaries. Supr and Cloz contain many examples of a ln lc l: 1 As discussed in the Introduction and Chapter 1, it is unknown which Greek manuscript or family of mss. served as the prototype for the original OCS translation of the Gospels or for any subsequent translation. 105 Supr 125:13 . . . 4RNCCL CXWTd a OVfTpt. oyMMpdKLUTa . . , Supr 321:23-24 zirn &cl y z c z j z a S upr 374:4-5 4b.N£CL y^U Z IA NdlUift n o E tA Z I EZIWift Cloz 12b: 1 -2 dbN scb s e j m z r l e UNoro n a j e y i Cloz 12b: 1-2 orin.£pov cri/yil noXXfi ev tfj Cloz 13a:20-23 RZYEpd WZ CZMOTpL^HRZNdd TROpA ALNCCb RytdAZIYZtffctf RZYEpfJ ,ffe.TZCKd rocnodbCKdd A*fcMt (continues; in all, occurs 7 times) Cloz I3a:20 23 x0&s ra tfis otXovoy.Las, crfiy.epov xa x?|S e^oucaas, x0es ™ avOptdnoxrjxos, trrmepov xa xris 0eoxv)xos . . . However, in this same meaning we also find an occurrence of the adjective alnew lnlh modifying alnr in Supr: Supr 124:3-4 HJKE dbNEUJbNHI ALNb RL R'fcKZI pdAOCTH pdEOy croewov AdpZCTRORdRZIH 3.10 The other parts of the day—NOtjlL 'night', REYepz 'evening' and WTpo 'm o rn in g '14--are also found in the prepositionless A C C in its second m eaning, expressing a time at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place. 14 H)Tpo can also mean 'tomorrow1, but since it always renders Greek npo)L 'in the morning' in the prepositionless ACC, I am reserving discussion til this second meaning lor later (cl. Chapter 5). 106 although with very low frequency. H)TpO occurs most of all. in the meaning o f ’in the morning': Mt20:I . . . ijke h ^ i^ e KoynzNQ QM’Tpo (Asm) Mk 13:35 ne e^ote so Kzrd nO/tOVNOlliTH AM EZ KOyp0r/t<3UlENEE AM OMTpO (Z) All correspond to a Greek adverbial TTpWL ’in the morning': Mt20:l ocrxus e£fjX8ev qh .q TTpwt Mk 13:35 ou* ol Sqtc t ^P ttotc o KUptoj tvis olklos epxeTau H otpe f 4 .£a-oiaiKTLOv r) cuKeK.TOpotpwvias H nptot 3.10.1 Although it is possible that the prepositionless ACC H)Tpo had become a fixed phrase and therefore an adverb, nevertheless it may still be interpreted as a syntactic case construction. If K)Tpo were still seen as a case construction, then this would be a definite example of a structural change made in the translation in order to preserve the integrity of OCS syntax—a prepositionless ACC phrase was used to translate an adverb. However, even if tOTpo were already seen as a fixed adverbial expression for 'in the morning', it is unlikely that it was an example of copying Greek structure—such adverbs exist in many of the modem Slavic languages and have existed throughout the historical period. Most frequently we see the prepositionless ACC phrases becoming adverbialized with the nouns 'morning' and evening' ('afternoon' and 'night' become adverbialized in other constructions). Polish shows jlltro as both a 107 noun and an adverb1-"1 and WiecZOT'evening' as well; Czech, Slovak and Slovenian all have v e c er also as an adverb meaning 'in the evening’. Serbo-Croatian has the phrase jutXOS to express 'this morning', which can be analyzed as analogous to dan as for 'today', with the post-position of the early demonstrative pronoun cl 'this' after the head-noun.lf> 3.10.2 There are, however, many other constructions involving MJTpO, with special nuances of meaning—in the OCS manuscripts, we see the use of both Jd oy Tpd and the prepositionless ACC KJTpo to express Greek TTpoiC 'in the morning’, Net tOTpHM, E.2 toTpLNiH Ab.NL, and also the prepositionless LOC tOTp'b also occur. This last construction, however, had probably also become adverbialized and acquired the specific meaning ’tomorrow1, for it corresponds not to Greek npuu but rather to aupLOV 'tomorrow'. It is interesting that three of these forms led to adverbs meaning ’tomorrow' in the modem Slavic languages: 3aBTpa in Russian, Z ltra in Czech from j a oyTpa, ju tro in the West Slavic languages from K JT p o , and yTpe in Bulgarian from fOTpt. Among the Slavic texts there are many discrepancies in the use of the prepositionless ACC of KJTpo, the prepositionless LOC tOTpte, and jd oyTpd. In Mt However, the present meaning of JUtfO is 'tomorrow'; aj] of West Slavic shows the replacement of the adverb ratio 'early' for 'morning', perhaps on the basis of contact with German, in which morgen means both 'morning' and 'tomorrow', and morgen f rtih 'tomorrow early' is used to express 'tomorrow morning'. See §4.9.1 for further discussion. Although jutro is a NTR noun and wc would therefore expect a form such as jutrose, the absence of the final rowel can be explained by analogy: the phrase jUtrOS was formed on the basis of the phrase danas, with a final -S added to the word f or 'day' to make 'today'; therefore a final -S was added to the word for 'morning' to make 'this morning' as well. However, another possibility also exists: as these arc adverbial phrases, attrition of the final r owel is quite likely. Throughout Slavic there arc numerous examples of adverbial phrases of time ending in -S: letos, lonis; Russian BMepacb. Hcmecb. 108 6:30, Asm, Ost, Mar and Z have the prepositionless LOC KJTp'fc. corresponding to aupLOv: Mt6:30 . , . k,qC axjpujv cl’s k X u (S q v o v fJaXXonevov M t6:30 . . . a oyTp'fe BZ orNZ tZMtT^wo (Asm) whereas Sav and Mir have substituted a prepositionless ACC KJTpo: Mt6:30 . . , a QMTpo bl ncijjz &z.Aarax.\\ix c a (Sav) which changes the meaning from 'tomorrow' to ’in the morning', ^ d oyTpd occurs in in Mt 2 0 :1 in Ost, Sav and Mir: Mt20:l ... dKHG ?d roTpd (Mir) whereas Asm and Mar have simply the prepositionless ACC KJTpo. Again in Mk 13:35, Ost, D and Mir have jd oyTpd: Mk 13:35 ng a t c T c ko KO^LTd [sic-SFJ rfcT Aowoy npH^e t l . . . AM ?d OVTpd (D) whereas Mar and Z have KJTpo. Within the texts we at least see some consistencies, although it is difficult to establish a pattern based on so few examples. In the two verses which show variation, Mar twice has the prepositionless ACC, while Ost and Mir twice have jd + GEN; the other texts have only one of the verses. 109 3.10.3 Supr also shows usage of the prepositionless ACC KtTpO: Supr 51:9 10 nz ovfTpo npHCTxnHBZtue wap'feTe eotomz Supr 94:21-22 mko oyTpo a z t z alnl a t h h m s t z e z it h . . . 3.1 1 In addition, Supr shows examples of the prepositionless ACC NOtjJb. 'night' and BGYepz 'evening' in this second meaning of the prepositionless ACC: Supr 68:19 noujtl npOfidJKAddXX TpknAlUTB CTpdCTL Supr 275:29 npHLUZdZiuoy emoy B&YSpz Supr 334:14-15 b sy c d z b z c x e o t x . . . npH^B MapHki MtfrA Ee.YE.pz also occurs once in the Gospels, corresponding to Greek adverbial ov^e, 'in the evening': Mk 13:35 ne aticTE eo Kzrad rbf Aoyoy npMAETZ a w aeY&pz a w no/toyuoiiiTH a w b z Koypor.tdiue.Nt».e, a w oyTpo (Z) Mk 13:35 oiuk , oCfcaTe -y^P n o te o KUpcos Trjs olkuis c p x etqc f) otjje f| |j.ecrovuKTLOv rf aXeKTOpocpwvLaj TTpwt As we saw earlier (§3.10.1), this usage of the prepositionless ACC BEYEpz became adverbialized and it functions both as an adverb (meaning 'in the evening’) as well as a noun in numerous modem Slavic languages. I 10 3.12 In the third meaning of the prepositionless ACC construction, that which expresses how many times an action is repeated , 17 we appropriately find usage of the noun KpdTZ 'time'. KpdTZ is accompanied by the quantifier 'how many' or the numerals: in the Gospels, it is modified by the numerals AZBd 'two' and TpH 'three'. In Supr we find an example of KpdTZ modified by the numeral nATb. 'five'. KpdTZ occurs eleven times in the Gospels: Mt 23:37 KtML kparzt azcxoT-fexz czczpdTH Y A ^ d TBO'fe (Mar) Mk 14:71/722.1 npfcxtde koypz KZjr/tacHTZ a x e .a KpdTzi [sic-SF|18 OTZRpZJK&UJH CA WGNE TpH KpHTZ I (Z) Supr 77:29-78:1 H j w ^ n h e iu e w z c a nATb. KpdTzi |sic-SF| 3.12.1 There are other ways of expressing repetition as well: we find 'for the first time', 'for the second time' and 'for the third time' in an adverbialized ACC of the cardinal numeral (npb&oi€, RZTOpotc, TpGTHtc) (cf. Chapter 11), and we find many numerals and the quantifiers in the prepositionless INS-t Kcmhliilah 'how many times' and MZNowHqeiK/uzNordUJLAH 'many times'; te^HNOi* 'one time', BZTopHyEw; 'two times’, Tp£THlj£is 'three times', and c&amhijek (in many forms and spellings) (cf. Chapter 4). It is interesting to note (based upon the few attested occurrences of 17 Although it may be argued that a discussion of flow many times an action is repeated belongs to another study and not a study of the expression of time, I have chosen to include this topic here because the repetition of the action affects the aspect of the verb as much as docs the occurrence of the action at a moment of time or over a period of lime. 18 We expect here 4X&4 kpdTd rather than AZ.ua kpdTZt, as the number /\z.R.a governs the dual, not the PL. In the example from Supr (77:29-78:1), we expect RATb KpdTZ rather than u a t l KpdTZi, as numbers five and higher govern the GEN PL, not the ACC PL. 11 1 such phrases) that only the small numerals (1-5) occur in the prepositionless ACC or adverbialized ACC; anything higher occurs in the INS only. All of the nouns and numerals used to express repetition in OCS correspond to a Greek adverbialized ACC, either, as in OCS, a prepositionless ACC of a substantivized ordinal numeral (|to | npwxov/TTpoxepov, |to| Seuxepov, [xol xptxov) or a num erical adverb with the suffix - l j (&LS> T p L j) oroHMS ( tid ij Q M S , ttoXXqims, eTTTakLS1); or in a prepositional construction with ck + GEN (e* Seuxepou, ek xpuxou ) : 19 Mt 23:37 ttoctqkcs f|0e\ri Mk 14:71/7223 npuv aXeKxopa tptovricraL Sls xpus M-e aTTQpi*f)crrj 3.13 To summarize, only a limited number of nouns which have temporal meaning may occur in the prepositionless ACC in OCS. These include parts of the day (AttNL 'day', Noijj L 'night', KJTpo 'morning' and B&Ycpz 'evening'), parts of the year (wfeCAijL 'month', /ffeTO 'year'), the nouns YdCZ 'hour' and Bp’fcMeft 'time', and the noun of repetition, H|>dTZ 'time'. The prepositionless ACC has three different meanings: it can express a time completely filled by an action (accompanied by an imperfective verb expressing duration); a time at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place (accompanied by an perfective verb); and how many times an action is repeated (accompanied by an imperfective verb expressing repetition). In the first meaning, the overwhelming majority of examples of the OCS prepositionless There arc no instances o! ex + GEN being translated by the ACC, only by the INS or an adverb. I 12 ACC correspond lo a Greek prepositionless ACC. In the second meaning, the OCS prepositionless ACC corresponds to a Greek adverbial form (such as ufm epov, TrpuiUi otys or Qxjpuov) or a DAT construction. In the phrase Tp&TLM Ah.NL 'on the third day', we usually see a Greek DAT as the source, with variation in the Slavic between EZ + ACC and the prepositionless ACC. In the third meaning, that of repetition, we see the modified noun k p d T Z 'time' corresponding to various Greek expressions--the adverbialized ACC, adverbial numerals, or the prepositional construction with e*, + GEN. It is clear, moreover, that the usage of the prepositionless ACC in OCS in all of these instances, whether coinciding with a Greek prepositionless ACC or something else, is not due to a copying of the Greek construction into Slavic; rather the coincidence of OCS prepositionless ACC ~ Greek prepositionless ACC is due instead to similar inherent structural features in both languages (namely, that both OCS and Greek used a prepositionless ACC to express the duration of an action over a period of time). The evidence offered by the modem Slavic languages and in medieval Slavic manuscripts (representing earlier stages in the history of the individual languages) as seen in the examples given earlier in the chapter (see §3.1.4) demonstrate the extent to which the prepositionless ACC was used and continues to be used to express the three temporal frames under consideration. That we see the use of the prepositionless ACC to express ( 1) a time completely filled by an action; or ( 2 ) a time at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place; or (3) how many times an action is repeated in OCS, in early Slavic manuscripts and in the modern Slavic languages gives very convincing evidence in support of the view that the use of the prepositionless ACC to express these meanings in OCS was a native feature of Slavic syntax and not a borrowing from Greek. CHAPTER IV THE PREPOSITIONLESS INSTRUMENTAL 4.1 The prepositionless INS in temporal expressions in OCS can express (1) a time within which an action is completed ; 1 or ( 2 ) a time during a segment or at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place; or (3) how many times an action is repeated. The prepositionless INS phrase resulting from this third meaning became adverbialized. The verb which expresses the action in the first two meanings is most often of the perfective aspect (resultative); whereas the verb which expresses the action in the third meaning is most often of the imperfective aspect (iterative). The preposition less INS is the only case attested to express the first meaning, i.e. no other known construction is used to express the time within which an action is completed. In its other meanings, however the prepositionless INS expresses the same temporal frame which may be expressed also by other cases which have already been discussed. The second meaning of the prepositionless INS—the a time during a segment or at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place—may also be expressed by B .2 + ACC or, in some instances, the prepositionless ACC; and the third meaning of the prepositionless INS—how many times an action is repeated—may also be expressed by the 1 The meaning of the English preposition within may be ambiguous here; in Ihis meaning of the prepositionless INS within docs not have the meaning "a time during a segment or at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place", but rather "a time over the duration of which an action lasts and at the end of w hich an action is completed". The most common occurrence is in the Gospel quote "I will destroy this temple made with hands, and within three days I w ill build another made w ithout hands". It is not during a segment or at one point within the boundaries of the three days at w hich the new temple will be built; but rather by the end of the three-day period the action of building will have been completed. Thus the Aktionsart here may be defined as resultative, and the semantic class of verbs used in such situations, which themselves may defined as tclic, arc verbs of achievement. 1 13 prepositionless ACC. In addition, both of these meanings may be expressed by other constructions as well. This chapter deals with only the meanings of the prepositionless INS; a comparison between the prepositionless INS and other constructions will be made in the conclusion. >4.1.1 In the first two meanings a limited number of nouns with temporal meaning are used; a ln l 'day', NOtgL 'night', and yffcTO 'year'. In the third meaning, adverbial quantifiers (KO/ib. ’how many' and m zhoto 'many') and numerals with the suffixes -Ml).<3, -Hi)L, or -iu lah which signify repetition (&ZTOpHI)£lff/AZa TpGTMyewt/TpGTH I i)H/TpHiiia ah 'three times', YGTaopHL)GW! 'four times', and c&amhijgk [in many forms and spellings! 'seven times') are used. A form of the number'one'is used without a specialized suffix: t€AHNOlff 'onetime'. 4.1.2 There is no one single Greek construction to which the OCS prepositionless INS corresponds—this is expected, since the prepositionless INS renders three different meanings, two of which can also be expressed by other constructions. In the first meaning of the prepositionless INS—a time within which an action is completed—we can find a Greek prepositionless GEN, prepositionless DAT, ev + DAT and Slq + GEN. In the second meaning—a time during a segment or at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place—we find mainly GEN constructions in Greek, but prepositionless DAT constructions also occur. In the third meaning—how many times an action is repeated—as discussed in Chapter 3 (§3.12.1), we find mainly adverbialized ACC constructions, but we also find adverbs, and the prepositional construction + GEN. I 15 4.1.3 In spite of the overlapping of meaning between the prepositionless INS and other constructions in OCS and the various sources for it in Greek, we nonetheless find great consistency among the OCS texts in its use, at least in the first two meanings. In fact, of sixteen verses which use various prepositionless INS constructions, only two— L 3:23 and 8:29, to be discussed later in the chapter (§4.4.2 and 4.4.3)—show variation. In the third meaning, however, we see great variation with the prepositionless ACC construction for 'two times' and 'three times' and with the adverbial quantifiers KO/lL 'how many', but none for numerals higher than three and none with the adverbial quantifier mznoto 'many'. 4.2 In the first meaning of the prepositionless INS—a time within which an action is completed—one noun occurs regularly —alnl 'day'—and two occur rarely—NOijiL 'night' and yi'feTO 'year'. In this meaning, the nouns are always modified by either a numeral or a quantifier (specifically— w znotz 'many'). 4.3. ^LNk. 'day' occurs both in the SG (once) and in the PL (eight times) in this first meaning of the prepositionless INS phrase. The one example of the occurrence of alnl in the SG is found in Cloz in the phrase teAlNfcML A^MkML 'within one day': CIoz 8b: 17-18 Mowewz ko ce CTtopiTH . . . £ 4 1wtiMh. ztb.nc.ML This corresponds to the Greek ev + DAT: Cloz 8b: 17-18 Suvatov -pap k q l ev ftta f|H.epa t o u t o 'pevecrBQc Note that the main verb here—CTROpHTH—is of perfective aspect; this is the rule with these constructions. As mentioned in the beginning of this chapter, the Aktionsart here may be defined as resultative, and the semantic class of verbs used in such situations, which themselves may defined as telic, are verbs of achievement-thus the perfective aspect. The emphasis here, perhaps, is the completion of an act which is thought to be impossible to complete in such a short time—’this we can do (accomplish)...//? one day!'. 4.3.1 In the Gospels, we find six occurrences of the prepositionless INS phrase TpLMH 4 L.NLWM 'within three days': Mk 14:58 , , . H TpLMH 4h.Kh.MH MN3R NR pXKOTROpRNX CZJHWrt* (Ost) J 2:20 . . . TO TZI AY\ TpLMI 4RNLMI CLJIJMEUJH •* (Asm) Two of these six occurrences correspond to a phrase in Greek with Sua + GEN, which in temporal constructions in Koine expresses the meaning "eine dazwischen verflossene Zcit = "nach"... Unklassisch fur die Zeitraum, innerhalb dessen etwas geschieht: Sta Tpicov f)p.epwv "binnen drei T." " (Blass 1949, §223): Mt 26:61 . . . kql Slq Tpi-wv rm ep u v ( qxjtov ) otKoSopt?icraL The other four correspond to the familiar ey + DAT: J 2:20 Kql cru ev tpnTLV fip.epais’ eTePe*-S auTov; in this particular instance, the meaning of the Greek construction with e v overlaps that of the Greek prepositionless GEN: W. Bauer (1979, 260) defines this usage of e v + DAT as denoting a period of time "covered by an occurrence of action in the course of, within". Although this definition may appear to be ambiguous, Bauer is trying to describe the two parts of the meaning conveyed by this construction (and the corresponding OCS construction): first, the action covers the time period, and then it is completed within it, before the end of it. The fact that the translators) did not choose to render the Greek e v + DAT with B 2 + ACC—which as we know is the most frequent correspondence for e v + DAT—suggests that this different meaning forev + DAT was understood by the translator(s), who chose a form that fit the meaning (prepositionless INS) rather than the norm (sz + ACC). 4.3.2 Supr has the prepositionless INS of the phrase YfcTZipLMH a b c a t z i a ^ nhh 'within forty days': Supr 68:24-25 testce noYEytz icch y c t z i o l m h dec^iTZi 4 Lnhh n o c T d ■) Supr 68:25-26 Y£TZIp MH aeCATZI 4LNMH nOCTOMZ tUHM HJHCkdRZ rocnoAd BHAt^z The latter occurrence seems to be an equivalant of the prepositionless ACC to express duration of time (fasting/or forts' days); however, it is also possible to interpret this as either the first or second meaning of the prepositionless INS. If y e t z i pL m h I 18 4 &CMTZ i 4LNHH nocTOMZ were to be interpreted as 'within forty days of fasting’ in the sense that after the completion of forty days of fasting, Elisiah saw the Lord, then this would be an example of the first meaning of the prepositionless INS. If, on the other hand, it were to be interpreted as 'within forty days of fasting’ in the sense that at some point during the forty days of fasting, Elisiah saw the Lord, then this would be an example of the second meaning of the prepositionless INS. 4 .4 .1 The noun /itTO 'year' appears in J 2:20 in the prepositionless INS, expressing the meaning of a time within which an action is completed: T ^ J 2:20 YETZipZMH d&CtfsTZI H UlECTHMi >fkTZ CZJZ4 CH (Mar) where it corresponds to a Greek prepositionless DAT: J 2:20 xetnrepaKOVTa kql eTeaxv OLKoSopriBr) o vadj o x j t o s 2 Six of the seven examined manuscripts attest this verse, and all six show the prepositionless INS. Robertson categorizes such occurrences of the Greek prepositionless DAT as "associative-instrumental" (1914, 523), a term which he does The English translation shows an interesting rewording to highlight the length of time required to complete the action: "It has taken lorty-six years to build this temple, and You raise it up in three days?". 1 19 not define exactly (cf. the discussion of the associative-instrumental DAT, 526-527), but which may be assumed to be the traditional grammatical designation of "association". 4.4.2 The two other occurrences of the prepositionless INS of /ffeTO, however, occur in only one manuscript each, and neither seem to render the meaning of the Greek text. In L3:23, the Greek text shows L3:23 kgl a u x o s f)v ’Iritrous ap x an .ev o s wcret etwv xpuaKOVTQ . . with a GEN expressing age. In Mar, D, and Mir, we see a prepositionless DAT: L3:23 I TZ E’b HCZ teXO TpfcMZ dECiftT&MZ ,fkTZ . . . (Mar) Z, however, has the prepositionless INS here: L3:23 I TZ Et. HcT feKO TpLUH 4£ClftTZI ... (Z) which appears to be an unusual use of the prepositionless INS here inasmuch as age is not one of the meanings generally expressed by this construction elsewhere. 4.4.3 L 8:29 shows two interesting grammatical divergences from the Greek: 120 L8:29 noXXoCs xpovoij truvvipTrdKEt qutov Note that the temporal expression in the Greek is in the prepositionless DAT— TToXXolj xp 6 voL£--and also that the verb— 0"\jvr)pTTQK£L--is in the pluperfect tense. The pluperfect is used in Greek to express an action in the past which occurred before another action in the past. This occurrence of the prepositionless DAT ttoXXols xpovoLj is defined by Blass (1949, § 2 0 1 ) as fulfilling the normal function of the prepositionless ACC: Der temp. Dat. auf die Frage ”wie lartge?" steht unklassisch statt des Akk., doch gesichert nur bei transit. Vb. und vereinzelt beim Passivum, wahrend bei intransit. Vb. der Akk. bleibt... Der Grund des Dat. scheinl zu sein, daB man den Akk. als Objektsakk. empfand u. darum nicht gem neben ein anderes Objekt stellte... This is an unusual function of the Greek prepositionless DAT; the Modern English translates this part of the verse as ’many times it had seized him', although the sense is ’(over the course of) many years it had seized him (repeatedly)'. Robertson cites this verse as an associative-instrumental DAT (1914, 527), "though here the locative would give a good idea, 'on many occasions'..., whereas the marg. ('of a long time') gives the instrumental idea". For some reason, some OCS manuscripts show here the preposition o t z +GEN: L8:29 o t z MNorz. so /fbTZ noxBdijjawG. i (Sav) L 8:29 OTL MNOrh, SO /fhTL BLCXh.HJJ<3<3UI£ H (D) 121 Also note that the tense of the verb has been changed—from pluperfect to imperfect, since the action of'seizing' has occurred repeatedly—apparently 'since (the beginning of) many years'. In Asm, the time expression was changed--to a prepositionless INS: L8:29 MHorzi so ^tTZi noxzlTddiue h (Asm) This, however, does not seem to express the first meaning of the prepositionless INS—a time within which an action is completed—unless one thinks of the action of'seizing' as being completed repeatedly within the time frame of many years. Perhaps the second meaning cf the prepositionless INS is expressed here—a time during a segment or at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place; although this too does not seem exactly right, unless the action is allowed to occur repeatedly during the time frame. It is this same repetition which probably caused the change in verbal tense in OCS from pluperfect to imperfect, as the latter is more expected with a repeated action. 4.5.1 The phrase NOlgHtR 'in one night’ as it occurs in Supr: Supr 68:2 >C4HNoa now this blcl a tK Z HjM’bNMWZ expresses a time within which an action is completed—'in one night we will change the entire age'. The noun NOlgb. does not appear in the Gospels in the prepositionless INS in this meaning. However, this phrase may be interpreted in another way: in Supr, the prepositionless INS phrase I€A(h )nokk occurs frequently in the meaning 'one time' (cf. §4.8.3 below). Numerous occurrences of phrases of the structure "(X) times per 122 (Noun)" (if this phrase is interpreted as 'one time in the night') are found throughout the OCS texts. A second occurrence, discussed in §4.7, also involves two prepositionless INS phrases C&AMRkpdTHije.iff 'seven times per day', in which it is possible that 'day' is in the INS because 'seven times' is. Based on this pattern, it is possible that this phrase te^HNOKR noljjhkk can indeed be intrepreted as 'one time per night' rather than ’(with)in one night', with NOipHix being "dragged" into the INS by tc^HNOHR. The one other occurrence of this pattern is in the phrase te^HNOM A'k.Ta 'one time per year’. Here, however, we see the prepositionless GEN of the temporal noun, which might be interpreted as a partitive GEN. It is possible that neither construction represents the actual means used in OCS to express "(X) times per (Noun)", since other explanations are so easily found to account for them. In addition, the modern Slavic languages do not show either pattern for this phrase, as will be discussed in §4.7. 4.5.2 NoigL appears several times in the Gospels, as well as frequently in Supr and Cloz, in the second meaning of the prepositionless INS--a time during a segment or at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place. Here, however, it occurs without modifiers: M t2:14 onz r z c t J 11:10 aipe k z t o xoAHTZ Houma; noTZKN&TZ ca (Sav) In every attested occurrence in the canonical manuscripts of the seven verses which contain nouihkr , all the texts contain noijjhkk with no variation—i.e. there is no other construction used. However, in L 21:37, where four of five manuscripts show the INS noijjhhr , Mir (a non-canonical manuscript) shows &z + LOC: 123 L 21:37 Ete jkr BL.ALNe oyYA e z ijpKBe a noujthj* BZdEdp-bdiue. hcxo ^ a e z ropfe . . . (Mar) L 21:37 Efe oyYR hcl 4 LNHK> e z ijpKBH a e l houjh h c x o ^ g RLARdpfeuie. ca r z rop-fe . . . (Mir) No(e also that this verse contains the only instance of the INS form alnhk )—a FEM form nonetheless—known in the Gospels. Thus Mir switched structures: INS for alnl where the other manuscripts show r z + LOC, and RZ + LOC for noijjl where the other manuscripts show INS (this is discussed further in §4.7.1). Supr also shows several occurences of RZ + LOC with NOtfJL: Supr 60:17 npH^H oyEO rl noujth Supr 334:25-26 m r z nduith to e z i c t z NoipHHR, however, also occurs in Supr, much more frequently than RZ NOtpu: Supr 11:10 11 . . . otzr& 4 £ cTp-brxiuTAA rohnzi noujthkk Supr 214:18 . . . H CTpdWLNd xpdNAWTd h noujthw : h alnhik Supr 392:10 nl noujthbi nr ocfcNkiteTZ c« as well as Cloz: Cloz 14a:7-8 nouitzkk x z r z r i t l /)omz pawAdfcTZ cm Cloz 14a:8-10 NOUJTZHt naxzi rl ciON'k . . . nopdX ddR TZ ca 124 4.5.3 Five of the seven occurrences of NOtyJHffi in the Gospels originate from a Greek prepositionless GEN: M t2:14 6 Be e-pepBeLS vxjk,tos The Greek prepositionless GEN "denotes a time within which, or at a certain point o f which, an action takes place. As contrasted with the accusative of time, the genitive denotes a portion of time. Hence the genitive of time is partitive" (Smyth 1984, §1444). Koine continues this meaning: "Dagegen ist der ktass. Gen. der Zeit, innerhalb deren etwas geschieht, dem NT nicht fremd..." (Blass 1949, 8 6). This meaning of the Greek corresponds to the meaning of the OCS prepositionless INS. 4.5.4 One occurrence of the prepositionless INS noijjhkk , in J 11:10, corresponds to a Greek ev + DAT: J 11:10 e a v Be t l s TTepuTTaTrj ev xfj vxjktc The occurrences of NOljlHffi in Cloz also render a Greek prepositionless DAT: Cloz 14a:7-8 vukxc XpLcrtos ev B^Bee^. ■pevvaTat. Cloz 14a:840 vuktl ttq X uv ev rrj Elwv e* vekptov qvucttqtql 125 However, Noijjhm; here is not unexpected, because ev T?| VUKTL implies at a moment (any moment) during the night, a meaning which is expressed by the prepositionless INS. 4.5.5 The occurrence of NOtjiHiff in L 21:37, however, corresponds to a preposition less ACC: L 21:37 rjv Se t q j v^Epas ev t u tepw Sl&qctkwv , t q s vuktqs e£epxon.evos tiuXL’seTo euy to opoj . ■ . where we would expect a corresponding prepositionless ACC in OCS to express time spent; the use of the INS here changes the meaning to the expression of a time during a segment or at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place rather than the duration of a time. This is yet another example of a change made by the translators) which demonstrates their desire to transmit meaning rather than form. 4.6 It would be appropriate at this point to contrast and compare the various constructions in which NOIJIh. can appear. As we have already seen, NOIJJtk is found in constructions with e z + ACC, and with the prepositionless ACC and prepositionless INS; it is also found with the rare prepositional constructions with okz + ACC and az + LOC. However, the usage of each of these different constructions may be distinguished. E z + ACC may only be used when Notpa is modified; in the extant texts, only when it is modified by one of the demonstratives--ck 'this' or TZ 'that'. The meaning of this construction is a time at one point within which an action occurs. In the prepositionless INS, NOl|JL only appears unmodified in the Gospels, and carries a 126 similiar meaning to the r z + ACC construction. However, it must be noted that the prepositionless INS is used to express this meaning only when noijjl is unmodified (NOtfJHtflt 'in the night'), whereas r z + ACC is used only when MOlgL is modified (rz t z NOigL 'in that night'). There is a general pattern of correspondence between the OCS and Greek texts: where OCS has r z + ACC, Greek has the preposition ev + DAT or the prepositionless DAT case, which is used, according to Smyth (1984, §1539), to denote a definite point of time (chiefly day, night, month, year, season), at which an action occurred (discussed in §2.1 and 2.8). Where OCS has the prepositionless INS, Greek generally has a prepositionless GEN, which "denotes a time within which, or at a certain point o f which, an action takes place" (Smyth 1984, §1444; discussed in §4.5.3). In Greek too there is a distinction between modified vs. unmodified vu£: vve only see the GEN when vu£ is unmodified, but ev + DAT or prepositionless DAT when vu£ is modified. Finally, in Supr (and in the one instance in Mir discussed above in §4.5.2) we find r z + LOC to express the same meaning as expressed by either the prepositionless INS or r z + ACC: Supr 60:17 npH^H o ^ eo rl nqujth However, this is not to say that Supr does not show the other constructions used with noijil to express the time during a segment or at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place—the prepositionless INS and RZ + ACC—indeed we find examples of all three in Supr. As the use of the last construction— r z + ACC—is limited to occurrences of modified HOtgL, it appears that there is free variation in Supr (but only 127 in Supr) to express'in the night'when NOliJL is unmodified: r z noi|ih and noijjhkk both render 'in the night '.1 4.6.1 In the prepositionless ACC, in the Gospels NOIJJL only appears when modified by a number—e.g. TpH N0l|lH 'for three nights'—or in a phrase with 'day and night'. Here the meaning is that of a time completely filled by an action—the duration of the activity. It corresponds to the Greek prepositionless ACC with the same meaning (discussed in §3.1.1 and 3.1.2) 4.6.2 There are at least three constructions in OCS to express 'all night’—in the Gospels we find OR(z) RL.CKR noijji corresponding to Greek 8lq oXtis vxjktoj (cf. §3.2.2) which W. Bauer (1979, 179) defines as denoting extent, "in the case of extension over a whole period of time, to its very end" when used in a temporal construction. In Supr we find both RZ + ACC (Supr 59:11-12, given in §2.8, with r z rrcx noijjr 4) and the prepositionless ACC (§3.3). However, this phrase ('all night1) is found so rarely in any construction (I found only one occurrence each of rrck nciijjr and r z RLCKR noijjl in Supr and none in the Gospels; oe (z ) rlckk noijjr Whether this represents a dialectal feature of the scribc(s) of Supr is uncertain, as cither form (eh N0t|tH or NOtpM hk ) or both forms could have been copied from the protograph, or the scribc(s) could hare made changes based upon their native dialect. Even if the latter case is true, we arc unable to determine which was the original form and which form represents a dialectal feature of eleventh-century Eastern Bulgaria. 4 Elsewhere E2 + ACC is used only when NOigh is modified by a demonstrative and renders a phrase 'in a (certain) night'and only when it corresponds to Greek ev + DAT (this distinction will be discussed further in Chapter 4 |cl . (j.4.6|). This could be an instance of a scribal error, where the scribe wrote the same syllabic twice: ez at. Although these arc two different jcrs (and arc represented correctly in this phrase), this docs not exclude the possibility that both represented the same sound lor the scribe (ez is often spelled eh; sometimes the pronominal adjclivc fihC- is found as ezc-). 128 occurs only once in the Gospels) that it is impossible to determine exactly which is the "true" construction. 4.7 The prepositionless INS of the noun AbNl ’day’ also occurs in the meaning of a time during a segment or at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place; however, it only occurs once in the Gospels, and is governed by the phrase "seven times": C€ L 17:4 M dUJTe 4 Mk.Kf>rtTHl±e.w; ALNSMZ cx rp fcw iT Z . . . (Asm) Here the prepositionless INS corresponds to a Greek GEN, which is a partitive GEN: L 17:4 kql eqv enxQMS xfjs f)n.epas apiapxricrn . . . It is possible that AbNh here was "dragged" into the INS by the INS construction of the phrase "seven times" (to be discussed in §4.8.7); however, the meaning expressed by the INS here is the same meaning expressed elsewhere. Since this is the only occurrence of "(X) times per day", it is again here impossible to establish a pattern for its expression. The INS is not used this way in any of the modem Slavic languages. For example, the Modem Russian text shows ceMb pa 3 b zteHb and the M odem Bulgarian shows cezteM m>TM H a zieH. Although Bulgarian has developed an analytical nominal system in place of the earlier synthetic system, we might expect a fixed phrase such as this to survive. Indeed, to express 'in the day', 'by day', 129 Bulgarian has the frozen INS phrase AeHeM. Since we see no traces of "(X) times per day" with 'day' in the INS, it is possible that this construction was not used in this meaning and that this occurrence is a grammatical error committed by a later scribe and transmitted from manuscript to manuscript. 4.7.1 The only other occurrence of a lnl in the prepositionless INS in the second meaning of the construction is found in Mir and perhaps also represents a grammatical error; or, more likely, a dialectalism. Compare the two examples of L 21:37: L 21:37 we el 4h.N& oyYA b z i^pKBe ^ noujthh ! BZdBdp-bdwe ca hc -xoa *?! e z rop-fe. . . . (Mar) L21:37 Et oyve hcl alnhhi ez ijpkbh a b l noljjh h c x o a e BLABtfpfeliJB CA b z ropt . . . (Mir) Note that Mir has switched structures: INS for ALNL where the other manuscripts show BZ + LOC to render 'in the day', and b z + LOC for N 0l)JL where the other manuscripts show INS to render 'in the night'. Mir, we recall, is a late twelfth-century manuscript from the Serbian redaction of Church Slavonic, and this occurrence of alnhh) could very well be one of the earliest occurrences of the Serbian expression danjU 'in the day'. The fact that in both this instance and in the modem form a ln l has taken the FEM INS SG ending rather than the MASC (alnhki instead of alnlm M is also very suggestive that we are dealing with an early occurrence of a dialectal form here. We see a similar phenomenon in Supr, where shows a FEM INS SG ending immediately following the phrase NOljJHMt; it is possible that this occurrence of alnmk ) was caused by a carryover of the -mb ending from the FEM noun NOipHlff: 130 Supr 214:18 . . . H CTpdUJLNd xpdN^UJTa m noujthkk h 4 rnhm; 4.8 Finally, in the third meaning of the prepositionless INS. that of repetition, we find the nouns k(MHUlkah 'how many times', MZNOWHt^Rix/MZNordiiiLah 'many times', and the numerals »€AHNOffi one time', RZTOpHiJRHR/AZRdLURAH 'two times', TpGTHyetK/rpGTH I Lth/TpHUJLah 'three times', various forms of "seven tim es"- c&AMHlj£ts, c&AWOpHyeuK, CGAMRkpdTHijets, and ceAMHUJb.ah. These preposition less INS phrases became adverbialized. As mentioned previously, kO^Hiub. ah, AZRdlllLAH, and TpHWkAH, etc., compete with the adverbialized prepositionless ACC to express repetition; the other nouns only occur in the prepositionless INS. Most examples of the prepositionless INS correspond to a Greek adverbialized prepositionless ACC ( |to ] TTpWTOv/npoTepov, [ to ] SeuT epov, [ to ] Tpi/cov) or a numeral with the suffix -L 5 (Sts, tpls) or - d*i,s (nocraMS, TToXXdkus, enTaias); a few, however, originate from the prepositional construction e* + GEN ( e* SeuTepou, SK TpLTOu)- 4 .8 .1 Kcuhwrah 'how many times' occurs only one time in one manuscript; Mt 23:37 KCMHUJH RRCXDTtXL CRKpdTH Y£A<1 T R ot (Mir) On the other hand, kO/tk RpdTZl 'how many times' (kpdTZ = 'time' in sense of repetition) appears in the other three attestations of this verse (in Asm, Ost and Mar): Mt 23:37 KCMh. KpdTZI EZCXOT’fclXZ CLEZpdTI TRt (Asm) and also in the two other verses—Mt 18:20 and L l3:34--where TTOuaKLj occurs in the Greek: Mt 23:37 ttoctqkls riBe^vricra eTTuruva-fQT e^v t c k v q crou As mentioned in Chapter3 (§3.12.1), mjcraKLS is a numerical adverb. 4.8.2 M ^ nokhijeix and MZNor^uiL^H 'many times', although in variation with each other, do not compete with the prepositionless ACC. They occur four times in the Gospels: Mt 17:15 MNOXHUEKK SO tl^A dC T NO OrNE H MHOrfllUTI E Z E O ^X (Asm) L 18:30 IXCE NE EECftpHHMETZ MZNOMCHUEfflt E Z EpfeMA ce . . , (Mar) and also in Supr and Cloz: Supr 133:4 mzi MNoraiuaH p-fexowz th Supr 135:13 r/taro/U JxoEt th MNorauidH Cloz 4a: 1-2 r^xuiE 1 mwoxiuekh B p arzi ceoia Cloz 9a:9-10 MZNOrflUJTH Nfl CEME JKITIH fldKOCTE TBOpUZ EC I 132 They all correspond to Greek tto XX q k l s o r T T o X X a n X a o ’L O va: M t 1 7 :1 5 tto XX q m s 'f Q p ttltttcl e i 's t o tr u p k q l tto XX q k l s e l ’s t o u S u p L 18:30 os o u x l arroXapri TToXXanXaoxova ev t w * a c p w t o u t w . . L Cloz 4a: 1-2 ^aC tto XX q k c s o u p .o v o v tcov exSpuv p.ep.vf)p.eBa Cloz 9a:9-10 tio XX q k l s e i- ’s ^ov tmpovTa pcov efiXatyas 4.8.3 The phrase te^HNOl* 'one time' appears quite frequently in Supr and Cloz, although it never occurs in the Gospels: Supr 166:21 wxpLijn tcdNOffi AtTd CAdA^Kd EpawNd noA^Mxx nyx 1 *> Supr 409:4-5 RAdAZ. IKXI XpHCTOCd NG (€4 NO IX H A BdUJrtH NX H 1 TpMLU AH icro OTZBpZrX CM c Cloz 8a:23-24 pGYGNo EXi G 4 N0 HK e x i n k N There are no instances of tE^HNOHC com peting either with an adverbialized ACC or the prepositionless ACC. Instead, the an adverbialized ACC npEEOte (etc.) is used only to mean 'first' or 'for the first tim e', not 'one time'. 133 4.8.4 K.ZTopHijElx or a z r o iu l a h 'two times', which appear in six Gospel verses and also Supr and Cloz, competes with an adverbialized ACC RZTOpote. but not the prepositionless ACC AZRd tipdTd. EzTOpoic, however, only occurs in two texts— Ost and D, both non-canonical manuscripts. Ost has four occurrences of RZTOpote to one of RZTOpHijEtx; and D has two occurrences of RZTOpote to two of RZTopHijEiffi. The other texts show only RZTOpmjEw;: Mt 26:42 naiizi RZTOpmieiat w e ^ z noytUH ca (Mar) Mt 26:42 ndKZi RZTOpote uilaz noyO/tH ca (Ost) J 3:4 £4 d MOJKETZ RZTODHtlEtK RZ XTpQEX RL/Cfe.CTH . . . (Z) J 3:4 E4 Supr 411:3-4 4RdUJ4H e l NE 4 ,fc/tM 4 &LpLlJ A OTRpZJdA Supr 444:1-2 h ndxzi RZTopmiEMt . . . czTROptt teyoy czRpzuJEN'fctc Cloz lb:2-4 h rtdKzi rpA^A . . , RZTopmsw na oE/tfnjfexz rz nece K.ZTopmjEMt has three different Greek sources—in Mk 14:30, RZTOpHLjEHK corresponds to Greek Sl j: Mk 14:30 npuv fi Sls dXeKxopa cpwvficrQL xpts p.e dnapvricn^ while in J 3:4 and 21:26 and Cloz lb:2-4, RZTOpHljEKK corresponds to Greek SeOxepov: 134 J 3:4 n.f| Suvaxat, el’s tk |v koi X uiv . . . Seuxepov eureXBeCv Cloz lb:2-4 i^aC ttqXlv epxop.evos . . . Seuxepov e£ oupavou ETTL XWV V E tp eX w V and in three verses—Mt 26:42, Mk 14:71/2 and J 9:24, RZTOpHijeHK corresponds to Greek ek , S eu x ep o u : Mt 26:42 tto X lv e* Seuxepou aneXBtov npocrr|u£axo The two latter constructions—Seuxepov and e* Seuxepou—carry the meaning of 'for a second time', whereas Sts simply carries the meaning of 'two times'; perhaps this is why Ost and D translate Seuxepov and ek Seuxepou as RZTOpote .5 4.8.4.1 It is interesting to observe that in Mk 14:71/2, the phrase "two times" occurs twice, and each manuscript puts each occurrence in a separate construction—for the first occurrence, Ost and D both show the adverbialized ACC RZTOpote, while Mar and Z have the prepositionless INS KZTOpHtjCHK; in the second occurrence, Ost, Mar and Z (D omits the phrase) have the prepositionless ACC phrase a z r <3 kpdT However, this distinction corresponds to a structural—and semantic—distinction in Greek: RZTOpote and RZTopmjEix correspond to Greek ek S euxepou 'for a second time'; while 4ZR4 kpdTd corresponds to Greek Sts 'twice'. This suggests that the Slavic constructions carried similar semantic distinctions as well. Neither text contains Mk 14:30. 135 4.8.5 We see similar patterns with TpGTHije,ws/TpGTHlUH/TpHUiLAH 'three times’: Ost has the adverbialized ACC TpGTHt€t€in its place three times in the two attested verses—Mt 26:44 and J 21:17: Mt 26:44 ndKZi ujz^z nowtMM CA TpGTHtGtc (Ost) Sav also shows the adverbialized ACC TpGTH(€l€two times in J 21:17: J 21:17, r 7 a &Moy tpgthgg (Sav) J 21:172 mko pe,Y& GMoy tpgthgg (Sav) However, in Mt 26:44 and J 21:14 it shows the INS: Mt 2 6 :4 4 naiezi i u z a z nowo>tM c a me.mew: [sic-SF| (Sav) Asm, Mar, Z, D and Mir only show TpGTHij&l* or TpGTM 114H: Mk 14:41 1 npHAG Tp&TMHUH (Mar) L 23:22 ONZ )K& TpGTHI llgh: pGYG KZ MHWZ (Z) Like RZTOpHi^GHK, TpGTHtjGMt has three different Greek sources: the adverbialized ACC tpltov (the NTR ACC SG adjective used adverbially) 'for a third time': L 23:22 o 6 e TptTov ecnav npoj auxouj the articulated adverbial to tpltov: 136 J 21:17 Xe*fei QUTW TO TpLTOV and e* tpltou: Mt 26:44 rraXLV dneX B w v npoaiiu^aTO ek tpltou There appears to be no distinction for the use of the INS forms TpSTHyEUK vs. TpETHiyH: for example, in J 21:17 to tpltov occurs two times in the Greek text: J 21:17 Xe-fEL QUTL) TO TpLTOV - - - ELTTEV QUTOJ TO TpLTOV In the first occurrence, Asm, D and Mir have TpETHyEHt, while Z has TpETMl yw; the same is true of the second occurrence, except for Asm, which has TpETHiyH. Thus, within one verse in one text, both INS variants occur. 4.8.5.1 There is another prepositionless INS variant of 'three times'—TpHUJLAH. However, this variant occurs only in D (spelled TpHtpw): Mk 14:71/2 np'fcjKfle a ^ w e nATE^iL ne e l jLr,i TpHUJH (D) J 13:38 NE ELjr^dCHTL HATE^tL AONLAEWE OTEpDKCIUH CA MENE TpHUJH (D) and replace a prepositionless ACC TpH KpdTXi found in all other texts: Mk 14:71/2 npfcwAC 4 aw e Koypz ng R z jr,ta c H T z 4 ZR OTZRpZ)KGlliH CA MGNG TpH kpflTZt (Z) J 13:38 . . . OTRpDKGUlH CA MGNG TpH KpdTZ I (Sav) Supr shows this form too, although it also attests TpGTMtjGW: Supr 409:4-5 RAaA7z\\iz.\ >^pHCToc Supr 444:1-2 H tldK ZI . . . TpGTHUGKK CZTROpH tGWOV CZRpZUJGN-fclC 4.8.6 Supr shows a similar usage for the phrase 'four times', a phrase which does not occur in the Gospels: Supr 266:8-9 JdKONZ YGTROpO YGTB.OpHU.GtB O^pGYG Notice that in this instance YGTROpHljGlff is preceded by a numerical adverb YGTROpo. The combination may be translated as 'four times four' and is followed in the same passage by the same construction with 'seven', to be discussed below. 4.8.7 The Greek phrase ctttqkls 'seven times', which occurs in various forms in OCS- cg ^ mhi ^gkr , CG4M0pHi^Gm, CG4MBKpdTmjGMi, and CG4MHWL4H--occurs three times in two verses. In Mt 18:22, which is only attested in Mar, the Greek shows a prepositional construction with ews 'until' with a numerical adverb in - qkcj : Mt 18:22 ou \ i y b i ctol eu>s etttqm -s aX X d e w j efi&on.v)KOVTdKLS ETTTQ 138 Mar has the corresponding 4 0 'until', and then the prepositionless INS: Mt 18:22 ne rTt* T t s t 40 CE4 ME KpdTZ n x 40 ce4m u 4 £ C m t z Kparz. cedMHU&KK (Mar) In L 17:4. all of the attested Slavic forms occur in the prepositionless INS. The exact form of the word, however, varies from text to text and even within a text. In Mt 18:22. Mar, with the only attestion, shows C£4 Mhijem;, as w e saw above. But in L 17:4, C&4 MopHijcix occurs twice in this same text: L 17:4 H dlUTE CEAMODHUEMS 4LNEMZ CXrpfclllHTZ , , . H CE4M0pHUEMI 4KNEMU OEpdTMTX cm rX * cm (Mar) In this same verse, Asm first has CE 4 MttKpdTHijEKK and then CE4 MHI4 EHR: C€ L 17:4 M <3 LUTE 4 WEKpdTHIJEW; AKNEMZ C Z rptlU IT Z . . . . . . M CE4MHUSKB OEpdTITZ CM KE TEEfc (Asm) Finally, we see one more variant in Ost-CE 4 MHUiL4 H: L 17:4 H dtgE CE4MHUIU4H 4 LNLML CXrpfellJHTZ . , , H CE.dMHLUb.ilH OEpdTHTL CM KZ T E S t (Ost) L 17:4 kql eqv etttokls fmepos apiapTrpj st’s crs KQL etttolkls (xfis fmspas) STTiaTpEiJtVj npos* cte . . . As mentioned earlier, Supr also shows usage of this adverbialized phrase: 139 Supr 266:7-8 a tc ^ h ijx a <\ JK^-feAGTZ ce^yopo ce./tMHU&ffi As with the phrase involving 'four', this combination of ccAMOpo ce. 4 yHLje.Ki; can be translated as 'seven times seven'. Note that two different forms were chosen within the one phrase—the first an adverbialized ACC adjective, the second an adverbialized INS noun. It is possible that two different constructions were chosen for stylistic reasons— simply to avoid the repetition of the same lexical item. 4.9 In summary, the prepositionless INS occurs with the nouns 4 LNL 'day', noijil 'night', and ^t’fe.TO 'year'; with the adverbial quantifiers kcml 'how many' and y z.n o ro 'many'; and with numerals. The nouns 4 LNL and /it;to in the prepositionless INS occur in the first meaning of this construction—they express a time within which an action is completed. In the second meaning of the prepositionless INS—a time during a segment or at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place—the noun NOigL occurs frequently; a ln l is found three times, and all three times may be grammatical mistakes ("scribal error") or dialectal forms. The adverbial quantifiers and numerals occur only in the third meaning of this construction—they express frequency of the repetition of an action. The prepositionless INS phrase resulting from this third meaning (e.g. axTOpHljeis 'two times') became adverbialized, and it competes with the prepositionless ACC, both in its adverbialized form (e.g. RZTOpoe 'fora second time') and with the noun KpdTZ (e.g. 4 z a a \tpaTa 'two times'). In usages of the prepositionless INS in its first meaning, we see no variations with other constructions; however, the second meaning of the prepositionless INS 140 overlap with meanings expressed by other prepositionless cases and prepositional constructions. Each of these constructions, although they share similar meanings, carries a different nuance of those meanings. An example of this was given for NOipB. Not only does the prepositionless INS in OCS have three different meanings, but we have seen that it has different Greek sources: in the first meaning, the prepositionless INS can render a Greek prepositionless GEN, prepositionless DAT, ev + DAT and 5lo + GEN; in the second meaning—Greek prepositionless GEN or prepositionless DAT; in the third meaning—prepositionless ACC constructions (adverbialized and sometimes articulated) or &K + GEN. But it is not unexpected that we see different Greek constructions as sources for the OCS prepositionless INS, as this constmction expresses so many different meanings and nuances of meanings. 4.9.1 It is in its second meaning—a time during a segment or at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place—that the prepositionless INS remains most active in the modern Slavic languages. Perhaps on the basis of the phrase ncujjhkk 'at night, by night' or 'in the night(time)', the INS spread to the other parts of the day in Modern Russian. Thus we see yTpoM 'in the morning' instead of tOTp’fe (the prepositionless LOC; cf. §5.6); BeMepoM 'in the evening' instead of BfcYepz (the prepositionless ACC; cf. §3.10); and ztHeM 'in the day(time)' instead of BZ abne (bz + LOC; cf. §9.3). Bulgarian, too, preserves remnants of an earlier synthetic system in phrases such as aeHeM 'by day' and HomeM 'by night'. In Bulgarian we see that the MASC soft ending -eM was appropriated by the FEM noun Hout. In Serbo-Croatian we see the opposite—the spread of the FEM ending (—j U) to the MASC noun: danjU 'by day' and n0CU 'by night'. Most of these temporal phrases are expressed with other constructions in the West Slavic languages (for example the adverbialized form of the prepositionless ACC or R.Z + LOC), but Polish does preserve two fixed phrases for 'in the evening', both of which are categorized in the dictionary as adverbs: we see both the SG and the PL of the INS of Wieczor-Wi eczorem and wieczorami. However, these two adverbs compete with yet a third: WiecZOf, which is a frozen prepositionless ACC of the same noun. Different constructions are used in Polish for the other parts of the day: W nocy 'at night, by night' and W dzien 'by day’. The adverb ratio 'early' is found in place of earlier constructions with the noun 'morning' to mean 'in the morning’. This latter shift occurred in all of the West Slavic languages: jlltXO 'morning' came to mean 'tomorrow' and ratio (or rano) 'early' came to mean 'morning'. It is possible that this semantic shift occurred on the basis of the German model, a language which heavily influenced the West Slavic languages. In German, m orgen means both 'tomorrow' and 'morning'; to express 'tomorrow morning’, however, the phrase morgen fruh'tomorrow early’ is used, thereby jutro rano 'tomorrow early’ came to be used in Polish, Czech and Slovak to express 'tomorrow morning'. Eventually, the adverb ran o acquired the meaning 'morning' independently of the construction jutro rano. Although OCS may have escaped such structural and semantic shifts under the influence of Greek, the other Slavic languages have not always been so immune to outside influence. CHAPTER V THE PREPOSITIONLESS LOCATIVE 5.1 The prepositionless LOC is a relatively rare construction in OCS for the expression of temporal concepts. It is found with a limited number of nouns with temporal meaning: Yacz 'hour', NOlJJL 'night', no,tZ 4 LNL 'mid-day', ntMZNOlpL 'm id-night ' , 1 j n y a 'winter', /tteTO 'year' and K)Tpo ’morning' (J. Bauer in Kurz 1963, 270). In the texts of the canonical manuscripts it only occurs with the nouns Ytftcz, ncMZNOijJL, jHMd, /ffcTO and tOTpo and is a relatively frequent constructions with these particular nouns; however, in almost every occurrence it is in competition with some other construction. This is due to the fact that the meaning of the prepositionless LOC--a time at which, or a time during one segment or at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place—coincides with the meanings of many other OCS constructions. As H.S. Orenstein writes in his 1978 dissertation. JWJhen the nonprepositional locative |i.e. the prepositionless LOC| does occur, we have no distincl linguistic environment, syntactic or semantic, where it occurs to the exclusion of any other syntactic construction |italics mine—SF|. Whatever the context in which the nonprepositional locative does occur, we can always find elsewhere a syntactic doublet rendering the same function (51). ' Literally, ik m zalnl ’hall'-day', ncMZhtotjJtL 'half-night'; both arc compounds composed of two dcclincublc nouns. As was discussed in the Introduction, the modern conceptions of lime do not apply here. Thus nOstZNOtgb. is 'middle of the night' rather than 'midnight'. I will refer to it as 'mid-mghl', however, with the understanding that it bears the former rather than the latter meaning. 142 143 He gives examples of five different syntactic constructions "that could fulfill the same semantic function with regard to expressing a temporal relationship: TOMk #££/fkT*b (unbound locative) &Z TOMtk /ttT t. (bound locative) t o )KE /fbTO (unbound accusative) BZ TO /fbTO (boundaccusative) T o r o jkg /ftT<3 (unbound genitive) The above were at one time all translatable as 'this summer'" (ibid, 78). Although he is referring specifically to Old Russian, the same can be said of OCS as well. And although the prepositionless LOC has disappeared completely from the modem Slavic languages (having been replaced either by the prepositional LOC or other constructions, prepositionless or prepositional), the older Slavic languages (including OCS) give ample evidence to demonstrate that at one time in the early history of Slavic, the prepositional LOC was indeed an active means of expressing time. In Old Russian, for example, the prepositionless LOC was actively used in the early historical period, and "occur[s] with about the same frequency in Old Russian manuscripts as [it does| in [OCS1" (Orenstein 1978,74). In Old Russian in general, as in OCS, the LOC of time "expressed the segment during which the action took place, although the action itself did not necessarily occur continually during the expressed time sequence" (ibid, 74). In Old Russian we find the prepositionless LOC in temporal contexts most frequently with the nouns which name the seasons (rgcnh 'spring', /fbTO 'summer', oc&Nk 'autumn' and 'winter'), the day and its parts (AkNk 'day', o y T p o 'morning', KGYGpz 'evening' and NO Yk 'night'), specific times (Y 'hour/time', ntUZNOYL 'mid-night'. no,4ZAlNL 'mid-day'), and with a few other nouns (for example N&d&/ seventeenth century, it had become obsolete and was replaced by other constructions: phrases such as TOMR /t'fe.T'fe. 'in that year’ were first replaced by prepositionless GEN constructions (T oro A'k.ya 'in that year'), which in turn were replaced by prepositional constructions ( b t o m rcvty 'in that year’). Others were replaced by the prepositionless INS construction (jHM’fe. 'in the winter', oyTpte 'in the morning' were replaced by the (now frozen| adverbials 3MMOH, yTpoM) (Lomtev 1956, §117). By the fifteenth and especially sixteenth century, the presence of a modifier with a noun in the prepositionless LOC in Russian had become quite rare, since they had become by this time purely adverbial forms, which would be disturbed by a the presence of a modifier (Toporov 1961, 22-23). Indeed, many of the prepositionless LOC forms of OCS as well can be interpreted as adverbs, answering the question "when?" (J. Bauer in Kurz 1963, 270). Orenstein discusses the extreme view of some linguists who insist that "as a group, these time expressions are already fixed and should no longer be considered inflected forms" (Orenstein 1978, 77). However, the more generally accepted opinion is that "as early as the |OCS| manuscripts...these constructions are already showing at least a partial degree of adverbialization" (ibid, 77 [italics mine— SFJ). The prepositionless LOC of time is also attested in Old Czech in the phrases Zime 'in the winter’, lete 'in the summer', dne 'in the day', nod 'in the night’, j Litre 'tomorrow', (te) hodine 'at (that) hour' (J. Bauer 1950, 41). In Old Polish the prepositionless LOC of place was rare, and has been totally replaced with the LOC with the preposition W ( r z ) . However, the prepositionless LOC of time is found not only in Old Polish, but was also preserved in several adverbs, for example lecie (= W 145 lecie) 'in the summer', Zimie 'in the winter', as, for example, in the proverb kto Zimie proznuje, lecie gl'Od poCZUje(ibid, 41). In Serbo-Croatian traces of the prepositionless LOC are also preserved in a few adverbial phrases: lani 'last year', Zimi 'in the winter', 1 jeti 'in the summer', onomlani 'in that year’, onomadne (< onoml ALN&) 'on that day', polunoci 'at m id-night'(ibid, 42-43). Examples can also be found from older stages of the language: ni zimi ni liti; boja bije tri nedjelje dana, noci. dnevi. svagda bez preslana ma boj biju i dnevi i noci ko 1 ieti gori, zimi godi (Miklosich 1926,650) Bulgarian, which has lost nominal declension, preserves only a few adverbs from the prepositionless LOC (e.g. 3 MMe 'in the winter', JieTe 'in the summer'). According to Bauer, the prepositionless LOC of time is well attested in Middle Bulgarian manuscripts, as seen in the Ochrid Apostle, the Dobromir Gospel, the Vracanskij Gospel, and the Trojanskd povest'. He cites examples of some phrases which will be discussed later: Mt 24:20 £ a ng K'kcTBO sau te . . . (Dob; Skut. 12. 62) toh moujh Kt, neTpz cn No list of abbreviations is given in this article; this citation drrcs not appear to come from one of the texts which he has specifically mentioned. 146 However, even in Dobromir (D) already in the two cited places we see s z no^oyNOlgn 'at mid-night 1 (ez + LOC) and in Trojanskd povest' (261) already we see BZ + ACC: EZ nCMOyNOIJJZ. In place of the prepositionless LOC toml Y which is seen in the OCS manuscripts Mar and Asm (Mt 17:18), already in Vracanskij £ (51b) we see BZ toh Yd, and a tomz Y dct in D. J/Tp-fc 'tomorrow'is attested twice (L 2:28 and 13:33; D), which turned into an adverb (J. Bauer 1950,43). In OCS (and the other older Slavic languages) the use of the prepositionless LOC competes with the prepositionless ACC, EZ + ACC, e z + LOC, and, in one instance each, the prepositionless DAT and o t z 'from' + GEN. Often the preposition less LOC has as its source a Greek prepositionless GEN, but it can also correspond to an adverbialized ACC, or, in one instance, qtto 'from' + GEN. 5.2 The prepositionless LOC of YdCZ 'hour' only occurs twice in the Gospels and in both occurrences YdCZ is modified by the demonstrative t z ’that'. In this instance, Y d cz can be interpreted in its original meaning (cf. Chapter 2, §2.6.7) of 'time', so that the action occurred 'at that time' or even 'at that moment'3: Mt 15:28 M HCIit/ffe AZlgH toml Y flct (Ost) Mt 17:18 h HCij'fevi'b oTpokz toml Ydch (Ost) 3 When interviewing native speakers of various modern Slavic languages for the information found in the charts in Appendix V, all of them expressed hesitation at saying 'at that hour'. Although they could supply a form, they expressed a desire to say 'at that lime' or 'at that moment' instead. Even in English the phrase 'at that hour’ strikes the car as somewhat odd, unless restricted to a very specific context. Al ter all, if we arc referring to the time at which an action occurs, we expect that time to be shorter than the lime frame of an hour—a moment, perhaps. 147 However, as was discussed in Chapter 2 (§2.6.1.1), neither of these occurrences of tomb Yiiict have as their source a Greek lev +1 DAT; rather, they have as their source a Greek qtto + GEN 'from th a t hour': Mt 15:28 kql ud0ri f) Bu-paTrip autris and xfis iopas e^euvris Mt 17:18 eOepaneuOri o nats o .tto t % copas eKeuvrjs In Mt 15:28, Ost is the only one of five manuscripts which attest this verse to have the prepositionless LOC here— all the other four manuscripts have + ACC: Mt 15:28 i AZtpu ena bo t z Ydcz (Mar) It is tempting to view this occurrence of the prepositionless LOC tomb YdC*fc in Ost as a dialectal feature of Russian inserted into a Church Slavonic manuscript; however, in Mt 17:18, all of the manuscripts except one (Sav) show tomb Yack. This seems to contradict Bauer's claim that "Savvina kniga is the most conservative in the preservation of the plain LOC" (1950, 53-54), so that perhaps the phrase as found in Sav is representing a more archaic form than the others, which would represent innovative forms, replacing the prepositionless LOC. If Sav is supposed to be the most conservative manuscript, then the other manuscripts, which would attest innovative forms regarding the prepositionless LOC, must either represent copies of prototypes which contain the prepositionless LOC forms; or they demonstrate that even in the less 148 "conservative" manuscripts, the prepositionless LOC was still a viable construction to express the time at which an action occurs. In Mt 17:18, however, Sav, instead of using the prepositionless LOC, translates the Greek otto Trfc to p aj ei^etvrij with an exact equivalent— o t z + GEN: Mt 17:18 m OTpoxz o t z T oro Y TOMk Yacb also occurs in Supr: Supr 264:21 tomr Ydc*b. uoj'fe tcyoy oyTRpLrtMRZ Supr 434:20 toml Y 5.3 Discrepancies—although fewer—also arise in the phrase no^toyNQijjH 'at mid night'. This phrase occurs in three Gospel verses: Mt 25:6 no^oy moiuth 4 we Rzrui szictz (Mar) Mk 13:35 ng. R*fecTG so nz.r/\a r£T rtowoy npH/jGTZ aw R&YGpz aw nO^pyNOtllTH AW RZ KOVpOrytdUI&NRG aw oyTpo (Z) L 11:5 h HflGT kl ngmov nO/toyNOUJTi (Asm) 4 There arc no differences in meaning between the forms ncuoy N 01|1H and ntMOyNOljiH; it is simply a matter of editorial choice (in the modem, published edition) to write this as one word or two; recall that the original mss. show no word divisions. In the modem Slavic languages, the convention is to write n 0/iZN0i|JL (and no^z^LNL) as one word. Recall from the discussion in the Introduction that ncuzuotjiL and no/iZALNt. actually mean ‘middle of the night' and 'middle of the day'. 149 However, in Mk 13:35 and L 11:5, one text for each verse has s z + LOC instead of the prepositionless LOC: Mk 13:35 we a-fecTe ko Kor^a rk. aowoy npn^GTZ . . , AM B .Z ntMOMNOtUTH (Mar) L I 1:5 H4 GTL K NGMW Eh. nO/WHOUIH (Mir) The meaning of e z + LOC as used here, however, coincides with the meaning of the prepositionless LOC—a time at which an action occurs. And in its form, too, e z + LOC is quite similar to the prepositionless LOC—they are differentiated only by the preposition e z . Thus the use of e z + LOC is not problematic here. 5.3.1 n 0 /t0VN0 i|tn corresponds to three different Greek constructions—two with the prepositionless GEN ([^.eCTtij vuKtos or (^.etrovuKTlou) and one with an adverbialized ACC 5 (n.eO’OVUKTLOv/1: Mt25:6 niseis Se vuktoj Kpau-rri y e y o v e v Robertson (1914) defines this use of the ACC, adverbial in nature, as designating a point of time rather than extent of time (471), f’ The first Greek phrase (p.ecrt'iS' vuxtoj ) is a two-word phrase; note that the enclitic particle Se is inserted alter the first word, dividing the phrase. The other two phrases (p.etrovuxTLOXj and petrovxiKTLOv) arc one-word compounds, and are indivisible. Such ux> is the OCS phrase nojZNOiph. it is a one-word, indivisible compound. Note that the enclitic particles xcc and ah 'or' cannot be inserted between the parts, and can only fall al ter the entire compound. Although it is an indivisible unit on that sentential level, on another one no^ZMOigk is clearly seen as a compound: in its declension. Both no/tz 'hair and NotgL 'night'are declined: ntMoy andtioigH. 150 LI 1:5 K,aC TTOpeuceTaL npoj qutov necrovuKTLOu Mk 13:35 ouk, oufcaTe -f^P tto te 6 Kupcos xfij olkios epxexac >1 o 4 »e H ^ecrovxJKTLOv fi dXeKTOpocpwvuis H ttpojl 5.3.2 ri0/40VN0t|JH also occurs in Supr: Supr 273:4-5 ncuoyNOtitTH we. EEti/th,* s z ictl However, EZ no-toyNOijJH also occurs in Supr, much more frequently than no/toy noijjh: Supr 135:25 sz no^oy nouith jk& W 0 /tAUJT&w<3 Supr 184:20 e z npytovf noujth nprnnzrtzujoy KNAjoy . . . Supr275:20 s z no^oy noujth jke ELrML k z i c t z Thus OCS had two active means for rendering Greek ^ ectovuktlov , et al., 'at mid night': the prepositionless LOC and e z + LOC, which appear to be in free variation with each other. In fact, these two constructions are not so far apart structurally--they involve the same case (LOC), with the presence of a preposition (ez). The prepositionless LOC was eliminated as an active structure in the history of the Slavic languages; perhaps we see here an early encroachment of the prepositional structure into the domain of the prepositionless one. 151 5.4 The noun J hm a 'winter' also occurs in the prepositionless LOC. but in the meaning of a time during one segment of which an action takes place. 'in winter' occurs twice in the Gospels, with only one variation—Sav contains the adverbial form jhml .no in Mt 24:20. Otherwise: Mt 24:20 a *a ng escaetz K-tcTuo sauie ?HMt . . (Asm) Mk 13:18 A Both correspond to a Greek GEN xem.wvoj: Mt 24:20 tva n.rj 'rEvtycai f| tpu-prj xj^ wv x e in w v o j |4.r|5e crappaTW Mk 13:18 lvq n.r| 'pevnTat [f] tpu-pn u|4.wv]7 xet+iwvoj As mentioned earlier, the Greek GEN of time "denotes a time within which, or at a certain point of which, an action takes place" (Smyth 1984, §1444). The GEN continues to be used to expressed this meaning in Koine: "Dagegen ist der klass. Gen. der Zeit, innerhalb deren etwas geschieht, dem NT nicht fremd: xem.wvoj ... 'wahrend des Winters'..." (Blass 1949, §186). Robertson (1914, 522) states that the difference between the LOO* (i.e. the DAT fulfilling a LOC function) and the genitive: 7 Only a lew Greek mss. have the explicit subject f) cpu-pri upijv in this vcrsc, inc. M; as the Slavic texts were probably translated from a prototype which did include f) cpu-pf| upioiv, I give the reading containing it. Note that this is once again an instance which demonstrates the likelihood of the Greek prototype being a lectionary rather than a Tctragospcl. ** Although distinct LOC and INS cases had been lost by the time of Ancient Greek, having merged with the DAT, scholars distinguish types of datives according to the function which they fulfill. 152 is not quite so clear... The difference lies in the essential meaning of the two cases. The locative is a point and the genitive is the case of genus. Thus in Mt 24:20 we have tva p.f| yevriTQL f) cpu-pr) upZjv xei+icjvos H.r)6 e crappaTu. It is not mere hair-splitting to note that winter is here set over against summer (time within which) and that Sabbath is the point of time. In practical result the difference is very slight, but it is hardly just to regard the two usages without difference. The meaning of the OCS prepositionless LOC here corresponds to the Greek prepositionless GEN. 5.5 We have the same correspondence between the OCS prepositionless LOC and the Greek prepositionless GEN in J 18:13: J 18:13 . . . Mwe E*fc dpxH&pGi tome /fbrt (Sav) J 18:13 . . . o j v)v QpxLEpeus tou cvlqutou e*eLvou where tom e /t'feT'k 'in that year 1 corresponds to the Greek prepositionless GEN tou evtauTou EKetvou- However, Sav is the only manuscript with the prepositionless LOC here—all the other manuscripts have the prepositionless DAT (Mar lacks the verse): J 18:13 . . . dkg E t apxHepcH ,cfcToy tomom (Z) The LOC DAT is used to indicalc locution in space or lime, whereas ihc INS DAT is used lo indicate the means by which an action is accomplished (among other meanings). 153 It is possible to interpret this DAT as a DAT of relation/beneficiary, 'belonging to that year', hence 'for that year'. Note, too, here the tense of the verb is the imperfect, whereas almost all of the other verbs which co-occur with the prepositionless LOC of time are aorists of perfective verbs. As the prepositionless LOC expresses a time at which, or a time during one segment or at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place, it is usually accompanied by a perfective verb, be it one that is inceptive, conclusive or resultative. However, this verb—B’b—is a stative imperfect—this person was high priest for more than one moment of the year. As it is stative, why is not the prepositionless ACC used? In a sense, this is a momentary action—this person is high priest in this year—which as viewed from the standpoint of a course of many years is only one moment within them. 5.5.1 T owl zt'feT’k occurs in many other Church Slavonic manuscripts and in secular manuscripts of the early period as well: npfckpLWH t€ toml /fhT’b (Pentateuchus Mihanovich) Gen 26:12 oywoy (o v x a ) toml /I'feTt. cto eyhmgnl (same) (Miklosich 1926, 649) Gen 26:12 eupev ev xu evtauxw ekelvco eKaxocrxeuoucrav «,pL0r|v ✓I'feT'fc also appears in such manuscripts without the modifier TZ. In this usage, it carries its first meaning-'summer'—and corresponds to the use of the prepositionless LOC with jHWfe 'in the winter': 154 h ■fcxawa /ffeT'fc no conexz . . .a /fkTfc CJAHTH (Borkovskij 1968, 271) Thus the prepositionless LOC is a common construction in OCS and early Slavic for expressing 'in (that) year’ and ’in the summer’ (as well as ’in the winter’, etc.). 5.6 Finally, in the Gospels we also find a few occurrences of the noun KtTpo (oy Tpo) 'morning' in the prepositionless LOC. It occurs in four Gospel verses: M t6:30 . . . a oMTp’k a z orttz RZM'fcTd&MO (Asm) L 12:28 . . . i tWTpt a z n&iuTL azM ’fc't'dGMx (Z) L 13:32 H4'fe4&NM'fe TROptO ANL M KiTp’b M RL TpGT I ANL. OKDNYOKI (Mir) In Mt 6:30, four manuscripts have the prepositionless LOC K)Tp*b; two, however, have the prepositionless ACC: Mt6:30 . . . a QMTpo rl n£t|tz RZ,tor Mt6:30 . . . a tOTp^H9 rl nGUJR RLM'fcTOGMO (Mir) The Idrm of K)Tpo found in Mir is one of numerous derived adjectives, here found in Ihc MASC ACC SO form; these forms arc discussed in Chapter 7, §7.4. 155 In L 13:32, Mir is the only manuscript which attests a temporal expression in this verse. In L 12:28 and L 13:33, all manuscripts which contain these temporal expressions have tOTpt. Supr also contains numerous examples of tOTp't: Supr 76:17-18 hwg cxtz a ovTpt Me EXdXTZ Supr 118:3-4 h np'bMoyjiH&zaje ovTpt. Supr 442:29 oyTpfc OTZE’kuiTdX e All occurrences of tOTpt correspond to a Greek adverbial aupiov: Mt 6:30 kql aupuov el’s k X l^ qvov (JaXXonevov L 12:28 KaC aupLOv ec’s lOufiavov paXXopievow L 13:32 kqC LacreLS qttoteX co (fipiepa) Te\eioun.ae ttlTp’k itself apparently became adverbialized as well, but not in the meaning of'in the morning’; rather, as its use to translate Greek aupuov shows, it acquired the meaning 'tomorrow' (cf., for ex a m p le , the Modem Bulgarian y T p e 'tomorrow'). 5.6.1 It would be appropriate at this time to discuss the various constructions in which the noun KJTpo appears, as was done in Chapter 4 (§4.6) for NOipu. The most common constructions for KJTpo are the prepositionless ACC, the prepositionless LOC, EZ + 156 ACC, and Jd + GEN, There are also occurrences of KJTpo in Nd + ACC and EZ + LOC. 5.6.2 To render Greek npwc 'in the morning', two constructions are commonly used: the prepositionless ACC and Jd + GEN. These two constructions appear to be in free variation to express the meaning 'in the morning' in OCS; however, as mentioned in Chapter 3 (§3.10.2), both tOTpo and jd oyTpd eventually acquired the sole meaning 'tomorrow' in many modem Slavic languages (e.g. 3aBTpa in Russian, Z l tr a or j u t r o in Czech, JU tro in Polish, etc.). We see from the usage of WTpo in the prepositionless LOC to mean 'tomorrow' that the lexeme itself bore two different meanings, although in this time period the construction in which it appeared showed its meaning: WTpt 'tomorrow' but tOTpo or jd oyTpd 'in the morning'. 5.6.3 Nd + ACC occurs in four verses, and competes with e z + ACC of the phrase EZ oyTpLNLH ^b-Nh. in one verse (Mt 27:62). In this verse, EZ oyrpLNLH 4 LNL is the more usual rendering of the Greek Trj enaijpLOV 'on the morrow'. The other three verses each render a different Greek phrase—eus Tr|V QXJpLOV (Mt 6:34), [ ettl to] TTpcot (Mk 15:1), and enC tkjv aupiov (L 10:35). Each Greek preposition carries the nuance of 'towards, into' or 'for', and thus expresses an anticipated time in the (near) future. 5.6.5 There are, again, three constructions for expressing aupcov 'tomorrow'—two of them common: the prepositionless LOC and e z + ACC. Ex + LOC which occurs one time in one manuscript only—(Mk 11:2 in Mir), competes with e z + ACC in the other two manuscripts which attest this verse (Mar and Z). The prepositionless LOC 157 KJTp’fe renders Greek auptov 'tomorrow', whereas & 2 + ACC e z oyTpENLM a r n e renders Greek tP) enaupLOV, which may be translated as a more explicit 'on the morrow'. Thus, although auptov and xfj enaupLOV basically both carry the meaning 'tomorrow', there is a slight semantic and/or stylistic distinction between them, and OCS maintains this distinction by using two different constructions to translate them—the prepositionless LOC tOTp'b for aupLOV, and RZ + ACC in e z OyTpRNRH ARNR forx?) CTTaUpLOV'. 5.7 In summary, the OCS prepositionless LOC has two temporal meanings, both of which coincide with the meanings of many other OCS temporal constructions—it expresses a time at which (nO/to^fNoifJH, tome Yack), during one segment or at one point within the boundaries of which (tOTp'fe, jHWfe, TOME a'feT’t) an action takes place. Bauer (1950, 53-54) gives the statistics for the occurrence of the prepositionless LOC: In the OCS Gospels there are, out of 4533 locatives, only 164 prepositionless locatives (3.6%). Most often...with verbs... 135 examples in 53 Gospel verses...; while the adverbial expression of time |occurs] 25 times in 11 Gospel verses... Of the manuscripts, the lowest percentage of plain |i.e. prepositionless) locatives was in Asm (3.3%), the highest in Sav (4.2%), while Z (3.5%) and Mar (3.7%) are in the middle... Z five times has another case where another manuscript had the plain LOC; Mar seven times, Asm four times; Sav two times. The statistical data testify that Sav is the most conservative in the preservation of the plain LOC. There are many Greek sources for the prepositionless LOC: tOTp’fe corresponds to the Greek adverbialized ACC aupiov; no/taynoijJH corresponds either to a Greek an adverbialized ACC | 4 .e u o v u k tu 3 v or prepositionless GEN p.ecrris vxjktoj or 158 H.ecrovuKTLOu; Towa Y and jMM'fe and tom^ ^ ’b T ’b both correspond to a Greek prepositionless GEN: xei.jj.t*)VOS and x o u e v l q u x o O eKCLVOU, respectively. Although the prepositionless LOC was an active means of temporal expression for OCS and Slavic in older periods, it was eventually lost in all Slavic languages and replaced by other (|most often) prepositional) constructions which we see in competition with it already in this period—for example, a z + ACC or a z + LOC. According to Orenstein, the reason for this loss and replacement may have been to "avoid ambiguities and redundancies" caused by the "various similarities associated with the nonprepositional locative construction and other syntactic forms, both phonologically and functionally" (1978, 121). 5.7.1 We find traces of frozen adverbs derived from the prepositionless LOC in several modern Slavic languages. In Bulgarian, for example, as already mentioned (§5.6), tOTpfc survived as y T p e 'tomorrow'. In addition, we see the frozen LOC forms for the seasons: jH M ’t survived as 3M M e 'in the winter', and /t ’feT'fe survived as .neT e 'in the summer'. In other languages, we see instead the prepositionless INS used to express 'in the winter' or 'in the summer' (for example, Russian 3 m m o m , JteTOM; Polish 2 1 m a, 1 ait.em;) or the use of a prepositional construction. For example, in Serbo-Croatian, the U + ACC construction (from s z + ACC) is used to express seasons: U 21 mil 'in the winter’, U 1 j etO 'in the summer' (although equally active variants Zimi and l(j)eti also survive); while in Czech, the V + LOC construction (from a z + LOC) replaces the prepositionless LOC for such expressions: V zi m e 'in the winter1, V l e t e 'in the summer'. 1 5 9 £ z + ACC or e z + LOC constructions also spread to phrases with ncuzNOijJL 'mid-night' and ntMZAENl 'mid-day'. We can see both in one language, such as Czech, with V pulflOCi ’at midnight' but V pol0dne 'at noon' and Serbo-Croatian, with U ponOC 'at midnight' but U podne 'at noon'. Polish chose the LOC, but has the preposition 0 (also used elsewhere in place of ez) with 'midnight': W pollldnie 'at noon' but 0 poJTlOCy 'at midnight'. Bulgarian.shows a form with ez, but as it has lost nominal declension, we cannot be certain whether it is ez + ACC or LOC: B ncwiyHoiu.10 Similarly, the prepositionless LOC TOME VdC*fc. 'at that hour' has been replaced by constructions with either ez + ACC or LOC. Czech and Polish have ez + LOC: V te hodine and W tej godzinie. Russian and Serbo-Croatian, on the other hand, show e z + ACC: b t o t M a c and U taj sat/cas'. Bulgarian shows b t o 3M M a c . The prepositionless LOC, then, has been replaced in the modern languages by other constructions which in OCS expressed the same meaning as it—a time at which, or a time during one segment or at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place. Most often it is the descendant of the e z + ACC or e z + LOC constructions which replaced the prepositionless LOC, but we also see examples of the prepositionless INS replacing it to express 'in (a season)' or 'in (a part of the day)'. It is only in Bulgarian and Serbo-Croatian that we find remnants of the prepositionless LOC, frozen forms which are now categorized as adverbs: yTpe 'tomorrow', 3MMe/zi mi 'in the winter1, and JieTe/Hj)©ti 'in the summer’. 1(1 The shape of the wordr, w ith nojiy in ihc first half, certainly appears as if it is a frozen LOC form; the LOC ending on the second hall h o i k , however, has been lost. CHAPTER VI THE PREPOSITIONLESS GENITIVE 6.1 The subject of the prepositionless GEN of temporal expressions in OCS is a difficult one to address. All of the apparent GEN temporal expressions found may be analyzed as either something other than GEN forms or as something other than temporal expressions. For example, &k.Y&pd ’yesterday' was probably already a fossilized adverb, and probably not even a GEN at all. The prepositionless GEN of temporal words does occur, but may be analyzed as genitives of negation, or as objects of verbs. OCS definitely does not attest the same sorts of temporal genitives as seen in some modem Slavic languages, for example Serbo-Croatian SVakog dana'every day', te godine '(in) that year', ove zim e '(in) this winter', tog(a) momenta ’at that moment'. 6 .1.1 R. Vecerka, who has conducted extensive research on the GEN of time in OCS, specifically on the GEN of dates, writes in J. Kurz's HcczieziQBaHHfl no CHHTaKCHCV CTapocziaBflHCKoro a3biKa (1963. 219 [translation mine-SF|): Only as an exception, in individual cases, does the GEN appear in OCS apart from inscriptions of dates, in a normal sentence, expressing the temporal state of the predicate... The lack of a real GEN of time in OCS is sharply revealed in a comparison of the Old Czech Gospel Ctenie zlmnleho casu with the OCS Gospels, for example 160 Mk 16:2 a velmi rano jedne soboty prljldu k hrobu Mk 16:2 , . . a z eAHNSt c x g o t z (Asm, Mar, Z) L3:l-2 leta patehonadcte rise liberiase ciesare L3:l-2 SZ RZTOpOE. M a ^‘tTO B^a^ZI YtkCTBd THRepd k&Ctfpd . , . (Asm, Sav, Mar, Z) His conclusion: The GEN of time in OCS canonical texts is not attested with the exception of a few—very rare—examples in Supr. However, the GEN of dates is used rather broadly, representing a stable expression, a cliche, the application of which is limited by the given type of expression. The startling lack of a GEN of time in OCS texts testifies, in all certainty, that even the given examples of the GEN of dates are not a real GEN. It seems that expressions of this sort come from original nominal, namely NOM, sentences; after the loss of the character of the independent sentences the original NOM in them was pulled out by the GEN, apparently dependent upon the noun alnl / alnh 'day' (which was either expressed in them literally, or at least existed in them potentially)... Although I do not agree with this assessment of the GEN of dates—even if OCS had no other GEN of time, that does not exclude the possibility that this was a GEN of time— the fact remains that this is the only active use of the GEN in OCS to express any sort of time. 6 .1.2 Certain occurrences of GEN forms of temporal nouns could be intrepreted as constructing a sphere, albeit limited, in which the GEN could actively express time. Each of these occurrences will be discussed and shown to be analyzable as something other than a GEN of time. For example, the noun vfbTO 'year' does occur in the GEN as an expression of age, but even this occurrence could be a LOC form (the GEN and 162 LOC dual endings coincide) or the GEN of negation; the nouns Y 'time' and ALNL 'day' are also found in the GEN. Each of these issues will be discussed separately below. 6.2 K.LYGpd ’yesterday', which can be interpreted as the GEN of R&Y&pz 'evening' used adverbially, corresponds to Greek adverb as well-- ex0es- It is found only one time in the Gospels: J 4:52 RLYGpd E Z T 0 4 HNZ CG-MSCHR OCTtfRH M OTNL (Ost) J 4:52 ex0e? wpav efS&onriv acpfiKev auxov o mjpexos E l Y tp d also occurs, although rarely, in Supr and Cloz: Supr 70:8 CZIH RLY&pd t o n h t g ^ l flLNGCL £\f Supr 166:21 RLYGpd CZMOTpL^HRZNdM TROpA (used 5 more times in immediate sentences) Cloz 13a:20-23 RZYGpd )KG CZMOTpL^HRZNdd TROpA a 4LN&CL i YZNtea EZYepa A'b.rzctiaa a aln&cl roctlOALCktf d (continues; in all, occurs 7 times) Cloz 13a:20-23 x0ej xd xfjj olkovo (4.l q s , crrmepov ta xris e£oucrias, x0es xa xris dvOpuTTOxrjxos, crf)n.epov xa x?is 0eoxr|xos, . . . 6.2.1 Vecerka. in a footnote (16) in his 1957 article "Genitiv date v staroslovenstine" discusses the various scholarly interpretations of fiLYCpd. Zubaty. for example, sees &L Y&pd as the "old prepositionless ablative (ABL) of the substantive ftGYEpz" which indicates the "separation from evening of the time before evening". However, Vecerka argues that if this was originally a prepositionless ABL of time, it is a very special case and "this therefore would have perhaps been the means of a usage which was originally very restricted", as it is represented by only this one remnant. Also, not ail scholars accept that this form is a GEN one, even though it carries the morphological GEN ending -a. According to Vasmer, its terminal stress (BMepa < Beqep) "excludes the possibility of the old GEN-ABL" because the o-stem GEN SG had falling pitch and could not pull the stress onto itself from the root-vowel. Instead, this -a ending is an o-stem INS SG with rising pitch: -o , 1 which could receive a shifted stress (Vecerka 1957, 39). This latter interpretation of the very common Slavic adverb &L Y£pd is now more commonly accepted than other earlier interpretations. It seems then that this lone potential candidate as a GEN of time was not a GEN expression at all, but rather only appeared superficially to be one due to the concordance of endings with -a. 6.3 There are a handful of examples of a GEN of time in the OCS Gospels which can be attributed to a GEN of negation, already a common phenomenon of Slavic syntax .2 In Mt 26:40 and Mk 14:37, the Greek text has a prepositionless ACC for duration of time spent— \jl(qv topav 'for one hour' (both occurrences are identical): 1 This -o is the INS SG ending inherited by Slavic from Proto Indo-European, the -o/-e of the o-sicm nouns. The ending -ZMZ as seen already in the earliest mss. is a borrowing within Slavic from the short u-stcm class of nouns. 2 For more information on the GEN of negation in OCS, sec A. Mcillet, Rccherches sur I'cmploi du cdncli f-accusati fen vicux-.slavc. Paris: Bibfiolhcquc de I'Ecolc dcs Haulcs Eludes, 1897 and "Sur Ic caracterc dc la phrase ncgaliv cn vtcux slave". Revue dcs eludes slaves. 8 , 1928, pp. 171-177. 164 Mt 26:40 ovjk urxucrate pXav ESpav "rPtlT°P*1craL ln all attested OCS occurrences, the phrase 'one hour' becomes the GEN t€AHNOro YdC<3 , apparently being interpreted as the object of the negated verb and not as a temporal expression: Mt 26:40 we rzjkm ow e tcdHNoro y a c a noKL^'fe.TH , . . (Sav) We would expect to see a prepositionless ACC if t€^HNZ Y of time spent instead of a GEN. Again in L 12:56, the Greek has a prepositionless ACC expression; here, however, the temporal expression is the direct object of the verb, even in the Greek text: L 12:56 tov KQtpov 5e toxjtov ttws ouk ol Sqtb SoKm.a^et,v; Since the verb is negated, the three Slavic manuscripts which attest this verse—Mar, D and Mir—all show it in the GEN: L 12:56 . . . a RpfrMEHe ce.ro ng HCKoywddTe (Mar) 6.3.1 Another form which could be a GEN of negation, or a GEN of age, or another case form altogether, is found in J 8:57: 165 J 8:57 nATH A£C^TZ /ttTZ Nt 0^ ' MMd(IU)H . . . (Mar) This corresponds to a Greek idiomatic expression— exw 'have' + ACC—to express age: J 8:57 TTevxfiKOVTQ exr) ounto e x e cs ■ And indeed two OCS manuscripts—Asm and Ost—show the ACC with hm ^ th 'have' here, instead of a negated GEN: J 8:57 nATL 4&CATZ /tl. N£ oy KM^UiH . . . (Ost) Regardless of whether the phrase is in the GEN or ACC, it seems to have been a direct translation from the Greek. When tlATb, a & c a t z . /PfcTZ. appears in the ACC, it is probably because the phrase in Greek has the ACC. When certain manuscripts show GEN instead, it is probably because of the pull of the negated verb, which demands a GEN rather than an ACC. •’ Ol lcn where Greek has a verb negated with ou the OCS mss. show ng oy; clearly the oy here is not functioning as a prefix or preposition. It is possible that this negative marker was copied from the Greek text, but since it occurs so frequently it cannot be attributed to scribal error. Perhaps by using two negative markers, the effect of emphasizing the negativity was striven lor, even if the second was borrowed from the Greek. 166 6.3.2 / I t t o does occur in another potential GEN phrase in L 8:42. This, however, coresponds to a Greek GEN: L8:42 etwv SwSeKQ kql autri ane0vr)O‘K,ev and thus here the OCS could have GEN because the Greek has GEN (a structure to express age which survived into Modem Greek), or it could be a GEN of age, or even a LOC form-dZROH) is both the GEN and LOC dual form : L8:42 ■feko i d Z R O M ua as. c a t s . yffeTov i t a oywHpadute (Z) 6.3.2.1 Based on the data from the extant OCS texts, it is impossible to determine the exact Slavic idiom for expressing age. In these examples we have seen a copying of the Greek phrase with the verb 'to have' with either an ACC or a GEN of the year; we see a prepositionless INS or a prepositionless DAT being used in another verse (L 3:23), depending on the manuscript (see Chapters 4, §4.4.2 and 8 , §8.4). We also find an example of the INS with the verb 'to be' to express age in Supr, but we see other constructions in Supr as well—the NOM with the verb 'to be': Supr 128:21-22 UJECTL 4£C<9iTZ -tfrT Z c z i m CT and the NOM with the verb 'to be' with the subject in the DAT—'to her is six months’: Supr 179:8 H C£ t€H ECTZ M’hCAUb, IUECTZH 167 This latter construction survives in Modem Russian, Czech and Serbo-Croatian, but it is the only example of an impersonal DAT to express age which I found in the canonical OCS corpus. The construction with 'to have' with ACC direct object is also found in Serbo-Croatian (as another means of expressing age) and also in Polish. In Bulgarian we find phrases of the type Ha K C xaK O c m roztMHM 'how old are you?', with the verb 'to be'. 6.3.3 We also find an occurrence of a GEN of time in Supr which can be attributed to negation: Supr 359:4-6 s t c T d o t l n h x z H^stiiiTd k z t z a l n l ■> NH Tfte.Th.kt TO MCE ALNG flptEZICTG fCJKG pGYG HWX . . . Here the GEN stands in direct contrast with another construction: &z + ACC. This particular phrase for 'on the third day', which we have seen elsewhere in either the b z + ACC or the prepositionless ACC construction, is striking proof that such GEN expressions are not governed by time, but rather by negation. 6.4 TOM CZEOTZI, as it occurs in J 19:31, J 19:31 E*fe e o R& aiH ^ g n z t o m c z s o t z h (Asm) is analyzed by Vecerka in "Genitiv date v staroslovenstine" as not a true GEN of tim e- "the usual GEN did not apply in such conceptions... ( t o m c x k o t z i ) is a translation of the Greek GEN" (1957, 35). Indeed, the Greek here does have a GEN: 168 J 19:31 f|v ^-ap *1 riM-CPa ckelvou tou trapflaTou A more expected rendering of the meaning of the phrase would have been EZ + ACC to express'on1: a x t z c s c k o t j e . Indeed, even in Greek this usage of the GEN does not seem to obey the "rules" as it were for the GEN of time: as mentioned earlier (first discussed in §3.2.2), the GEN expressed a time within which an action occurs, and supposedly this "great day" would have lasted the entire Sabbath, and not just a portion or moment thereof. Neither Blass (1949) nor Robertson (1914) specifically cite this verse in their explanations of the GEN of time. Perhaps eKCLVOXJ to u cra0pQTO\J here is something other than a GEN of time, such as an adnominal GEN, for example .4 However, it is more likely a GEN of apposition or definition, as defined by Robertson: This is a very simple use of the |GEN] case, but is not an extremely common idiom in the N.T., since the two substantives can easily be put in the same case. In the Modem Greek, mere apposition rules. But some interesting examples occur. It is a well known idiom in Homer and certainly needs no appeal to the Hebrew for justification... |Twenty- nine examples are cited, including eopxtj xou ndcrxa (J 13:1 ).| These are by no means all, but they illustrate at least the freedom of the N.T. in the use of the genitive of apposition or definition (498). Modem versions of the verse in various Slavic languages show the substitution of a NOM phrase—Russian Church Slavonic has: J 19:31 h 6 o Ta cv66oTa 6biyia iteHb BejmKHH 4 As defined by Smyth (1984, §1291): "The genitive limns lor the lime being Ihc scope of the substantive on which it depends by refemng it lo a particular class or description, or by regarding it as a pari of a whole. The genitive is akin in meaning to the adjectiv e and may often be translated as an epithet. 16 9 and Bulgarian has: J 19:31 3 amoTO OHaa C/y,6 oTa 6 tuie rcxntMt /teHb 6.5 The occurrence of tc^HNoro alnhh in L 17:22 in Mar. Z, D and Mir is designated by Vecerka as the GEN "object of the verb" (1957, 35), and therefore is also not a true temporal expression: L 17:22 . . . E Z X rte/fb d T c tcdHNoro 4 lnhh ctTa Y/tECkddro tHrt'feTM (Mar) The Greek shows an ACC direct object: L 17:22 . . . ote em,Bun.r|crE,ce ilCav tgjv fmeptov toG uloG tou dvBpwuou i&eiv as does the Modem Russian translation: L 17:22 Korvia noace^aeTe BM/teTb xoTa ozihh m 3 MHePi Cbma MeytoBeMecKoro Here the word order, too, shows more clearly that the phrase is actually the direct object of the verb and not a temporal expression. Although Vecerka does not explain why the GEN is used here (there is no negation) for the object of the verb, 1 believe it is a GEN used with a verb of desire or wish. This usage is seen still in Modern Russian, for 170 exam ple, with verbs such as jKe^iaTb 'to wish', xoTeTb 'to want', and JK/taTb 'to wait fo r’. 6 .6 One other GEN occurs in Supr: Supr 166:21 wzpbUH tcANQKg /tfrTd cEpatUNd noAdhdxst mmz This particular phrase--'one time per year' is interesting because other occurrences of phrases of the type "(X) times per (Noun)" show other constructions; for example, in L 17:4 we saw a prepositionless INS in OCS (ccAMbKpdTMijeKK 4LHLML: cf. Chapter 4, §4.7) corresponding to a Greek GEN, which is a partitive GEN ( etttqkls xris rm.epas). As stated in Chapter 4, it is possible that a ln l here was "dragged" into the INS by the INS construction of the phrase 'seven times'. In the instance of t€AN 0 M A"kTa, it is possible that we see a GEN in OCS corresponding to a Greek GEN. As mentioned previously, there are so few examples of such phrases, and each of them shows a different construction, leaving us unable to determine which was the Slavic means to render "(X) times per (Noun)". 6.7 Finally we come to the usage of the prepositionless GEN in OCS to express dates. Vecerka addresses this topic in "Genitiv date v staroslovenstine" as his primary topic. In the text of the Gospels, the need for the GEN of dates does not arise—there are no dates. Dates do occur, however, not infrequently, in Supr: Supr 10:19-20 EZ YCTRpZTZH AC Mb MdpVfl WfeCAUd HJHAOCTa 171 Supr 47:11-12 CZKONLYdUJA JKE CA CEATM1 . . . M'fcCAUa MapTd RZ J Supr 61:1 cm p tY b r z K.S (peypoapa Supr 94:13-15 Mtc^ua uje.cTaaro r alnh NacTaixiuTH cxEOT'fe RC/)Mi)'t.H el 4LNH ELNCr^a CA po^l E/tajKENZIH MStYGNHKZ . . . Supr 204:15-16 RZ H a ln l enoyapa utcAua rz YRTEpZTOic ^'bTO MapKMaNM u'tcapLCTRa . . . And Vecerka counts 350 examples of the GEN of dates in canonical OCS manuscripts; these, however, overwhelmingly occur in inscriptions or at the headings of new sections (1957, 31). As this topic is addressed fully in his article, I do not repeat it here, but rather I provide a very brief summary. Vecerka divides the GEN of dates into those which do contain the noun 4 LNL 'day' explicity (as in Supr 10:19-20 above) and those which do not (as in Supr 61:1 above); those which use the preposition RZ with the day; those which explicitly name U, „ the month (M'bCAqa MdpTa) and those which do not (wfe 4 ); those which explicitly contain the noun MfecAijL ’month' (Supr 10:19-20) and those which do not (Supr 61:1). He also discusses the arguments for analyzing such genitives of dates as original nominatives "whose form by the loss of its independent phrasal value turned into the GEN (where the ordinal number with the noun a ln l remained partly in the NOM, which subsequently could be understood also as the ACC, or took up additionally the preposition r z )" (35). 6 .8 Thus there does not appear to be a true GEN of time in OCS. Occurrences of the prepositionless GEN can be attributed to negation, verbal government, or copying of a Greek GEN; some apparent genitives may actually be other case forms. The GEN form 172 of a & Y & p z 'evening'--aL Y£p is very common in the Slavic languages) and is probably already seen as a frozen adverbial form. As discussed earlier, it is probable that originally this form was not even a GEN at all. Finally, the GEN of dates occurs almost exclusively in inscriptions and section headings, and the GEN of months occurs only in Supr, but not in the Gospel manuscripts. 6.8.1 However, in spite of this lack of an attested GEN of time in OCS, there is certainly no absence of such in the modem Slavic languages, or even in older periods of their histories. Examples of the Old Czech GEN of time were given at the beginning of this chapter. In addition, we see an active GEN of time in many other modem Slavic languages: Serbo-Croatian shows the GEN to express many different temporal frames: 'every (X)'; 'in this (X)', 'at that (X)’, or 'on that (X)'; and 'this whole (X)’: SVakog dana 'every day', SVake go dine 'every year'; OVe godine '(in) this year', OVe sedmice '(in) this week'; prosle zirrte '(in) last winter', prosle sedmice '(in) last week'; tog(a) momenta'at that moment', tog(a) casa'at that hour; tog(a) dana 'on that day', Sledeceg dana 'on the next day'; celog dana’all day', cel e godine 'all year'. Tog(a) danais the unmarked variant to express 'on that day’; U taj dan is only used for emphasis (on that day, and no other). Similarly, te godi ne is the unmarked variant to express 'in that year'; U toj godi ni is only used for emphasis (in that year, and no other). Polish also shows the GEN to express 'every (X)': kazdego dni a 'every day', kazdego roku 'every year'. Polish and Czech show tego dnia/toho dne 'on that day’, and Russian has c e r o ^ H ^ 'today' f r o m 'on this day'. Ukrainian, too, has an active GEN of time: CBoroztHM, a frozen form for 'today', as in Russian; 173 HacTyriHoro paHKy 'in the next morning’, HacTyrtHoro a hh 'on the next day’; MHHyyioro TMiKHfl 'last week', MMHyjioro Micflua 'last month'; Toro 'in that month', Toro poxy 'in that year'; and, like Serbo-Croatian and Polish, Ukrainian, too, shows the GEN to express 'every (X)': KOiKHoro ziha 'every day'. Old Russian secular manucripts also given plenty of examples of various usages of a GEN of time, primarily with parts of the day, seasons and dates: t o t ate. n o y h TopiiLi a ropodz toh noyh toh me oce.NH & a cue oijl rO/Joctl TpeTLKtdfO 4NH K no>tovrtNMM) n a ^ o r n a CTMJH HrOpERLI (Lomtev 1956, § 117) Such usages in the Old Russian monuments continued up to the 16th or 17th century. As mentioned in Chapter 5 (§5.1), an early prepositionless LOC phrase to ia /t'feT'k 'in that year 1 was replaced by a prepositionless GEN phrase Toro A " t r a . In Modem Russian, however, these particular usages of the prepositionless GEN have been replaced by prepositional constructions (Lomtev 1956, §117), most often with B + ACC: b T y 3MMy instead of toh jhm u;b Ty homb instead of t o h n o y h ; or b + LOC b tom ro/ty instead of Torct ,ffeT GEN of dates, which is quite prevalent in Modern Russian, for example BOMHa Kohmnyiacb jeBfltoro Mas Tbicsma .aeBsrrbcoT copoK n^Toro ro^a. Regardless of their origin (cf. Vecerka's discussion of the proposal that these were original NOM phrases), we can see by the very prevalent occurrence of the GEN of dates in the inscriptions of OCS texts and by the modem usage of the GEN of dates 174 in Russian, Czech, Polish, etc., that this construction was a common means in Slavic hy the time of the historic period to express the date when an event occurred. However, this does not account for the absence of a GEN of time in the OCS manuscripts. In the extant texts, we see no seed for expressions such as Svakog dana 'every day’ or tego dnia'on that day', which were expressed by prepositional constructions (Nd RLCtkZ 4 LNL or no rrca alnh; r z t z A lnl). If the expressions of time expressed by the GEN in the modern Slavic languages are the result of independent developments which occurred later in their history, then why do we see so many similarities between the languages? It is not improbable to postulate Polish influence upon Ukrainian in phrases such as KojKHoro sxHa : kazdego dnia'every day’, but what about phrases such as HacTyriHoro jHfl 'on the next day', MHHyzioro MicflUfl 'last month', Toro poicy 'in that year'? In Polish, these are expressed with W + LOC. And it is unlikely that Serbo-Croatian was influenced by Polish, or vice versa, as they are geographically and linguistically distant from one another. Where did the very prevalent GEN of time in Modern Serbo-Croatian originate? Questions such as these are beyond the scope of this paper, but their very existence is suggestive of the possibility that a GEN of time has always been present in Slavic, even if it did not surface in OCS other than in the expression of dates. Perhaps the GEN of time was a variant (indeed not all languages show this under the same circumstances; for example, only a few show the GEN to express 'every day’ or 'on that day') which simply was not chosen, for whatever reason, to express time by the early translator(s) and/or subsequent scribe(s). CHAPTER VII THE ACCUSATIVE CASE WITH PREPOSITIONS 7. 1 Many of the uses of prepositions with the accusative (ACC) have been discussed in earlier chapters, in a comparison of these usages with the prepositionless case constructions. The most prevalent preposition used with the ACC— RZ—was discussed in a separate chapter (Chapter 2 ) due to the massive scope of its use. The other prepositions which are used with the ACC do not occur anywhere near as frequently as RZ. They include: na, no, and oe(z). Their individual meanings will be discussed later, as they cannot be summed up in a simple, one-word translation. 7.2 N<1 + ACC occurs with relative frequency in OCS. In temporal expressions it has a variety of meanings in conjunction with the noun with which it is used and the action to which it relates. In addition, Nit is used to express a variety of Greek prepositions: ei’s- ev, ettu and ^ a t a . E ls and cttl have similiar meanings, expressing an intended time: els, as first discussed in Chapter 2 (§2.7.2), in Classical Greek temporal expressions had the meaning of "the goal—up to, until or at, by such a time" (Smyth 1984, §1686.l.b), i.e. an intended time in the future—, but had extended meanings in later periods. During the Koine period, eus + ACC had already encroached onto the semantic field of ev + DAT. In temporal expressions, el$ + ACC bore numerous meanings, one of which was the time ’at which something takes place' (W. Bauer 1979, 228-9); while ent + ACC expresses the meaning of 175 176 extension' (over a period of time) (ibid, 239). In such instances, the time which is expressed is expected to occur after the completion of the action as expressed in the verb, thus e n t bears the meaning 'for' in the sense of intent or duration. According to Xodova, in the latter instance Nd + ACC "may express the intention of an action fora known length in the future" (1971, 134). ’Ev + DAT was discussed extensively in Chapter 2, as most often it'is rendered by r z + ACC. To recapitulate, it expresses a time at which, within which or during which an action takes place. Kqtgi, too, can share this meaning, as first discussed in §2.7.1 (W. Bauer 1979, 406); more frequently in temporal expresions koto + ACC has a repetitive function, for example kq 0 ’ rinepav ’every day’. 7.2.1 Various definitions have been given for OCS Nd + ACC. F. Miklosich defines the meaning of Nd + ACC as indicating "the >^ngth of an action, the beginning point itself, and the time for which the length of something is set" (1926, §42.g). K. I. Xodova, who has written many articles on the use of cases and prepositions in OCS, states that Nd + ACC expresses "the meaning of time in one of the moments of which an action takes place" (1963, §69), and in this meaning Nd + ACC coincides with RZ + ACC. In addition, she states that Nd + ACC "can express a period of time which does not coincide with the action; the action is completed prior to the named moment, but this moment serves as a temporal reference point to a slice of the action...the form Nd + ACC includes a nuance of a goal within it" (1971, §84). This definition seems a little vague; this is due to the fact that it is difficult to determine exactly what meaning Nd + ACC expresses, and to generalize this meaning over all of the occurrences of it. 177 7.2.2 The construction with N a + ACC is used with the following set of nouns, all with temporal meaning: a l n l 'day', Y d cz 'hour', ap^M** 'time', and -ttlTO 'year'. These nouns are almost always found in the PL, and occur almost exclusively with modifiers, which are also limited to a certain set: &LC*kk:z or fiLCL 'all', d p o y rz 'other', y zM o rz 'many', and yd/to 'few, little'. In addition, the various substantivized adjective forms from the noun tOTpo 'morning' {in the forms Nd oyTpHM, Nd oyTp’feH or na oy T p L N H) also occurs frequently with N a + ACC, and the noun ndcxd 'Passover' (later—'Easter') is found as well. 7.3 The use of the noun db.NL 'day' in the construction N a + ACC illustrates the great variety of meanings and origins of this construction. A ln l occurs both in the SG and in the PL—in the SG it occurs one time in the Gospels, unmodified, and several times modified by the pronominal adjective RLCtkZ 'all'; in the PL it does not occur in the Gospels, but is found frequently in Supr modified by d p o y rz 'other', yzNOTZ 'many', and Md/to 'few, little', and also the adjective a a z .r z 'long'. 7.3.1 The one instance of unmodified a ln l in the SG in the construction Ha + ACC bears the meaning 'per day' and corresponds to a Greek prepositionless ACC: Mt20:2 c z a ’feLjidaz we c z A'tAare.AZ. i no n’bN ^joy n a ^ l n l (Mar) Mt20:2 crufitpwyfiCTas Se H.ETQ tw v epfOToov 8f)vapLou -c^v rmepav 7.3.2 Nd ELCtekz dLNL 'every day' occurs three times in the Gospels: 178 Mt 27: 15 J*b^O NO ELCklKZ iK£ rtLNL RR/tMKZIH OKZIYOH K t MrcuoNoy . . . (Ost) c < L I 1:3 X /ftE Z NOUJZ ^NCELNZI A4XAZ. NOMX NO RCOKZ. ONL (Sav) L 16:19 , . . RECE^A CA NO RZ.Cfc.KE AENL CR’fe.TX^tO (Asm) The latter two occurences correspond to a Greek *a0’ fmepav: L I 1:3 to v apxov fin.wv xov etTLO'uaxv BlBoxj f)H.Cv to k,q0’ Yi|4.epav L 16:19 eu£ppQLVO|Levos kq 0’ vinepav Xa[4.npais However, Mt 27:15 has kqtq Be EapxK|v '(at) every festival’: Mt 27:15 koto Be eopxv|v eub0et o fi'pe^wv . . . and thus we would expect something like No npojrtb-NiiKZ in OCS. No RLcfckZ rtb.NL also occurs in Cloz, twice (no Greek is given for either): Cloz lb:38-39 icnztTONLEML no RLCfcKZ dbML pojrtpfcw dxw TE ■ ■ ■ Cloz 2a: 12-13 npDOyYOTH RLCfcUZ NO RLCfcKZ rtLNL 7.3.2.1 Mir replaces NO RLCfckZ rtLNL w ‘th l^e PC no r l c a rt^NH in L 16:19: 179 L 16:19 . . . s e e t h e ce Nd bce 4nh CEteT,to (Mir) 7.3.2.2 The meaning of Nd BLCtekZ ^ lnl corresponds exactly to another prepositional ACC construction: no BbCe* AbNH (to be discussed later in this chapter; cf. §7.10). Both have as their source the Greek *a 0 ’ fyiEpav, but the two never overlap each other: all the manuscripts which attest the verses above (Mt 27:15, L 11:3, L 16:19) contain Nd Eb.cte.KZ AbNb with no variation with no EbCft A^nh ; whereas alt the manuscripts which attest the verses containing no EbCifs a lh h have no BbCA AbNH only—there are no variants with Nd EbCteKZ A * ^ - It is interesting that the translators) could apparently sense an inherent semantic difference contained within one structural element: *a 0 ’ ripiepav could be translated as either no b lca a^nh 'on all days’or Nd EbCtekZ A^tlb '(for) each day'. 7.3.3 Finally, Supr shows the construction Nd + ACC numerous times with a ^ nh (only representative examples are listed): Supr 23:17-18 . . . BdpHBZ Nd dpovrzitfs dbNH Jd O^Tpd BZCTdEZ. . . ■> ■> Supr 39:2-3 . . . EZ Supr 78:27 h ne EpteroutA icro TdKO Nd M N orzi 4 lnh Supr 431:8 ns AO&k't'kdxs: E0A21I p d j B t Nd Md/to 4NHI Cloz has the construction Nd + ACC with A^Nb only once, an occurence which corresponds to Greek els + ACC: 180 Cloz 9a: 10-11 cayz eo ce.ec eci CTRopuz , . , na c x a z H Z i 4 e.nl Cloz 9a:10-ll ctqutov 6 e aau'f'TvwcrT0V' enoirjcras . . . els Trjv (TeXXoucrav fmepav Thus (his phrase can be interpreted as meaning 'for the (coming) day', with 'for' indicating the purpose. Note that Cloz does not translate p.e\Xoutxav as 'about to be' or 'coming', but rather 'judgement'; the semantic connection between the two ideas is not apparent to me. 7.4 Phrases such as Na oyTpHM (spelled Nd oyTpffk or Nd oyTpL*fe in some manuscripts; this is the NTR ACC PL of the noun K)TpHt€1), Nd oyTp'feH (a MASC ACC SG adjective) or Na oyTpLNM (in which the noun a l n l has undergone ellipsis) express variations on the phrase 'on the next day' or 'on the morrow'. In one verse (Mt 27:62) only Mir has N a tOTpHki, wheareas all the other manuscripts show the construction with r z + ACC of another adjectival form of K)Tpo (RZ oyTpLNLH A LN L). This latter construction is more expected, as this verse contains the prepositionless DAT in the Greek (t?j enaupcov), usually rendered by r z + ACC to express the meaning (in this case) 'on'; as opposed to the other verses, which show various prepositional constructions. Nd oyTpMkt only occurs in four Gospel verses: The differences in spelling are accounted for by phonological and orthographic norms: in some dialccls, a tense je r (one in the environment ClV) remained a j er; in others it became the vowel |i|. In Glagolitic mss., there was no means of orthographical representing m ; it is spelled with the symbol for •fc. The differences then in spelling or form do not correspond to the different phrases found in the Greek. 181 Mt6:34 ng nLytTG c*> o v s o n a ovfTpHkt (Sav) Mk 15:1 I dKBG Nd OVTptH CZB'feTZ CZTBOpBWE. dpXHGpCH H CTtfpBIJH . . . (Mar) L 10:35 H Na ovtTpHki HU 1L4 Z . . . (Ost) 0 Mt 27:62 bz ovTp’fa.ixe gctz n ndpdCKGBbiH . . . (Asm) Each occurrence of N a oyTpHkt, Nd oyTp'fen or Nd oyTpBNBH has a different Greek origin: Mt6:34 ouv (4.ept+ivf)criiTe el’s tkjv aupLOV Mk 15:1 *au s\J0ius (ent t o ) npw t crmjloGXLOv TTOiricravTSs ot QpXLepELS piETQ TGJV TTpECTfJUTEpUV . . . L 10:35 K,at ETTt TK|V QUpLOV £K$aXwV . . . M t 2 7 :6 2 t ? | 5 e e t t q u p l o v , if c L j e c t t l v (^.e t o t k jv napacrKEuriv . . . The first occurrence, with eCs> *s defined by W. Bauer as designating the time "for or on which something happens" (1979, 228); thus 'for tomorrow’. In the second occurrence, ent is optional; thus 'in the morning'. The third occurrence, with ettu is defined by Bauer as "answering the question When?"\ thus 'on the next day' (1979, 289). Finally, the last occurrence, with the prepositionless DAT, shows the traditional usage of this construction; thus 'on the next day' again, or 'on the morrow'. Nd ovfTpMkt also occurs frequently in Supr: Supr 14:23-24 douieazujeyz ^ Hyz Ha pyrpLki . . . Supr 33:26-27 n a oyTpLkt we npfedzcfedz ydrNZ noee/i'k npHRRCTH Supr 8 8 :8 Nd OMTpRM n o R e^ t , . , (The various expressions involving tOTpo, etc., were discussed in Chapters, §§5.6.1- 5.6.5.) 7.5 The noun Ydcz 'hour 1 does not occur in the Gospels in the construction Nd + ACC; it does, however, occur in Supr, albeit rarely. It occurs both in the SG: Supr 319:27-28 h d iu T e h Nd texiHNZ vdcz NdATZ e z i c t z Supr 451:16-17 . . . Nd UNorz Ydcz rpzycf* and in the PL: Supr 35:28-29 yarNZ noee^t w jk v h t h Nd MNorzi Ydczi Supr 403:1 Nd MNorzi Ydczi e e j raided /tewddtue All occurrences are modified, and have the meaning of the length of an action. 7.6 The noun Epfey* 'time' does not occur frequently in the Gospels in the construction Nd + ACC—only twice: 183 1.21:36 KLdHTfc oyso Nd BicbkO RpffcMM MoawtuiTe cm (Mar) J 5:4 a k h j z . e o riTz n a RcfcKo Rp~feMM M Zituie cm r z Kxrvfeai (Asm) The latter occurrence, however, in J 5:4, occurs in the PL in D: J 5:4 dNT4L eo nib. Nd Bbc-fe B p t u e ( N d ) M bi'tiuB c m r z K zn-t/tn (D) and is replaced by the phrase Nd RLCIA / t t T d in all of the remaining attestations (Ost, Mar, Z and Mir): J 5:4 a t u z . e o n ib Nd Rbcfc A ' t r a y z itu je c m r z Kxrvfe/tH (Z) Neither of these phrases renders the actual meaning of the Greek phrase: J 5:4 axxe-^°S x^P kotq Karpov KQTEpauvev ev t?) KoXunfJriBpa 2 In this instance, KaTQ Kaipov is defined as meaning "from time to time” (Gingrich 1983,98), and thus 'for all time' or 'for all years’ is a change in the translation. L 21:36 renders a Greek ev ttqvtl Kacpu: 2 The whole of ihc verse of J 5:4 is not included in the preferred reading; of the mss. which do contain this verse, none show any other variant for the time phrase—i.e. only kotqi Kaepov occurs. 184 L 21:36 Q-fpuTTveuTe &e hv ttqvti Kdtpw 6 eon.evoL . . . so that here Net RLcfcieo RptMi'ri is a more literal translation. Net RLCtKO RptWift also occurs in Supr and Cloz (for which no Greek is given): Supr 289:20-21 n a RLCfcKO Rp'hMA dOEpoh cznetcNO noieeteiNHtc dpzwettuTHHWz ci* tero C lo z 2 b :7 -9 ettiiTe. e / t R j t noyw TetTH jkenx crokr Net RRCfckO &p*feu 7.6.1 Supr has a few examples of RpfeMA in the Net + ACC construction, ^p’ku a is modified by m z n o tz 'many' and can occur both in the SG: Supr 266:22 . . . ON’feM’b w A Net m znoto R pfcktA and in the PL: Supr 141:20-21 Apzwet * £ TetkORetw NEoyT’tWHMdW CKpLEb. Net m no ret Rp'bMeNei The phrase Net npLROtc R p t y ^ 'for the first time’ is also found: 185 Supr 304:17-18 r c >ihi <:s: T/IXK mns : pdjoyya Nd npiaotc RptMA 7.7 In addition to the phrase Nd RRCka A t.Ta from J 5:4 given above as a translation of the Greek Kara KaLpov with a change in meaning, /tfcTO 'year' also occurs in other phrases with N a + ACC: in the Gospels we have it twice in the phrase N a MZNOTd 'for many years': L 12:19 iwauiH MZNoro AOEpo /toKAUJTG, Nd ,fkT d wmord (Z) L20:9 i oTHde Nd A’b.ra MZNord (Mar) The former corresponds to a Greek eus + ACC: L 12:19 exels tto XX q d-faBd kelh .evq els etvj tto XX q and the latter-to a Greek prepositionless ACC: L20:9 Kat ane6fm»iaev xpovous iKavous In L 12:19 Nd, rendering Greek e l ’s + ACC, seems to express the purpose or intent of the action—to store up many good (deeds) ’for many years'. On the other hand, in L 20:9 the Greek prepositionless ACC seems to express the duration of the action. Note that Slavic had no exact equivalent for the verb dTTefifmncrsv, which, based on its roots, may be translated as ’separated himself from the people’. In OCS, the verb is 186 simply OTH^e, 'he wen! away1. A prepositionless ACC would have been unacceptable in OCS, because of the fact that it expresses duration of time, Instead, N a + ACC was used, in which Nd implies the intended time--'he went away (apparently with the intent of staying away)/rv many years'. 7.7.1 The Nd + ACC construction seems to have a different meaning in these verses, seen both in their rendering of different Greek constructions (ei’s + ACC and the prepositionless ACC rather than kcltq + ACC) and in their translations into various modern languages. For example, the modern English Bible shows these phrases translated as 'for many years' and 'for a long time' respectively. Modern Russian also shows Ha + ACC, which in temporal constructions bears the meaning of a consequent time, one which will follow the action of the verb: H a M H o r n e rozibi and Ha ^oyiroe B p e M J t. Modem Bulgarian shows 3 a : 3 a MHoro ro/tHHM and 3 a O b A r o B p e M e . In Modern Bulgarian, the preposition 3 a bears the meaning 'for' in a temporal context implying extension over the given time period. In L 12:19, all texts show a present tense verb: Greek exeLj, OCS and Modem Bulgarian HMdUJH, Modern Russian jie)KHT, Modem English Have. However, the implication is that the action is reserved for the future: 'you have many goods laid up for many years’—i.e., for use in the future. L 20:9 shows a past tense verb—aorist in Greek (dn£&r|p.r|cr£v), OCS and Modem Bulgarian (O T M ite ), past perfective in Modem Russian (oTJty'-m ./icfl). Here the time is more obviously seen as occurring after the completion of the verb—'he left for a long time'. Thus the meaning of the Nd + ACC construction in these two particular verses with the noun /CkTO does not have the meaning of repetition as seen in other examples, but rather a duration of time which will occur after the action of the main verb. 187 7.7.2 /H'bro also appears with other modifiers in the Nd + ACC construction in Supr: Supr 41:5-6 & CA boa ceoa oycTpOHEZ Nd d p o y ro e ^ttTO Supr 220:17 Nd /itTO ce c z TpH cm okezi po^M And the phrase Nd RLCfe /I'fcTd, seen in the Gospels, also appears in Cloz, rendering Greek Sui + GEN: c Cloz 8a:23-24 P&YGNO EZI e^NO!* EZ1NX Nd RLCfe A’kT a CMZ Ad&TZ Cloz 8a:23-24 eppeBri p.ev Slttq^, Slq TTavxos Se to u xpovou 'pLVCTQL ep-ftO . . . which, as mentioned in Chapter 3 (§3.2.2), carries the meaning of extent, "in the case of extension over a whole period of time, to its very end" (W. Bauer 1979, 179). Thus Slq TTdVTOS toxj xpovou means 'throughout the whole year'. 7.8 Finally, the noun ndcxd 'Passover' (later, 'Easter') occurs twice in the Gospels in the Nd + ACC construction with a temporal meaning: J 2:23 csttptiH we ee epoycd^Mwbxe Nd ndcxx re npdTNHKL (D) J 18:39 dd tc^HNoro RdMZ orznoyijjs: Nd n d c x z (Sav) 188 J 2:23 is only attested by three manuscripts; the other two -Marand Z—both show s z + ACC: „">r J 2:23 Gfrtd we Kt, a z hw t a z n a c x a a z np (The problems with n Chapter 2, §2.11.3.) Both verses correspond to a Greek ev + DAT: J 2:23 £j s Se riv ev t o l s ' IepocroXupious ev t w ndcrxa ev Ttj eoptfj J 18:39 "va eva dno^ujcrw lin.Cv ev tu ttqctxcl The meaning of ev + DAT is a time during which an event takes place; this is also the meaning of RZ + ACC, and thus it is used in most manuscripts. It is possible that N a + ACC was used by the translator(s) and/or scribe(s) of Sav in its meaning 'for'; thus Jesus was in Jerusalem fo r the Passover' rather than ’during the Passover'. 7.9 Another prepositional construction which shares meaning with N + ACC. no + ACC always corresponds to Greek KQTa + ACC, and they both function almost as if they were adjectives: in conjunction with a temporal noun, no + ACC in OCS and kqtoi + ACC in Greek mean 'every'. In OCS, no + ACC is only used with nouns in the PL (Xodova 1971, 133). Kqtq + ACC, on the other hand, is only used 1 8 9 with nouns in the SG. Thus we see that the OCS syntactic pattern here is definitely native and not a copy of the structure of the Greek construction. 7.10 In the Gospels, no + ACC occurs most frequently with the noun 4 LNH ’days' (five total occurrences), always modified explicitly by the pronominal adjective r l c a 'all': c______Mt 26:55 no r c a ahh cfc^'fexz npn a a c z r z upKRH . . . (Sav) L9:23 H BZJRMRTL KpLCTZ CROH no Rh.CA dLHH (Ost) L 22:53 no r l c a a l n h e x p o mh cz r a m m a z ypkfa& (Mar) Every occurrence corresponds to Greek Ka0’ f|p.epav, in which the noun is never modified explicitly by an adjective: Mt 26:55 * a0 ’ f||4.epav ev xco Cepco eKQ0e^o|4.riv . . . L9:23 KOLL QPQTW TOV CTTaUpDV QUTOU KQ0’ f)|4.epQV L 22:53 * a0 ’ r)|4.epav ovxos |4.ou |4.e0’ u ^ u v ev xu lepto As mentioned earlier in this chapter (§7.3.2.2), the *a 0 ’ ftyiepav Greek is also rendered in OCS by the phrase n a aackvz arnr, which, however, never overlaps no RICA 4LNH. In Supr the phrase no Rrca alnh is also common: 190 Supr 190:29 Toro eo no rec^s 4 rnh o>KM 4 <3 Hi; Supr 294:14-15 h no rlca 4 LNH numh W 4 0 MZtecTZ Supr 430:15-16 h no rlca 4 Rhh , , . npH xo^dtsxx mnojh k nEmov 7 .1 1 There is one more occurrence of no + ACC in the Gospels—with the noun yffeTd 'years', also modified by the pronominal adjective RLCfe. 'all': L2:41 i xo>« 4 L2:41 k,ql etropeuovTO oi yoveCj autox) maT 1 e to j ci’s TepoucraXrm . . . Supr has other examples of the phrase no RLCte A'k.Ta: Supr 314:19 nz no Rica afc/to sziRdtgTZ Supr 329:12 no rlca r^ 7.12 Supr also shows this construction with the noun YcJCZ l 'hours': Supr 102:11 w notz n,t< 3 Yh, teoo aujtg no rrc^ yaczi Supr 201:6 no rlca y a c zi czwpb.TL nowziut^^A 191 7.13 As slated earlier in this chapter (§7.3.2.2), even though the meaning of the no + ACC construction coincides with that of the no + ACC construction, and even though they both render a Greek + ACC, nowhere do they overlap each other: if no BLCfc ^"bTO occurs in a given verse, then it occurs in all attestations of that verse in all manuscripts, and if no B^cfe /ffeTO occurs in a given verse, then it occurs in all attestations of that verse in all manuscripts. Based on this lack of overlap, it can be inferred that both constructions had a different nuance of meaning: no can be seen as the more "repetitive" preposition, in the sense that the action is distributed repetitively over the span of time, whereas no is more "continuous", indicating an action which continues over the span of time; in addition, NO indicates the intended time which will have its inception and duration after the completion of the action (seen in a perfective verb). 7.14 There is one more preposition which takes the ACC: oe(x ). This preposition has been mentioned a few times already in previous chapters in conjunction with the noun N oijJh. 'night' (cf. the discussion on noi(JL. in Chapter 4, §4.6.2). It only occurs one time, and only with this noun, in the Gospels: L5:5 . . . os NotuTL r c x Tpoy«AxuiE ca . . . (Asm) and has as its source a Greek phrase with the preposition 5uS 'through': L 5:5 S l’ o X r is vxjktos KOTTLacravTes 192 Xodova defines oe (Z ) + ACC as designating ''a time completely filled by an action" (1971, §8 8). Alq, as mentioned earlier (e.g. §3.2.2 and also §7.7.2), also emphasizes that the time is completely filled by an action. Perhaps these prepositions add emphasis: one meaning of the prepositionless ACC (in both languages) is that of a time completely filled by an action; thus it, too, could have served here. However, both Greek and OCS chose instead this prepositional construction to emphasize the completeness of the time filled—'throughout'. 7.15 In summary, in OCS we see the use of four prepositions with the ACC to express temporal meaning: &z, Nd, no, and oe{z). The use of s z with the ACC was discussed in a separate chapter ( 2 ) due to its being the most prevalent construction for temporal expressions in OCS. Nd + ACC has many meanings, most of which overlap with the meanings of other constructions. It has many Greek sources: eij, ev, cttl, and KOta. When it corresponds to e l ’s or ettl, Nd usually bears the meaning 'for' in the sense of intent or duration; when Nd corresponds to ev, it bears the meaning 'at' or 'during'; and when it corresponds to k q t q , Nd bears the meaning 'every' in the sense of expected duration over a period of time, flo + ACC also corresponds to Greek koltq + ACC; they both carry the distributive adjectival meaning 'every'. Finally, o e ( z ) -f ACC corresponds to Greek Sia. + GEN and emphasizes that the time involved is completely filled by its action. 7.15.1 We see only the usage of az and Nd + ACC in the modern Slavic languages; no and 0E(z) are not used in temporal expressions. Ilo has been replaced by various phrases containing the explicit adjective 'every': Russian KanczibiH aeHb, Czech kazdtj den, Bulgarian BceKM £eH; Polish kazdego dnia, Serbo-Croatian svakog dana As we can see, some languages have a prepositionless ACC (Russian, Czech, and possibly Bulgarian), while others have a prepositionless GEN (Polish and Serbo-Croatian). It is curious that a construction which was as active as was no + ACC (or Na + ACC) to express 'every 1 in OCS has completely died out. + ACC, as discussed in Chapter 2, remains a vital means of expressing the time at which an action occurred in the modern Slavic languages. N preserved as well, at least in its meaning of intended duration. For example, Russian shows Ha + ACC in sentences such as OHa npnexa./ia b MocKBy Ha ( o j h h i ron 'she has come to Moscow for one year1, o h noexazi b Hzrry Ha 3 h m v 'he has gone to Yalta for the winter*, coSpaHHe Ha3HaneHo Ha neTBepr 'the meeting has been set for Thursday', or ypox Ha 3aBTPa 'the lesson for tomorrow'. CH APTER VIII THE INSTRUMENTAL AND DATIVE CASE WITH PREPOSITIONS AND THE PREPOSITIONLESS DATIVE 8.1 Although the prepositionless INS is a common construction for the syntactic expression of time in OCS, there are very few prepositions which take the INS to form a temporal construction. Most occurrences are disputable. Since the discussion of the INS with prepositions is very brief, I also discuss in this chapter the use of prepositions with the DAT and also the prepositionless DAT, which are both short topics also. 8.2 Two prepositions can be said to take the INS in OCS for the syntactic expression of time: 'between', np'fcwde 'before'; however, in temporal expressions they are rare. llp'bJtc is much more commonly found with the GEN case (and sometimes also with the ACC) in temporal expressions, and M&Kdoy only occurs once. 8.2.1 CMMtk’between this, in the meantime’occurs in J 4:31: J 4:31: ME.3K4K) MCC. CHMfa. MCM'fedXX I OyYGNHIJH &T0 . . . (Z) The Slavic chmi ». corresponds to a Greek phrase with ev + a substantivized adverb- ev tw ^.eTa£u: 194 195 J 4:31: ev t u n.eT a£u kipljtojv qijtov ol p_q 0K]Tql . . . M ew ^oy CHWL is probably an idiomatic expression, as we would expect two events to be named for something to occur 'between' them, perhaps here MCWAoy CHMH. However, since CMML is the (INS) SG, not the PL, this is probably a fixed expression equivalent to the English 'in the meantime', for example. 8.2.2 In J 12:1, the phrase np'tWAE w&CTHtiR 4LNL tldcxzi occurs in one manuscript: J 12:1 iccl we. no'few ae tuecTHHt a e m n d c x e i npw ^e b e BH-frHNts; (D) This is probably a scribal error, since only the ordinal number is in the INS, and it shows the FEM ending; the noun remains in the expected MASC ACC. Indeed, all the other manuscripts have np'bwde + ACC here: J 12:1 np'fewde tnecTi 4 .e n l n a c x z i n p t ^ e ic x e x Et-frdNHi* (Asm) rip,bw 4 e here corresponds to a Greek phrase with TTpo, for which we usually see nptw ae + GEN (see Chapter 1 0 , §§10.33 and 10.34): 196 J 12:1 o ouv ’ itia o u s npo e£ vip.epiov tou nacrxa r)\0ev etj BnSavuav In the modem Slavic languages which preserve tlpfexcAG to express 'before' (such as Russian, Czech and Polish), the syntactic variant of nptDKAG + INS has replaced the more prevalent variant (at least as found in OCS) of np'bKAe + GEN . 1 8.3 .1 The preposition kz is found in a construction with the DAT case, although it is not a common construction. In the Gospels, we find kz + DAT only in the phrase kz Toyoy, in conjunction with a negated verb in the meaning 'no longer': Mk 11:14 KZ TOMOV OTZ TGEG KZ RbKZ NHKTOJKG NG CZNtCTZ (Mar) J 8:11 i o t z CG/tt ng czrpfcujdi k z tomov (Z) J 17:11 H KL TOMOy N bcyz KZ KKCGMZ WMpfc (Asm) K z Towoy + negation corresponds to a Greek adverbial otiKeTL or |j.r|KeTC Mk 11:14 n.rjKETU eus tov auova e* ctou puiSeCy Kapnov tpa-fOt J 8:1 1 K.QL QTTO TOU VUV pH'lKe'CL QptQpTQVe J 17:11 *at oukctl ei^c ev tu k 6cth .u 1 However, in the mixlcrn languages, it is not the derived comparative Ibrm which wc sec, but rather a form descended from the "plain" form np'fe^z (Proto-Slavic *perd-). In canonical OCS, npK^Z is rare. Because of this, occurrences of np'K^z + ACC or INS arc also rare. With the derived form n p tx rte, wc sec the noun in the GEN because it is governed by a comparative. 197 Kz. TOMOV also occurs in Supr, although it is rare: Supr 143:12 TO KZ TOMOV JKMRO NG HJ/ffejJCTZ In such phrases, KZ TOMOy is probably an idiomatic expression for expressing 'no longer'. This idiom not preserved in the modem Slavic languages. 8.3.2 Kz also occurs in Supr with the DAT in the meaning of 'towards'. It is found with nouns such as RGYGpz 'evening': Supr 57:2-3 KZ RGYGpOV EO E'fe<3lU& 4LNH and Y d c z 'hour': Supr 56:15-16 no mounts It. kz uiGCToyoMMoy Yacoy noujth h rAacz. EZICTZ KZ NHMZ Supr 328:3-4 npHxoflHTZ ko n^ m z c,ioro k z dccMToyoyfMoy Y Supr 328:21-22 H k z t€4 HHoyovM(oy) na 4 & c a tg Y acoy npHtuz4ZtUHHMZ These phrases may be translated as 'towards the evening' and 'towards the (Nth) hour'. 198 8.4 The prepositionless DAT occurs in OCS with the noun /fbTO 'year', as mentioned in Chapter 5 (§5.5). In J 18:13, we recall, Sav had a prepositionless LOC TOML /I'fcT'k,corresponding to a Greek prepositionless GEN: J 18:13 . . . H)KX E t. dpXHEpe .1 to u l /I'hT'fe (Sav) J 18:13 . . . o j f)V d p x c e p e u s toxj evlqutou ekelvou However, the other manuscripts which contain this verse (all but Mar) all have a prepositionless DAT /fkToy Towoy: J 18:13 . . . DKG E t, dpXHEpEH yfbTOM TOMOM (Z) This seems to be the only occurrence of a temporal prepositionless DAT in OCS; 1 myself have found no others, nor have I found any discussions about the preposition- less DAT of time in any of my research. Since it is the only example, and since t o m l -ffeT t. on the other hand is a relatively frequent phrase (as discussed in Chapter 5, the prepositionless LOC tom l - t t T t occurs in many other Church Slavonic manuscripts and in secular manuscripts of the early period as well; see especially §5.1), we might be able to categorize /ft Toy TOMoy as an aberration. However, the fact that so many different manuscripts and redactions show the prepositionless DAT here prevents us from doing so. We cannot think of this as an example of a syntactic copying of the Greek, because as stated above the Greek does not show the prepositionless DAT here; rather, it shows the prepositionless GEN. It is possible that this example shows a 199 phonetic copying--Slavic /u/ for Greek /u/, both spelled < ou> ~ but this does not account for its spread among so many manuscripts and redactions. As was discussed in Chapter 5 (§5.5), it is possible to interpret this DAT as a DAT of relation/beneficiary, 'belonging to that year', hence 'for that year'. Because of this, this occurrence of /ttToy Toyoy,regardless of how many manuscripts attest it, may not even be considered a time expression. 8.4.1 There is one other occurrence of the prepositionless DAT of /ffeTO, however, this seems to be an unusual translation to render the meaning of the Greek text. In L 3:23, the Greek text shows: L3:23 K,aC auxos r)v ’Ivicrous apxonevos w c t e l e t c o v TpLQKOVTQ . . . with a GEN expressing age. In Mar, D, and Mir, we see a prepositionless DAT: L3:23 I t z E t h c z tlio Tp&MZ 4£C«ftTEMZ ^ tT Z . . . (Mar) Z, however, has the prepositionless INS here, as discussed in Chapter 4, §4.4.2: L3:23 I TZ E t HC tKO TpLMH 4ECATZI /itT (Z) 200 Two canonical mansucripts, then, show very different constructions to express AGE. This is one of many discrepancies which arise in such expressions. 8.5 In summary, both the prepositionless DAT and the DAT with prepositions are quite rare in OCS, as is the INS with prepositions. Kz + DAT bears the meaning 'towards' and is also used in the phrase KZ TOMoy, in conjunction with a negated verb in the meaning 'no longer, corresponding to a Greek adverbial ouketl (or nyiKexL). The occurrence of a prepositionless DAT of time is disputable, as are the occurrences of the INS with prepositions in temporal expressions. However, these constructions were discussed here because a few examples do occur, no matter how rare, and thus a study of the syntactic expression of time in OCS would be incomplete without mention of them. 8.5.1 What is more interesting, however, is what does not occur. If the syntax of OCS were merely a translation syntax, we would expect to find numerous examples of the prepositionless DAT in OCS manuscripts, since it is so prevalent for expressing time in Greek. Most likely we would have sporadic "mistakes" occurring in only one manuscript—manuscript A might have them in a few verses where Greek has the prepositionless DAT, manuscript B might have them in a few different verses, and so on. Such "mistakes" could indicate that the translators/scribes was merely repeating the structure which they found in the (Greek) manuscript in front of them. However, we have no such "mistakes". The phrase -ffcToy TOMOy, as discussed earlier (§8.4), is the only such phrase in the prepositionless DAT in the OCS manuscripts, and it translates a Greek prepositionless GEN. 201 8.5.2 In addtion, we would expect to see usage of the OCS preposition KZ + DAT to render the Greek n pos + ACC in its meaning 'towards'. In the Gospels, n p o s + ACC with this meaning only occurs once: L 24:29 . . . otl npos eanepav ecttlv . . . This occurrence, however, is translated by npi + LOC: - L24:29 . . . ■feKO npi RSYCpt ecrz . . . (Asm) As will be discussed in Chapter 9 (§9.30), tlpH + LOC bears numerous meanings, one of which is 'towards'. We might, however, expect to find other examples of npos + ACC (two examples) erroneously translated with kz + DAT: L8:13' . . . ot npoj Kaipov nuxxeuoucrLv . . . J 5:35 u^eCs Se tiBeXrjcraxe d-paXXLaS rival npos wpav ev xw CptOXL QUXOXJ These examples were both discussed in Chapter 2 (§§2.7.3 and 2.6.6), as both were rendered by OCS RZ + ACC2: .1 5:35, however, was rendered wilh B Z + LOC in Sav: . . . ixte a z t a c t atpoystTZ h az vacb HanacTH OTzc-rxriATX. 202 A L8:I3' . . . Iwe. b z Rf>'bMA B t p z e u x t e . . . (Asm) H J 5:35 BZ we XOTtCTE BZJdpddOBdTI CA BZ TQ4IMZ CBLTtWHt e ro (Asm) As was discussed in Chapter 2, not only was a syntactic change made in the text, but also a semantic change—in these examples, npos has the meaning of "the duration of a period of tim e/or" (W. Bauer 1979, 710). In the OCS texts, the events are no longer occurring 'for' the given time, but rather 'at' it. And in L 24:29, we see the same sort of semantic change concommitant with the syntactic change. Regardless, the translators) did not choose one of the primary meanings of npoj, 'towards', to express in these two verses. Although the actual renderings show a meaning which is different from that of the Greek, the fact that they are not copies of the Greek are further evidence that OCS syntax is independent of Greek. 8.5.3 Thus two things that we do not see with the DAT case—"mistakes" in copying Greek prepositionless DAT phrases and the non-usage of the prepositional structure KZ + DAT to render the Greek npoj + ACC in its meaning 'towards'—give us as much information about the syntactic structure of OCS as do all the structures which we do see with the various prepositional structures and prepositionless cases. The lack of occurrence of these two phenomena give strong support to the theory that OCS syntax of OCS as seen in the extant texts is native Slavic, and not merely translation syntax from the Greek. CHAPTER IX THE LOCATIVE CASE WITH PREPOSITIONS 9.1 In contrast to the DAT or INS, the LOC case is used quite frequently with prepositions to express time in OCS. Kz and n a + LOC are quite similar in meaning and usage to RZ and Nd + ACC, as already mentioned (cf. Chapters 2 and 7), and as expected are often in competition with them. There are two other prepositions which take the LOC which have not been mentioned: no 'after' and npH 'at; around; during the time of. no is by far the most commonly used preposition with the LOC, and npw, the least common. 9.2 Kz + LOC indicates "the time in which an action takes place" (Miklosich 1926, 659). Since it coincides with the meaning of and often overlaps r z + ACC, it too most often corresponds to Greek [ ev +] DAT. However, there are a few instances where r z + LOC corresponds to a Greek prepositionless GEN, as well as a few other constructions. Almost every occurrence of r z + LOC in one manuscript has r z + ACC in another one. Kz + LOC is used mainly with the same set of nouns as r z + ACC, including those words with temporal meaning-the parts of the day: ALNl 'day', NOtpL 'night', and HJTpo 'morning'; hourly designations such as riCMZNOipL 'mid-night', and Y d c z 'hour, time'; as well as RpfeMift 'time', /ifcTO 'year' and N&Afestfci 'week'—and also those words which take on temporal meaning according to context—m 203 204 (and other variants) 'cockcrow', nptCR/tGNHC 'movement, migration', j k h r o t z / )KH jNik/JKHTHtG 'life' and NdYeh/to 'beginning'. Although this list of nouns appears to be lengthy, each noun only occurs a handful of times in the r z + LOC construction. 9.3 Aini 'day' is found in the RZ + LOC construction both in the SG and in the PL. It is the only noun which does not compete with any other construction in this particular meaning. In the SG, we find both r z dLNH and r z 'in the daytime' —the former is the ending expected for the LOC of MASC i-stem nouns, while the latter is the ending expected for the LOC of MASC consonant-stem nouns1: J 11:9, NR d L R t AI N4 ^R C A T R rO ^M N t RCTG R Z xlLNH (Asm) J 11:9 2 L 21:37 E t )t£G RL 4LNG OyYA RZ 4pKRG <3 NOIUTHW:RZ ^ R d p tdUJG HCX0 4 A r z r o p t . . . (Mar) The first corresponds to a Greek GEN SG: J 1 L 9 ! OUXL SwBeKQ GJpQL CLCTLV TV1S flUCpQS 1 Although ALNL is originally from the consonanl-stcm class, it eventually merges with sott- stcm nttun classes, especially the i-stcm class. Recall from Chapter 2 that the expected GEN PL ALNZ is not attested in the phrase r z o ^ hnz o t z AL,n z ; instead, wc sec some form of the i-slcm GEN PL: r z ra h n z o t z aungm or alnhm . As wc will sec in §9.20.1, w ith no + numeral + ALfti. there arc attested occurrences of a l n z (cl., e.g., Mk 9:2 in Z). 205 and the second to a Greek ev + DAT: J 11:9 2 eav tls neptTTaTfj ev t?| v^epa ou npocn^OTrteL The difference in the Greek is due to the fact that the first occurrence is governed by the nominal noun phrase SwSei^a topat euxuv 'there are twelve hours' and is a partitive GEN (and thus is not a true time expression in Greek); the second, however, is simply the phrase 'in the day(time)', and thus we expect the ev + DAT construction. It is interesting that none of the OCS manuscripts chose to translate this GEN as a GEN, as they did with tows c z e o t z i in J 19:31— every manuscript shows a z + LOC here. Kz rtENG seems to be the construction used for expressing 'in the day(time)' as opposed to 'on (a certain) day', which is expressed by r z + ACC (as discussed in Chapter 2, §2.3). In this meaning, r z 4RNH occurs once in Supr: Supr 387:6 NOWTh. r z 4HH cZTROpH This occurrence may be translated as 'to create night in the day(time)'. The third occurrence of r z a l n e in L 21:37 corresponds to a prepositionless ACC: L 21:37 f^v Se xas rmepas ev tw Lepw SlSoqtkcjv, tqs vu*tas e£epxon.evos els to opoj . . . 206 where we might expect a corresponding prepositionless ACC in OCS to express "time spent"; instead the Greek was interpreted as expressing 'in the day...in the night' and rendered with e z dBNG . . , NOtjiHis. 9.3.1 b z ^ l n e x z —the PL—also occurs, but with modifiers: L 1:7 I OEd JtfMdTOp'fcBZlUd BE j4LNeXZ CBOHXZ KtdWBTE, (Mar) L 1:18 I WE-Nd w o t JdMdTOptBZUJH BZ 4ENh.XZ c b o ix z (Z) L2:36 CH JdW dTOp’fcBLUJH BL 4ENLXZ M N 0?tX Z (Sav) All of these phrases correspond to a Greek ev + DAT: L 2 : 3 6 q \j t >i npo|le{Ji'|KuCa ev rmepacs rroXXaCs L 1:7 Kat QpicpOTepou Trpo|iej}r]K,6T£s ev t q l s r)p.epaLS auTWv ficrav L l : 1 8 k,q l r) puvf] M-ou TTpofJefltiKuCa ev tolls ' r]p.epaLs auTr)s In Greek, these phrases can be interpreted as idiomatic expressions used with the perfect active participles of the verb rrpoPQLVW 'to advance', thus 'having advanced in many days/one's days'—i.e. 'being old'. Since they bear this abstract meaning instead of a concrete meaning of "day", these phrases are not really time expressions; the reference time for an action is not expressed, only the way in which someone is "advanced". It is possible that the phrases with BZ 4EWLXZ are simply copied word-for-word from the Greek; it is more probable, however, that they were idiomatic expressions in OCS as well. Phrases with 'in' + (time word) are found elsewhere in Slavic to express 207 agedness; for example, Russian has the phrase b JieTax (lit. 'in years') meaning 'old', as does Polish (W 1 attach). Polish has another phrase with W + LOC: (bye) W takim Wieku (lit. '(to be| in such an age (century(') '(to be) old enough'. Note also the English idiom 'up in years'. 9.3.2 There are other occurrences of AENE in the a z + LOC construction in Supr: Supr 333:29 a Z TpEXZ ovso ^lnexz XTpE tlOAOEd EZITH Supr 430:13-14 az 4ENCXZ T~fcXZ NdYiftUlift CTptfNMH npHXOrtMTM These phrases are unusual in that we do not see being used in the BZ + LOC construction in this way elsewhere. For the first, we might expect a prepositionless ACC to express duration of time; for the second-BZ + ACC, as with the familiar a z t z (o rP L a z Tift AENH) phrase. T h u s a z + LOCPL o 1'a e n e appears to be a syntactic peculiarity of Supr, not seen elsewhere. We do not see a similar usage preserved in any of the modern Slavic languages. 9.4 K z N0I|IH 'in the night', corresponding to a z a e n c 'in the day', occurs in Supr: Supr 60:17 np«AH oyEO be holuth Supr 66:16-17 noujte b e n &h >k £ nayc /ttoTOCTE Ezia Supr 334:25-26 H a z noujth t o e z i c t z 208 However, it does not occur in any of the Gospels, except as discussed in Chapter 4 (§4.5.2), where we see Mir (a twelfth-century Serbian manuscript) with two occurrences of L 21:37 with a z noljjh: L 21:37 at hcl o^yg 4 lnhkj rz ijpkrh a rl Nomi hcxoag RL^a^p'buiG c& kl |sic-SF| ropt. . . . (Mir) where the other four manuscripts which attest this verse (Ost, Mar, Z and D) show the expected INS: L 2 L 3 7 E*fc )KG RE 4LNG O^YA s . 2 . ljpi HCX0 4 A rz rop*b . , . (Mar) Otherwise, Mir also shows the INS of noijjl to express 'in the night', and this one instance can be viewed as an aberration. Elsewhere, to express 'in the night', as mentioned in Chapter 4 (§4.6), we find either RZ + ACC (if noijjl is modified, e.g. r z TZ NOIJJL), or the prepositionless INS (if noijjl is unm odified, e.g. noijjhkr)—both o f which are also found in Supr. Thus r z + LOC of noijjl appears to be a syntactic peculiarity of Supr,2 which is in free variation with the prepositionless INS. The phrases RZ noijjh 'in the night' and r z a l n g 'in the day' are preserved in several modem Slavic languages; however, literary Bulgarian is not one of them (recall 2 Supr contains many apparent syntactic peculiarities, which may be dialectal, or perhaps stylistic, variants of forms found in the Gospel texts. However, wc are unable to ascertain whether these "peculiarities" arc due to the scribc(s) making conscious changes, or whether they simply copied whatever they saw in their protograph, or whether they just made some mistakes. 209 that Supr is a manuscript from eleventh-century Eastern Bulgaria^, nor is Serbo- Croatian. We see the variant with R Z + LOC preserved in West Slavic: Polish W HOCy, Czech/Slovak V flOCi; Czech/Slovak V dne 'in the day'. This suggests that rz n o rjh was a variant, perhaps dialectal, perhaps stylistic, perhaps equivalent to NOtgHMt, which has been available to Slavic for some time. 9.5 We also find one example of r z tOTpte 'tomorrow' (or 'on the morrow'), but only in one non-canoncial manuscript: T Mk 11:12 H RL tOTp’fa HlULALUiHML CO RH’frdNHR R L Jd /tL k a (Mir) The other two manuscripts which attest this verse-M ar and Z —show r z + ACC of the adjective oyTpLNLH (the noun ALNL is implicit): Mk 11:12 I R Z OVTpLNHH HlURrtZlURMZ HMZ OTZ RMTdNHWl (Mar) The various constructions in which the noun toT po or its derived adjectives are used was discussed in Chapter 5 (§§5.6.1-5.6.5). This occurrence of r z tOTp'fc in Mir corresponds to the Greek xfj etTaOpLOV (i.e. the prepositionless DAT): As just noted, it is possible that these lorms were copied from the protograph of Supr, whose prow nance is unknown. 210 Mk 11:12 kql xri eTTQupuov e^eXBovxtov auT tov a n o B>n0avLas eneuvQcrev The usual OCS construction for xfj enaOpUJV is kz: tcTptH except in Mir, which only shows it for two verses out of the six which it attests (It occurs seven times T? in the Gospels). In two verses Mir substitutes RZ 00 (J 1:29 and 1:35); one verse shows + LOC (Mt 27:62); and this verse— rz + LOC. 9.6 £z no/toy N0t|iH 'at m id-night ’4 competes with the much more common nO/toyNOiJJM—the prepositionless LOC. It occurs in one manuscript in Mk 13:35: Mk 13:35 mg RtcTe eo KorA and in one manuscript in L 11:5: L I 1:5 HA&Tb. K NGWK) rl. nO/toyNOiuH (Mir) As mentioned in Chapter 5 (§5.3), n0/40yN0i)iH corresponds to three different Greek constructions—two with the prepositionless GEN (| 4 .ecrr|S vxjkxos or [LecrovuKXLOXj) and one with an adverbialized ACC (p.etrovuKXLOv): 4 See the discussion on no,iiSNOl|ni in Chapter 5 (§5.3) lor mailers ol spelling and word divisions. 21 I Mt 25:6 n e a ris &e v\jk.xos K p au ^ y\ •Y>£Tovev L 11:5 *aC nopeucrexai npos auxov pietro vukxujxj Mk 13:35 o Ok ac&axe Ttoxe o Kupioj xfis o lku is epxexaL H otpe fj necrovxjKXLOV f) dXeKXopocpcovuis ri npwii! Elsewhere they are always rendered by the prepositionless LOC: Mt25:6 ncMOV nouith we Bzn^te e z i c t z (Mar) Mk 13:35 n e b ^ c t e so K z r d d r e Aouoy n p n A E T Z ah b e Y e p z ah ntM OyNOtUTH AH BZ KOypOrydUJENBE AH oyxpo (Z) L I 1:5 h «4 BT kb NEMoy no>toy NomTi (Asm) However, EZ nO/toyttOipH also occurs frequently in Supr: Supr 139:5-6 no GEZiYdto wcuAWToy c a tcw oy b z n o ^o y nowth Supr 184:20 b z no/toy noiuth npmuzAZUtoy KNAjoy , . , Supr 275:20 b z no>toy noiuth w e Bennie e z i c t z Thus OCS had two active means for rendering Greek necrovuKXLOV, et al.: the prepositionless LOC and b z + LOC, which appear to be in free variation with each other. In fact, these two constructions are not so far apart structurally—they involve the same case (LOC), with the presence of a preposition ( b z ). The prepositionless LOC was eliminated as an active structure in the history of the Slavic languages; perhaps we 212 see already in OCS an encroachment of the prepositional structure into the domain of the prepositionless one. Note that the difference between the use of these two constructions (the prepositionless LOC and BZ + LOC) to express 'at mid-night' cannot be attributed to a different reference in Greek: each of the three Greek phrases could be rendered with either OCS phrase. 9.7 The phrase BZ YdC"fe 'at the hour, at the time’ renders not Greek ev + DAT, but TTpOj + ACC: L S: 13, . . . ol" TTpOJ KQlpOV TTLCTTeUOUCTLV . . . It occurs in one manuscript in one verse: L8:13 . . . dkg a z Y Elsewhere we see BZ BpfeMi9i: a L8:13] ... ijke a z ap'fauift afcpst ewffltTZ . . . (Asm) It is likely that YdCZ here carries its original general meaning of 'time'. This usage of a z + LOC perhaps may be an early example of the variant found in many Slavic languages to express phrases such as'at that time': a z TOMfc. Y 9 .7 .1 In L 4:5 we have we have a Greek temporal expression with ev + DAT: L4:5 eSei^ev aurto ndcras xds fiacrOveuas xfjs ol’kou[4.ev>is EV (TTLfK^ XpOVOXJ which can be translated as 'in a moment of time'. Only three manuscripts attest this verse—Mar, D and Mir—and, as is known, the latter two are non-canonical. Mar and Mir translate the phrase as BZ Y ’time', which may be translated (quite akwardly) as 'in a timely time' or 'at a timely hour': L4.5 n o K d j a &mk) RCdKd upcTit. Bct/teNLie r l Y a c k Bp'kM&NRN'k (Mir) w hereas D translates it as RZ Md/lfc RptMENH, with a nominal form of Rptycft 'time', which may be translated as 'in a short time': L4:5 nok a ja &yoy RRck ijpLCTRa r r c r ^ g n l i a r l mfk Rptu&NH (D) Thus all three use the R Z + LOC construction, but choose different phraseological elements to do so. As with the example above with RZ Y a c k , it is possible that this 214 usage is an early example of the variant found in many Slavic languages to express phrases such as 'at (a certain) time' with a z + LOC. 9.8 'time' also occurs in other phrases in the e z +■ LOC construction, but only in the PL and only in Supr: Supr 17:19 rl R p tM C N ex z c e m t z i h x z Supr 100:18-19 rocnojKAd eo ich e z RpfeM&N&xz rop4HMMa tffccapa This seems to be yet another syntactic peculiarity of Supr, another using RZ + LOC (with the PL form of a noun) where we would expect a different construction. Usually we see either the R Z + ACC ( e z RpfeMe^) or a tlpH + LOC construction (to be discussed later in this chapter; cf. §9.30) to express 'in the time of. In addition to the phrases shown above, Supr also uses the phrase e z . i t T t x z to express 'in the time of (literally, 'in the years of): S u p r 50:1 e z a 'b T 'b x z /Ihkhnhm ufecapd E'fcdiUR roNCNHtc r g ^ hko . . . It is not as if other constructions are unknown in Supr—on the contrary, we find many examples of RZ Rp’bMife and we also see npH + LOC: Supr 1 0 8:10 -1 2 m x y e h z jkg ezictz cratzih Hmcommm , , . npH NaN'fc ufccapH 215 Since Snpr uses all of these constructions actively, they could all have been equally viable means for expressing 'in the time of in the early history of Slavic. 9.9 Supr shows the s z + LOC construction with words not found in the Gospels, including /ffeTO 'year': Supr 212:29-213:1 twe. e z n o y c T Z iN H . . . e z y s t z i p &x z a e c A T E x y ftT 'b X Z As with the phrases with EZ TpLXZ dLNexz and e z a l n e x z T ’fc x z . E Z YETZipexz ^gcm texz /ttT txz seems out of place because we would expect a prepositionless ACC to express duration of time in its place. 9.10 'week' also is found in the e z + LOC construction in Supr: Supr 209:5-6 fl ATL EL NCdfe/tH dLNMM N& MELM Cft Y/tORfcKOy . . . Supr 411:3-4 4E N&d*fe/tkl has another meaning--'Sunday': Supr 209:7-8 e z c x e o t x jke. h el NEdfc/tz npLEtc r l c e x z *> BZX0>KdddLlie B.L IJpZK &£ 216 The semantics may be distinguished by the construction in which the word appears: e z + ACC when means 'Sunday', but r z + LOC when it means 'week'. 9.1 1 Finally, we have words which have temporal meaning according to context when used in the R Z + LOC construction. The most common of these is the quantifier yd/to 'little,.few’--the phrase r z occurs eight times in five verses in the Gospels: J 16:16 r z mout, h kz Toyoy he r h a h t e mene h ttdKzi r z maAt. OyjLpHTE MA (Ost) J 16:19 RZ Mfl.H’b H NE OyjLpHTE MENE H ndKZI RZ iJjLpMTE MA (Sav) It corresponds to the Greek adverbialized ACC HLKpov: J 16:16 [iiKpov k,ql o uketl 0ew p£iT £ h e kql ttqX lv HUKpov *aC Otp£CT0£ He In Mk 14:70, D has RZ Md/fb, whereas the other manuscripts with this verse (Ost, Mar and Z) all have ne no MZNoroy: Mk 14:70 m r e uaAt. ndKU ctowiiijh . . . (D) Mk 14:70 i ne no MNoroy naitzi ctowsuutei (2) 217 Although ne no M^Noroy is the more exact translation of the Greek ^exa n.iKpov 'after a little': Mk 14:70 *aL nexd | 4LKpov ndXtv ot napEcrxcoxss eXeyov . . . this verse shows that the phrase r z was possibly an idiom for expressing 'after a while', or, more literally, 'in a short time'. E z mAA't is also found in Supr and Cloz: Supr 344:12-13 M KZiRddTZ Isic-SFl r z Mfl.-t'b KEJ a o y x a Cloz 3a: 19-20 RZ Md/ite. m e z i c t z Rfep&NZ Cloz 12b:7-8 e z r z oycznei cznAUJTAka o t z RfcKtf No Greek is given for the first example in Cloz; the latter, however, corresponds to npds $paxu which may be translated as 'in a short time'. Cloz 12b:7-8 o 8sds npos Ppaxu unvwcrev *au xouy a n ’ a lto vos unvouvxas e k xoO Savaxou 9 .1 1 . 1 E z Md/Cfc then seems to be an adverbialized idiom for expressing 'in a short time'; the RZ + LOC construction is also used for another idiomatic expression: r z CKOp’k. E z c k o p t corresponds to the Greek ev x d x e t 'soon': 218 t L 18:8 . . . tKO CZTROpHTZ MLCTL HXZ RCKOpfr (Asm) L 18:8 . . . o tl nouricreL xriv e^SiKrioxv qutcjv ev T axei It also appears in Supr: Supr 14:29-30 to r z CKOpt. c z wpLTHis noroyehth I Supr 142:25 dd r z CKOpfe czTROpHTZ noyoiUTL 9.11.2 The nouns CTdpocTh. 'old age', RZjZdpdCTR 'a g e ', Koypor^dUieNHe (and other variants) 'cockcrow', np'bCR/tcNHe 'movement, migration' and jkhrotz/jkhjnr/jkhthic 'life' all occur only one time each in the Gospels. Except for j k h r o t z , which only occurs in the RZ + LOC construction, they all can appear in either the r z + ACC or the r z + LOC construction, depending upon the manuscript. However, there are too few examples to be sure, and not each manuscript attests all of the necessary verses: Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir CTdpOCTL ACC ACC ACCACC ACC LOC ACC Koypor/tdtu&NHR — ACC — ACCACC LOC ACC nptce/teNHe LOC ACC ACC — — — — JKHROTZ LOC LOC LOC LOC LOC LOC LOC 219 9.11.3 E z CTdpocTH c e o e h occurs one time—in L 1:36-, and is only in the E Z + LOC construction in D: L 1:36 h r a poahtr cnl el cTdpocTH crorh (D) Elsewhere it is in the R Z + ACC construction: L l:3 6 t r a j a y a t z CNa a z c T d p o c T L crom : (Mar) It has as its source a Greek ev + DAT: L 1:36 kol autri cruveLXricpev u lo v ev "f^lPeL It also occurs in Supr, in which it is always modified, most often by the adjective AOEpz 'good': Supr 37:22 3KHRZ 4R*t yffeTt. RZ dO E pt CTdftOCTH Supr 152:24-25 czcTdpfcRZ jkg ca oyEO r z dORpfe CTapocTH Supr 407:14 T ty H RZ CTdpOCTH MOt€H J t/to CZTROpHRZ 9.11.4 Supr shows one example of another phrase expressing a stage of life in the r z + LOC construction: RZjZ4p<3CTR k j n z 'young age': Supr 404:25 r z RzydpacT'fc tQMfc noE'fcdHRwa 9.11.5 E z Koypor/tauiGNHH only occurs in D and Mir: 220 Mk 13:35 Ne B-fecTe so n o r ^ a tnb aomk> npH^eTL h^m ov Kropuir^^meNHt .5 (Mir) Elsewhere it is in the B Z + ACC construction: Mk 13:35 Ne B'fecTe eo k z t a<* rtT Aoyoy npH^eTZ ay\ a e y c p z ah no/tovNotiJTH ah b z Kovpor/i and corresponds, as mentioned in Chapter 2 (§2.12.3), to a Greek prepositionless GEN: Mk 13:35 ouk ol^qte -pap noxe o KupLoj xfis olklqs epxexat H otye >1 p.ecrov\JKTLov vi dXeictopocpwvLas r\ TTptou 9.11 .6 £ z np’bce^eNH i only occurs one time in one manuscript: Mt 1:11 HOCHd Jtte pOAi MOxoNitat h EpaTHUK ero b z np’bce^eNiH BdBMONCTfcdML |sic-SF| (Asm) Elsewhere it, too, is in the b z + ACC construction: Recall that Mir is an early ms. in the Serbian recension of Church Slavonic; in Serbo-Croatian the consonant v in initial, prc-consonanlal position vocalized to u; eventually, this u became the only form for the preposition. The word-formaiion suffix with z i instead of o may also have been a dialectal feature; more likely, however, it was simply a scribal error. 221 Mt 1:11 HOCMM we po^H hoxonmi* h EptaTHW e r o e l npfece^ENHt RdEH^ONLCKoe (Sav) This phrase corresponds to a Greek cttl + GEN: Mt 1:11 ’Iwctlqs Se tyevvr\(Tev xav ’Iexovuav *aC touj dSeXcpous When ettl is used in Greek with the GEN of a person, in the meaning 'in the time of, it is usually rendered by OCS npw + LOC (as will be discussed in §9.30). However, this is not a person, but an event, and thus either EZ + ACC or a z + LOC is used to render the meaning of the Greek—the time during which an action takes place. 9.11.7 Finally, the phrase s z WMBOT'tl, which is attested by all of the Gospels manuscripts, occurs in EZ + LOC in all of them: L 16:25 . . . azcnpHKuz &ch t z i K A a r a a Tao'b e z WHBOTt. t b o s m l (Mar) It originates from a Greek ev + DAT: L 16:25 QTTe\apes xd d-paGd trou ev xfj omi Supr shows numerous occurrences of other nouns meaning 'life'— jnl or xtMTHtc—in the RZ + LOC construction; it, too, never exhibits 'life' in the r z + ACC construction: Supr 184:6-7 T 2 . r A a Rb.ce. tew G r l c g m l k h th h np'kOEHd'fcRZ . . . Supr 407:13-14 MMHMtG RZ XH 7 NH MOtEH T pL ntR Z nOK’brtHXZ Supr 429:22-24 no MNOjtxz we ^ tT tx z nptiEziR^MLM HMd RZ Koynfe H CHMNRM RZ WHTHft . . . A CA E,1 9.1 1 ,8 Supr also has one instance of the noun 'beginning' in the RZ + LOC construction; elsewhere, it too is always in the RZ + ACC construction: Supr 426:13-14 . . . EziRzwoyoyMoy r h n o r z n o v r z HdYieut. Supr 7:27 r z NdYtfuo E*fe c ^ oro Supr 212:8-9 r z n a y a t z k z t o t o sow ecTR Z N ddro xowrtGNHM mg oy HCKOyCRNZ EZIRZ TO A flOyCTZINrfi Supr 426:16-17 RZ H 9.12 Thus r z + LOC corresponds to many Greek structures: e v + DAT, en£ + GEN, and + GEN, rrpos + ACC, the prepositionless DAT, GEN, and ACC. In almost every occurrence, r z + LOC competes with r z + ACC ( r z CTtSpocTH c r o g h vs. r z CTdpoCTR CROts); in some occurrences, r z + LOC also competes with the prepositionless LOC (R Z noyioyNOifiH vs. nO/ioyNOljJH). It bears the meaning of a time 223 in which an action takes place and occurs with numerous words, both with and without temporal meaning. It is not difficult to understand why s z + LOC might compete with these two other constructions. In the case of overlaps with a z + ACC, which expresses the same meaning, the preposition is held in common. In the case of overlaps with the prepositionless LOC, the case is held in common, and the only difference between the two constructions is the presence or absence of a preposition. Each of the individual modem Slavic languages resolved this overlap in its own way, and sometimes within one language we see the use of b z + LOC for a certain set of nouns but a z + ACC (or something else) for another. Sometimes we still see free variation as well. For example, OCS had two ways to express 'at mid-night’ and 'at mid-day': the prepositionless LOC or a z + LOC of ntMZNOljJL and n t u z Ab.NL, which appear to have been in free variation. In the modem Slavic languages, which do not have a prepositionless LOC, we see only the survival of a prepositional construction, either with a z + LOC or, now, a z + ACC. The languages with remnants of a z + LOC include Czech with V pulnoci 'at midnight' and V poledn© 'at noon’, and Serbo- Croatian with U podne 'at noon’. Polish chose the LOC, but substituted the preposition 0 (also used elsewhere in place of a z ) with 'midnight': W poludnle 'at noon', but 0 potnocy 'at midnight'. Bulgarian shows a form with a z , but as it has lost nominal declension, we cannot know whether it is a z + ACC or LOC, although the ending -U on the first part (no-ny) shows a remnant LOC: b noyiyHcm Russian and Serbo-Croatian show an innovative form (from the stand point of OCS) with a z + ACC: Russian B no/i/teHb, b noytHOMb; Serbo-Croatian U ponoc'at midnight' (which, unlike its counterpart U podne, does not show any remnants of a LOC form in either part). 224 9.13 Nil + LOC has a much more limited usage. It only occurs with a few nouns— 'time', Y d C Z ’hour, time', r o ^ z 'hour, time', jk h t m ic 'life' and R C Y c p k i 'supper'. Nd + LOC renders one of three Greek constructions: eJj + ACC. ev + DAT or eiTL + ACC. It has numerous meanings: Nd + LOC indicates "a time in which, during which, less often after which, something happens" (Miklosich 1926, 655). 9.14 The phrase Nd ^ /tz j'b Bp'bM&NH Tor a long time'occurs in L 18:4: L 18:4 h Ne xoTtdw e Nd d - tz s t. ep-kM eNi (Asm) All of the manuscripts have Nd + LOC here. It corresponds to Greek enu xpovov. It is quite interesting that although the Greek text shows no adjective modifiying xpovov/’ OCS "adds" the adjective &Az r z 'long', which changes the meaning of the Greek: L 18:4 *ac ou* f)0e\ev enc xpovov As was first mentioned in Chapter 3 (§3.5), this construction, when used in a temporal context, has the meaning of "extension over a period of time for, over a period of'; thus enC xpovov 'for a long time' (W. Bauer 1979, 239). Therefore it is possible Only one ms. (D) shows a modifier with xpovov --Ihc indefinite pronoun xej ( tcvq ) 'some*, which for obvious reasons could not have been the source of the Slavic A ^zrz. 225 that the information of "length of time" was born within the preposition in Greek, but could only be transmitted in Slavic by the addition of an adjective meaning 'long'. Although this particular phrase does not appear in the prepositionless ACC, there are numerous examples of the noun 'time' in the prepositionless ACC with other quantifiers: J 12:35 CUJ& Md/tO Ep-fcUA CB t T Z B Z BdCZ tCCTL (O st-lst) J 14:9 TCMHKO AH B p'kM A CZ BdMH ECMB (Sav) However, all of these correspond to Greek prepositionless ACC: J 12:35 e t c jiLKpov xpovov t o tpus ev UfrCv ECTTLV J 14:9 t o o ’o O to v x p o v o v |reB ’ u p tw v ecp.c7 Thus when the Greek has a preposition, as in L 18:4, OCS maintained the structural difference between the Greek prepositionless ACC and errt + ACC by rendering the latter with Nd -f LOC. Also, the prepositional constructions appear to be distinguished by intent: when they are used, the time expressed is one which is intended to follow the action of the verb. The prepositionless constructions, on the other hand, are cocurrent with the action of the verb. Nd A /tzj*h BpfeM&NH also occurs in Supr: 7 The preferred reading shows the prepositionless DAT here: however, many mss., inc. M, show the prepositionless ACC. 226 Supr 128:9-10 na Rp'fe.MC.MH we c z c £Aa NdrtpdCNO R Z w eA Z b z 4 0 u z It also occurs with the ellipsis of the noun Rp'kMA: Supr 13:22 mo^htrx czTBOpi Nd AAZ.Z'b. Supr 399:17 MdWH MM cph.4b.l*e Nd In phrases such as this, the adjective a az r z is functioning as a substantive. Such substantivizations of adjectives are fairly common in Slavic. 9.15 The nouns Y d c z and r o ^ z 'hour, time’ appear in the Nd + LOC construction only in Supr: Supr 81:26-27 KpHYZ R&/tKkz czTROpkiueMZ Nd m n o Ydcfc Supr 29:25 . , . npfeK/tONHRZ c a r b j a Nd r o / f t Here it is probable that we are seeing constructions parallel with the phrase Nd A-tZ jfe RpfeM&NH. 9.16 Cloz shows one example of the noun WHTHte 'life' in the Nd + LOC construction. In this instance, Nd + LOC corresponds to Greek e c s + ACC, whose meaning had merged with that of ev + DAT: 227 Cloz 9a:9-l0 MZNordtUTH Nd ceMfa. jk it ih ndKocTt. T R o p u z t o Cloz 9a:9-IO ttoXX q ^ls e c j xov trapovxa fluov efiXatl>as However, the choice of Cloz to use Nd + LOC rather than e z + LOC, which wc sec with all other examples of the noun 'life1, is curious. 9.17 Nd R&Y&pM 'at supper' occurs in J 21:20 and corresponds to Greek ev SetTTVw: L. J 21:20 i azj/ie)K£ Nd R£YEpi Nd npzci ero (Asm) J 21:20 o j k,ql avenecrev ev t u Selttvco cttl to crxrjOos auxou 9.18 Nd + LOC then is a fairly rare construction in OCS for expressing time. Its most common occurrence is in the phrase Nd d d z j ’fc (Rp'fcUENH) to express intended duration or extension of time. It also occurs with the nouns Y dcz, r o ^ z , whthic and B.C YCpkt on a very limited basis. It has many different Greek constructions to which it corresponds. 9.19 The LOC appears most frequently with the preposition no 'after'. It corresponds almost always to Greek ^.exa + ACC. However, in a very few instances, no corresponds to something else in Greek. These will be discussed as they arise. The construction no + LOC designates "the time after which something begins. The noun in the LOC expresses the point in time either directly or indirectly by means of the event 228 which has fallen in the time" (Miklosieh 1926, 676). Ilo + LOC is used with the noun dLNL 'day', YdCZ/rodMNd ’hour, time', /ffcTO 'year', and Bp'bMA 'time', as well as with many nouns which do not have temporal meaning. It is also used in adverbial phrases with the quantifiers M ZN orz 'many' and M ^ z 'few', with the demonstratives CL 'this' and T Z 'that', and with the pronominal adjective BLCL 'all'. 9.20 The noun a ln l 'day' appears in the no + LOC construction with many numerals, the quantifiers maA'Z. 'few' and m z n o t z 'many', with the demonstrative c l 'this', and also once without a modifier. In every instance except the last, the n o + LOC construction corresponds to pietd + ACC. 9.20.1 no + LOC of alnl occurs with many numerals: ’i ■> Supr 443:3-4 no igd nomz a nh npM^e cz mnojklctbomz boicbo^z M t26:2 no h b q k ) 4LUHK> n a c x a ez^&tz (Sav) Supr 142:26-7 no a z b o h ) 3ic& jcllwhm ) o v y h n h r z q te c d p L b o a c b o a Supr 212:3-5 no 4B 0K ) u l n h h i fMH no TpLxz , . . Hcxowrtdaiue hc neiuTepzi Mk8:31 M no TpLXZ ALHLXZ RZCKpLCNStTH (Ost) Mk9:2 i no ujbcth 4 nzk nowiTz mg' nerpa i . . . (Z) Supr 5:9-10 no CCA^MH ALNHI HJHrtt dyptUHWNZ J 20:26 h no ocmi 4 &nl naxzi K taxst oyveNMyH ero h -froMd cl NtMl (Asm) " From this point on (numbers six and higher), the noun alnl is in the GEN PL rather than the LOC PL, This is due to the government of numbers over nouns: with the numbers five and higher, nouns arc always in the GEN PL. The number itself, however, is in the LOC form (e.g. u i c c t h from tuecTL;Tpexz 4 c c a t c x z from TpM ^ c c a t l ). Cloz l4a:28-29 x z no k a l n z rljm a e . b z RZicnpLNH iw z Supr 341:2-4 . . . XpHCTOC no Tpexz a r c a t e x z arnr rlnh ^ g. r z JRMZNZIH HepOyCd/tMMZ Cloz 14a:24-26 . . . xz . . . no YETZip&xz jIECMTRxr R ZN iae . . . RZ UpKRL As was mentioned in Chapter 3 (§3.9.1), in Mk 8:31, four manuscripts (Sav, Mar, Z and Mir) show the prepositionless ACC TpRTMl ALNL instead of no TpLXZ a r n r x z : C Mk8:31 H Tp&THI 4 NL RLCKpRCNXTH (Sav) However, since the Greek has n_Exd + ACC, Asm, Ost and D show the more exact translation: Mk8:31 K.QL JJ.ETQ TpELS fylEpaS QVQtJT^VQL All other occurrences correspond to Greek (j.£xd + ACC: Mt 26:2 otfcaxe o x l p.Exd Suo fj^Epas xo ndtrxa -p,-veTaL Mk9:2 *aC ^.exq f|(4.£pQS TTapaXapifJavECo ’Ir)cro\JS xov IlExpov . . . /jv J 2 0 :2 6 k q l p.E0’ fip.£pas o k x c j ndX tv r itr a v ectio o l n .a 0 n x a C auxou . . . Cloz 14a:24-26 ev x?) npwxr) 'Y'evv^ 0‘eL Xpurxos piexd xeacTQpQKOVTa fij4.epas eurfp\.0ev . . e l ’s t ov v a o v Cloz I4a:28-29 xpurxos fiexd xecrcrapdKOVXa f]|4.epas avf)\0ev e l ’s xriv avto * IspoucraXrjn 9.20.2 We find the use of the quantifiers Md/iz’few 1 and mznotz 'many'in the no + LOC construction with ^ l n l in Supr: Supr 414:1-3 no Mfl/ttxz dLNCXZ czk 0 Nh.Y Supr 146:11-12 OyCTpdUtHRZ )K£ CA no MNOXfeXZ 4LN E X Z . . . 9.20.3 The phrase (N£) no M Z N O J'kxz ^ ln lx z '(not) after many days' occurs in L 15:13: L 15:13 h Ne no u z N o x fe x z ^ l n l x z c zK L p a a z Rh.ce wlnhh czinz (Ost) It also occurs in Mir in Mt 25:19: M t25:l9 no M No^txe x e iiNXh. npH^e rile pdKh. r t x h (Mir) 231 However, all the other manuscripts show here no M Z N O jt B.p'fcME.NH (or the PL no MZNOjfexz Rfj’fe.MtNh.xz), which is lexically more equivalent to the Greek i^sxd ttoX uv xpovov: the SG no MZNDj'b apteMENH is structurally more equivalent: C ^ M t 2 5 :1 9 no MMO.S"b ik o a p ,feM&HH n p i ^ e r a paEz T txz . . , (Asm) Mt 25:19 p.exd &e tto X uv xpovov epxexau o K,upuos xuv SouXcov BKELVCOV . . . 9.20.4 A similar phenomenon occurs with the phrase no c h x z JKG. ^ l h l x z 'after these days': we see it in L 1:24 translating Greek ^.Exd &E xauxaj xdj nM .epas: L 1:24 no c h x z /il n c x z . . . jdYATZ E/tHCdBETZ (Mar) L 1:24 p t.ex d Se xauxas xas riM.£pas ctuveX qP ev ’E X urapE T And in L 9:28 in D: L 9 : 2 8 ELICTL WE no 4 LW£XL CHXL -bKO 4RNM tf I H0 EWL nETpd . . . (D) However, in L 9:28, all the other manuscripts show here no c^o ecclx z chxz 'after these words' for Greek | 4 .exq xotuj Xo-pous xouxouj: 232 L9:28 e z i c t z we no c^OB& cexz c h x z *bKo db.Nm ocwt>. i noiMZ n e rp d . . . (Z) L9:28 e^eveTO 6e ucca Touy \oyous t o u t o u s waeC finepaL OK.TW K.QL TTQpaXaPwV IlETpOV . . . 9.20.5 Finally, the phrase no ^ ^ N k x z appears once in Mk 2:1 in Mar and Z TT (Mir has a z w; no other manuscript attests this verse): M k2:l i r ln h j HE n a x z i h c z r z KaneozNdovMZ no jfliNexz (Mar) This occurrence of no + LOC, however, corresponds not to Greek n e t a + ACC, but rather to Slq + GEN: M k 2 :l Kai eJcreXStow ttolX lv cl’s Kacpapvaoun S l ’ fm e p u v In this particular passage, however, Sid + GEN also serves "to denote an interval after" (Gingrich 1983, 44). This phrase no ALNLXZ is also unusual because it is the only instance of a rk l in the no + LOC construction without a modifier of any sort. 9.21 The no + LOC construction is also used with the noun Y Supr 144:6-7 no md-tfe Y To denote 'after a short time1, we usually expect the more common phrase (mg ) no MXNOJ’fe/fNC) no yzNorovf, found in the Gospels. This is discussed below (§9.26). 9.22 no ^ g &ATtH ro^HN*b 'after the ninth hour' is found one time in one manuscript: Mt 27:46 no d G E G T tl x g rodHN'fe e l jLnu nek (Mir-2nd time‘s All other manuscripts show here npH + LOC: Mt27:46 npi AGaATtH x g rojUN-h. E L juni ncz. (Asm) npH + LOC is the more exact rendering of the Greek nepi + ACC, as they both denote approximation: Mt 2 7 :4 6 nepC S e xriv evartiv capav aveporjo-ev o ’Iticrouj The use of npH is discussed in §9.30. 9.23 The noun ^*bT 0 ’year’ is also used in the no + LOC construction. It occurs modified by a numeral to express ’after X year(s)’: The first occurrence of this verse in Mir shows the expected npH /(esA TtH 234 ■) Supr 413:24 no /4’feT‘b x e tea noml oTzrNdnt. ezirlujh , . . Supr 7:13-14 kongijl nptttewwoy no 4&Ri9>th c z t z h TpHaecATH /ifef-kxz In this usage it is not found in the Gospels. The phrase no /it Toy, however, does occur in Mt 2:16: Mt2:16 . . . no /ttT o y e)tce. HcnzMTd o r z r j z x r z (Asm) But Ost and Sav show it as no RptMRNH: Mt2:16 ... no RpfcMGNH totte HcnziTd o t z r ^z x r z (Ost) which is a more exact lexical rendering of the Greek: Mt2:l6 . . . koto tow xpovov ov riKpifJwcrev napd xwv n.a-y'tov The meaning of kqtq + ACC here, however, is "to introduce the norm that governs something according to, in accordance with" (Gingrich 1983, 101). Thus, no here probably does not mean ’after’, but rather ’according to’ (cf., e.g., Modern Russian no-MoeMy ’in my opinion’, i.e. ’according to me’) Thus this is not a true time expression, as it does not refer to the time of an action, but rather expresses ’according to the time (which he had determined from the wise men)’. 235 Supr shows /(tTO in the no + LOC construction in the PL modified by MZNorz 'many’: Supr 429:22-24 no MH 0 ?,bxz xe /itT tx z npteEZiRdNLM mm <3 r z Koyn'k H CHMNLW KZ)tCHTHH . . . rfi CA E/taJKGNZIH f^NHNd 9.24 ELpfcMA 'time' also occurs in Mt 25:19 in the no + LOC construction, as mentioned earlier (§9.20.3). It renders Greek piexa ttoXuv xpovov: f ^ Mt25:19 no m NOTfe jkg ap'tu&NH npi^RrhT pdKZ T t x z , . . (Asm) Mt 25:19 piexa Se tto X u v xpovov epxetau o Ktipuos xuv SouXuv eKeuvwv . . . Three manuscripts—Sav, Mar and Z—show the phrase in the PL no MZNoj'fexz epteWGNLXZ, which appears to be an unusual structural divergence, both from the Greek original and from what OCS has elsewhere: Mt25:19 no MLNO^frXZ )K£ Rp’fcMS.N&XZ npMrtE rtT pdEZ T t x z , . . (Sav) Supr shows RpfcMife in the no + LOC construction, but with different modifiers: 236 Supr 142:26-27 no BptMBNH xe, 4 / ) L 4ZUJTH . . . MXYHMd BkNHktwe Supr 433:9 no T t x z x e BpfeMCNEXZ OyBt.d’bBZ IldTpHliMH , . . 9.25 Many nouns which do not have temporal meaning are also used in the no + LOC construction. One is the word nupdCKBBLfiH, which was borrowed from the Greek napaCTKcxjr). Its original meaning was 'preparation', and eventually it came to mean ’preparation for the Sabbath', or 'day before the Sabbath', i.e. 'Friday'. In Modem Greek, ttq.pq napacKBBLfiH, but others use the native Slavic word n a t z k z 'fifth day 1,10 which does have temporal meaning, flo nATZlj'fe or no ntfpdCKBBLftn occurs in Mt 27:62: Mt 27:62 n a KJTpH'fe hjkb a c t b no n&TU'fa . . . (M ir-1st time) 0 ? Mt 27:62 BZ OyTp’blWe. |sic-SF] eCTZ n ndpflCKBB FiI H . , . (Asm) Mt 27:62 t?) Se en o u p to v , rjTus eo'Ttv i^E-cd Tr]v TTapacrKeuriv . . . The other nouns without temporal meaning which are used in the no + LOC construction are too numerous to name here. For a complete list, see Appendix K. A few examples can serve to illustrate the scope of this construction: Supr 332:4-5 h no oyupZTRHH am x o T t a x x j a nb apzjO BdTH Supr 407:1-2 h no clkowly^hhh E^ 10 It is worth mentioning that the structure ol' the week itself is distinguished between the Greek and Slavic cultures—in the Slav ic world, the week is counted from Monday and thus Friday is 'the fifth day'; however, in Greece, the week is counted from Sunday and thus 'the fifth day’ (tq nepjTTtq) is Thursday. 237 Mk 13:24 m z & z t z i a^mm no ckozeh Tot c,«z n l i ) g nowpdYMTZ c a (Z) Mk 13:24 a W o . ev eKCLvatj tolls finepaLs ^.exa tv|v oXCtpLv e*eLvrjv o rpaos £TKOTU70r|creTaL L 12:5 o^ eo h t g c a MMXtpaaro R jdC TL no ovsHtenHH (Ost) L 12:5 cpopri0r)Te xov n.exa to QTTOKTeCvat exovxa e^oucaav 9.26 The quantifiers m z n o t z 'many' and yd-tz 'few', are also found in the no + LOC construction, with the ellipsis of the head noun. Ilo (MASC o-stem vs. u-stem ending) 'after a short time' occurs in Supr: Supr 201:3-4 n z no Ud/toy jt/io . . . Supr 232:21 *€ro :«e no Md/Pfc xoT-fe rlctcSrmth M z n o t z also has two LOC forms: some manuscripts have the MASC o-stem ( mg ) no m z n o j t , while others have a MASC u-stem (n g ) no MZNoroy: M t26:73 ng no MN0 ?,k *g npHCTxnLwe ctoaijjgi p’feuiA. . . (Sav) Mk 14:70 i ng no MNoroy nanzi ctowiujtgi . . . (Z) L 22:58 m ng no MNOTt ApoyrMH RHA’kKL ero p&YG. . . (D) Regardless of the ending, ( n g ) no MZNoroy corresponds to either Greek |4.e x a [4 .LKpov or | 4 .eTQ ppaxu, which have the same meaning, 'after (not) a long time'. Both phrases, as with the Slavic phrase, show the ellipsis of the head noun 'time': 238 Mt 26:73 ^ e x a n.L*pov £>e TTpocreXeovxes ol. ecrxwxes elttov . . . Mk 14:70 * q l n.exa ^LKpdv ttqX lv o l TTapecrxuxej eXe-fOv . . . L 22:58 kaC ^.exa (ipaxu exepos lSwv a u x o v ecpri . . . 9.27 Finally, we come to the use of the no + LOC construction with the demonstratives ce (PL ca) ’this’ and TZ 'that': no c&MR, no cmxz (PL), and no tom e. These phrases are used to render Greek ^.exa xouxo 'after this' and ^.exa xau x a 'after these'. They are interchangeable with each other. The distinction between the SG and the PL as seen in the Greek text—which appears to be purely a stylistic and not semantic distinction—is not maintained in the Slavic manuscripts. For example, J 21:1, the Greek has the PL: J 2 1 : 1 n_exa xauxa ecpavepuo-ev sauxov ttoX lv o ’Iricrous x o lj H.a0r|xaCs but two of the five Slavic manuscripts have the SG: J21:l no C&ML feEM c a n a k z i wcf oyyeNHKOMZ ceohm z (Mar) 7T TT The other three—Asm, Ost, and Mir— substitute a z to. In fact, r z to is often found in the Aprakoi to replace various phrases with no c&MR, etc. 239 The no CGME, etc., phrases are quite frequent in the Gospels, and in Supr as well: L 18:4 . . . no c i x z x g pGYG r z CGEb, . . . (Asm) J 11:11 h no cgme r 7 a hmz . . . (Ost) Supr 8:17 no tom e nptirRdXAaiETZ c a na Ap’bR'b Supr 10:1-2 no to m l no recgm ov Tfe/toy npHWHjaTH Supr 111:4-7 no tom )kg aenhh nhuithh , . . npHUJGAZ . . . We do see some variation in some manuscripts: for example, in L 18:4, four manuscripts substitute the adverbial noC/fbAH—Sav, Mar, Z and Mir: L 18:4 . . . n o c /ttd u jkg pG y g r CGEb (Sav) noC/tbrtM is what we usually find to render the Greek adverbial ucrxepOV, as in Mt4:2 . . . noc/ttdi jkg r z jh.aA \ia (Asm) M t4:2 . . . UcTTepov eiTeLvauev InJ 13:5, D substitutes T o r z r t <3 for no t o m e : J 13:5 H TOrEAd RE/tHt ROA* RE OtfMEIRd^ENHIJ* (D) 240 In addition, D substitutes no tom l in Mk 9:2, where the other manuscripts have no U1CCTH Mk9:2 h no to m l nowiTZ ic c z ne.Tp Mk9:2 t no ui &c t h a h z now iTZ wcf n e T p a . . . (Z) Other than these examples, the only variation we see among the manuscripts is among the usages of no c&m l, no c h x z , and no t o m l . 9.27.1 In almost all occurrences, OCS no c c m l , etc., renders Greek i^ s t q + A C C : L 18:4 M.ETQ Se tqutq elttev hv eauxw . . . J 11:11 KaC |4.eta xouxo qutolj . . . However, three verses with no t o m l (and only no t o m l ) have as their source Greek T s l t q 'then', an adverb: L 8 :1 2 ELTQ SpXEXQL O Slq Po X o S' . . . J 13:5 six a pa W e i u&cop e l ’s x o v v in x f jp a J 19:27 elxq ^ e - p e i t w na8>rct1 • • As we saw above, in J 13:5 D does show the more literal T orzfld; all of the other manuscripts, however, have no t o m l : 241 J 13:5 no to m l we, R 0 4 * rl oywzHRd/thNHtjx (Asm) 9.28 A variant of no--no c ,jt W 4 e—is found in Supr in the phrase noC/fh)K 4 £. r l c r x z 'after everything’: Supr6:23 noc,cfc)tc 4 e we Rhcfcxz c z jz 4 9.29 As we have seen, the construction no + LOC in the meaning of ’after’ is used very frequently in OCS to render temporal expressions. Most often it corresponds to Greek j4 .e*cq + ACC. Many parts of speech can be found in the no + LOC construction—in addition to nouns, we also find the adverbial quantifiers m zn o tz ’many’ and Md/tz. ’few’, with the demonstratives Ch. ’this’ and t z /t z i ’that’, and with the pronominal adjective RhCh. ’all’. The nouns which are found with no + LOC include those with temporal meaning (4 LNL/4 L.NH ’day’, Y < a c z /r o 4 MNd ’hour, time’, ,ffeTO ’year’, and RpfcMA ’time’), as well as with many nouns which do not (such as the noun [phrasefs X/tfc&z ’bread’, RzjMXip&NHG. R 0 4 Z 1 ’stirring of the water’, MOa h tr .4 ’prayer’, and many others). Do + LOC is one of the most active temporal constructions in OCS. 9.30 By contrast, npn + LOC is a very rare temporal construction. It occurs only five times in the Gospels; it also occurs in Supr. Xodova defines npH + LOC as indicating "a temporal reference point around which an action takes place" (1971, §83). In other 242 words, npH indicates an approximate time. When it is used with a person, npH + LOC indicates that the given event occurred in that person's lifetime. In the latter usage, npH + LOC corresponds to Greek £ ttl + GEN, which designates "in the time of, under (kings or other rulers)" (W. Bauer 1979, 286). Elsewhere, with explicit expressions of time, the usual correspondence for npH + LOC is nepL + ACC, which designates of time "about, near" (W. Bauer 1979, 645). One instance, which corresponds to Ttpos + ACC, demonstrates that the meaning of npH could also be 'towards, near' (discussed in §9.33). 9.3 1 In the Gospels we find two examples of npw + LOC of a person: L3:2 npn apxHepe .1 an wb i Kdi'fc-fr'fa k z i c t z . r /tz ejkih (Z) L4:27 I MZNOSH K t d * * tlpOKdJKeMH B.AH flpH CxtHCCH npOpOU'b (Mar) Both correspond to Greek ent + GEN: L3:2 cttl apxtepetios "A v v q k q l KaCatpa e-feveTO prifia 0eoO L4:27 KpQL ttoX X ol XenpoC ncrav ev xu ’Icrpar|X ent ’EXigtqlou tou npotpr)xou This construction is also found in Supr: 243 Supr 108:10-12 m x y g n z jkg e z i c t z c e a t z i h Hhonhh . . . npH N ufccapH 9.32 When npH + LOC corresponds to nepL + ACC, it usually involves an hour or another specific time: M t27:46 npi a g e ^ t ^ h * g roAiH'fc EL7L.ni hcz (Asm) Mk6:48 I non YGT&pZT'tM CTfttfDKH NOUiTZN'fe.H npMAG KZ MHMZ . . . (Mar) Mt 27:46 nepu 6 e xfiv evonriv copav ave^oricrev o ’Irjcrous M k6:48 nepC TexdpTViv tpuXa^yjv tvjs vxjktos ep x e T at TTpos q u to u s . . 9.33 flpH + LOC occurs with one other noun in the Gospels: eg YG pz 'evening': L24:29 . , , *bt;o npi E&YGp-fc g c t z . . . (Asm) This instance corresponds to npoj + ACC: L 24:29 oti irpos ecrTTepav GCTTLV 244 This demonstrates the polyscmicity of the npH + LOC construction: here it is used to express a times tow ards which. 9.34 To summarize, the LOC occurs with four prepositions in OCS: R Z , Na, no and npH. &z and Nd are quite similar in meaning and usage to B 2 and Nfl + ACC, and often compete with them. They both have many different Greek constructions to which they correspond, rio bears the meaning 'after' and corresponds to Greek p.£Ta + ACC. It is a very frequent construction in OCS. npH, on the other hand, is quite rare and renders either Greek nepc + ACC if a temporal noun is used or ettl + GEN if the noun represents a person. In the last example given, npH translated npoj + ACC, 'towards'. 9.34.1 Kz + LOC is the only one of these constructions which survives in active usage in the modern Slavic languages; indeed, it rivals even the RZ + ACC construction. As mentioned in §9.4, the West Slavic languages preserve RZ + LOC to express 'in the night’ and 'in the day': Polish W nocy, Czech/Slovak V DO Cl; Czech/Slovak V dne. Also, some languages preserve the variant RZ + LOC to express 'at midnight' and 'at noon': Czech V pulnoci 'at midnight' and V poledne 'at noon'; Serbo-Croatian U podne11 'at noon'. Polish chose the LOC, but substituted the preposition 0 (also used elsewhere in place of RZ) with 'midnight': W poludflie 'at noon' but 0 po tn o cy 'at midnight'. Bulgarian shows a form with RZ, with a remnant of a LOC ending in its first part: b noTiyHOtu. 11 ll is difficult lo be certain as to the source of this phrase: noaz has been shortened to pO; dne, however, resembles the LOC SG ending of as seen in the OCS phrase (e z ) ncuoyflLNe. 245 In some instances, the RZ + LOC construction has replaced an older prepositionless LOC construction, for example TOML 'in that year' was replaced by phrases such as Polish W ty m TOkU, Russian b t o m rozty. And in Czech, the RZ + LOC construction has replaced an older prepositionless LOC construction in expressions involving seasons: V Zime 'in the winter', V 1 ete 'in the summer'. Polish shows this as well, with W Zimie and W lecle being variants of prepositionless INS adverbials Zim a and latem. One of the most important innovations was the replacement in some languages of RZ +ACCRZ TZ YrtCZ or the prepositionless LOC TOMR Y tym czasle, Czech v tom case. The RZ + LOC construction is found in place of other constructions as well: to express 'in (a certain) year', it is found in place of the prepositionless LOC; to express 'in (a certain) month', it is found in place of the prepositionless GEN: Modem Russian b M H B a p e , b 1 9 9 5 -o m rozty 'in January', 'in 1 9 95', Polish W StyczniU, W 1995-ym roku, and Czech v lednu, v roce 1995. Often words which have temporal meaning only in context and could be used either in the r z + LOC or in the r z + ACC construction in OCS now occur only in the RZ + LOC: Russian b H a > a a / i e 'in the beginning', b zjeTCTBe 'in childhood'; Serbo- Croatian U pocetku 'in the beginning', U mladOSti 'in youth'; Polish W d z i e c i n s t w i e 'in childhood’. N no + LOC is preserved to varying degrees in the modem languages. Polish preserves the original construction as seen in OCS: po pracy 'after work', po WSZystkiCh 'after everything', as does Czech, no + LOC is preserved elsewhere, 246 but only as a variant means of expressing 'after'. In the 17-volumc Modern Russian dictionary CflOBapb coBpeMeHHoro pyccKoro JiHTepaTVPHoro fl3bixa (Axa,qe- MHJi HayK CCCP, 1950), examples of no + LOC are given, but only with deverbal nouns + GEN phrase: 3 t o t 3anax . 0cTaBa.acfl eiue HecxoflbKo BpeMeHH no v x o n e .aoKTopa 3aB T pa. no OKOHmaHMM poMaHa. o h /tyMaeT BbiexaTb b ropo/t n p n e x a fl o h no no./ivMeHHn q t MeHfl rrncbMa Otherwise in Russian, however, now posle12 + GEN predominates: nocfle t o t o Kax 'after' (conjunction), nocfle ypoxa 'after class'. 13 Serbo-Croatian shows a similar pattern, with posle + GEN being the more common preposition (e.g. posl e rata 'after the war'), coexisting with po14 in phrases such as U prvi pGtak po Cistoj sridi 'on the first Friday after Holy Wednesday' and also: Oni ga po novom 1 jetu odvedu u Biograd. Pred obedom i 1 i po obedu...mora prijati. Bulgarian, which has lost nominal declension, preserves the preposition no to mean 'after' (no HoBa ro,qnHa 'after New Year's'), but also preserves the "second half" of the longer form noC/FbH BOMHaTa 'after the war'): 12 Recall the adverb n o c (§9.27) and the variant ol no seen in Supr: (§9.28). 13 Examples ol no + LOC are found in Old Russian manuscripts as well, a time during w hich the construction was more widely used than today. For example, the Mstislav Gramola (113(h) has no MOiCML KNHWtNHH 'after my (being prince)’. 14 In Serbo-Croatian, the DAT and LOC have merged in the SG, and the DAT, LOC and INS have merged in the PL; although this preposition traditionally lcx>k the LOC, it is now said to take the DAT, as the LOC no longer exists as a separate case. 247 n o TOBa BpeM e a3 6 j i x S e m e n life /jon/la cneix o 6 e,a noc^ie in Bulgarian is an adverb which means 'after'. Therefore two different words are found in Bulgarian which are descendants of the longer form of the preposition 'after' noC/CtMCde, in addition to the "short" form no. npH + LOC is preserved only in Modem Russian in the meaning 'in the lifetime of, with phrases such as ripn rierpe nepBOM 'in the time of/under Peter the First', npM Cra/iMHe 'in the time of/under Stalin', and Bulgarian. Elsewhere, we see j GEN, as in Polish 23l PlOtrai I 'in the time of/under Peter the First'. In its other meaning, used to express a time tow ards which, the npH + LOC construction is not found in the modem languages, although it is attested from earlier times. For example, Old Russian documents show frequent usage of the phrase npH CMRpTH, which may be translated as 'on the brink of death': npH czMRpTM i c c t l (K o p M M a s KHwra EtfcpeMOBCKaa; c. 1100); cm ye w e jN a y e N ie n a ^ r o a e x z : npH czwRpTH flRHTC^ w e^teja, npeEMRZ Tpn ^nh, o^Mpc (First Novgorod Chronicle, 6898i). CHAPTER X THE GENITIVE CASE WITH PREPOSITIONS 10.1 Unlike the prepositionless GEN, which is represented in time expressions by rare and highly disputable examples, the GEN case with prepositions often occurs in numerous different temporal expressions, with various meanings. Otz, cz and M JZ are quite similar in meaning ('from, since') and function, and sometimes overlap each other. The GEN is also used with 4 0 ’until', or np*fedz 'before', and the rare jd 'during', and even rarer &z , which, as we know, usually takes the ACC or LOC. Each preposition has its own Greek correspondence which will be discussed separately below. 10.2 The prepositions otz, CZ and HJZ, as mentioned above, all bear the meaning 'from, since' in a temporal sense. Of them, OTZ is by far the most prevalent—it occurs with numerous nouns, and also in phrases with forms of the demonstrative pronouns CL 'this' and tz 'that' to form conjunctions. Cz, on the other hand, only occurs one time (Xodova 1971, §89). And finally, in temporal expressions, Hjz (an otherwise highly productive preposition) only occurs with a few nouns which have temporal meaning only in context, and also in a few phrases such as hckonh, HCtlpL&d 'from the beginning', and H jdd&LNd 'for a long time, from a long time ago', all of which became adverbialized (lexicalized). Almost all the occurrences of otz, cz and Hjz correspond to Greek e* ordno + GEN, which themselves also have the 248 249 meaning of'from, since; after'. The verb which occurs with such prepositions usually expresses either the inception of the action, or its inception and consequent duration. 10.3 Ot z occurs with numerous nouns of inherent temporal meaning: arnl 'day', R£Y£pz 'evening', Yacz/rodHNd 'hour, time', Rp’fcMifc ’time’, /itTO 'year' and G*kxz 'century, age'; however, the occurrences of each noun in the GEN with o t z are few. 10.4 'day' only occurs either when modified (primarily by the demonstrative pronoun t z 'that'); Supr 92:23 h a & oyfc'fecH kiko o t z 4LN& Toro o t z nort^ MH Supr 210:14-15 NZ OTZ A£N£tUh.NkirO 4LNE A<* kUb-YHTZ Mt22:46 . . . nm c z i ) t kto otz 4Zne T oro aznpociTi ero k tom ov (Asm) J 11:53 NO OTZ TOTO 3K£ 4LNC CZRtlgdUJA . . , (Ost) or when followed by a GEN phrase: N Mt 11:12 OTZ ANHI X£ HCOd KpLCT I T£>ffa 40 C£/ffe IJpCTRO NKCKOG N^rtHTZ CA (Sav) Thus o t z A£N£ only occurs three times in the Gospels and only a few times in Supr. All instances correspond to Greek qtto + GEN: 250 M t 2 2 :4 6 . . . ou&e EXoXpncrsv xl $ fltr’ EKEivris xris r^spas STTEpwxrjcraL auxov o u * exl J 11:53 a n ’ EKEcvris ouv xfjj fjHEpas EfiouXEucravxo . . . M t 11:12 duo 8e xwv f)u.epwv ’ Iwdvvou x o u fiaTTTuxxou e w s apxt ft PqctlX elq xaiv oupavwv Pl.q^exql 10.5 The noun R E Y E p z 'evening' in the o t z + GEN construction only occurs in Supr: Supr 431:28 NdYLNZ MOCHTH OTZ RSY&pd dOJKHM 40 JOpL As will be discussed later (§10.14), R E Y E p z also occurs in Supr in the c z + GEN construction with the same meaning. 10.6 The noun Ydcz 'hour, time' occurs in three verses in the Gospels. As with the phrase RZ TZ y noun Ydcz is preferred over roAHNd when 'hour' is modified by the demonstrative pronoun T Z 'that': Mt9:22 i cricNd e z i c t z x&Nd o t z r a c a Toro (Mar) Mt 17:18 h Hcyfe/it OTpoKz o t z T o ro raca (Sav) J 19:27 i o t z T o ro Y dca now»TZ hr o^ygnhkz rz cRo-fe ch (Z) 251 All of these correspond to Greek qtto + GEN: Ml 9:22 * ql ecrtbSr) r) yuvr) dtro ty\s u p a s EKELvris Mt 17:18 E0EpaTTexj0ri o ttqls qtto Tfjs upas ekslvvjj J 19:27 *aC a n ’ ekclv >is xris copas eXafiev o ^.aOriTris avrrriv els lSlq As mentioned in Chapter 2 under the discussion o fb z T Z Y Chapter 5 under the discussion of to m l Y T o r o \a ca —in Mt 15:28 all the manuscripts show b z t z Ydcz, except Ost, which has the prepositionless LOC: Mt 15:28 *aL lq0ki f] 0U"fQTrip a u x ris a n d ty\s u p a s eK,£LVK|s Mt 15:28 h M cykvCk a z ijih t€A bo t z Y acz (Mar) Mt 15:28 h rtZijJM ten t o m l Y ack (Ost) In Mt 17:18, Sav is the only manuscript with o t z T o r o YdCd. All others have the prepositionless LOC t o m l Y ack: Mt 17:18 h Hcyb/fk OTpoKZ t o m l Y a c k (Ost) 252 10.6.1 The two other occurrences of dno xfjs upas e^euvris--in Mt 9:22 and J 19:27—are rendered by OTZ Toro YdCd in all the manuscripts which attest these verses. Thus it is very odd that there is such vacillation between 0T 2 Toro YdCd, B.Z. T Z Y discussed in previous chapters, this semantic change demonstrates the freedom which the Slavic translators) apparently felt in making changes to best express the meaning behind the constructions. This change was probably felt to be necessary due to the semantics of the verb involved—verbs of ’healing' denote a state (here, of being healthy) which begins at the moment designated by the time expression. Since these verbs are perfective and indicate the inception of a state, a time phrase which expresses the moment of inception ('at') combines better with them in Slavic. 10.6.2 Y a c z also occurs in Supr, but with an ordinal numeral: Supr 43:26-28 cztrojimiua we. tuLCTfiHte . . . o t z Y 4 0 c a tT d 10.6.3 In the Gospels, when 'hour' is modified by an ordinal numeral, the noun ro^HNd is generally preferred to Y d C Z . This is what we see in the O T Z + GEN construction as well. It only occurs one time: M t27:45 o tz ui&cTzitft xe, toiihnzi Tzya kzi no bcgh (Z) Mt 27:45 and 6e ekt>is upas o’KQ'tos e-pevexo ent Tratrav xf)v -priv 253 10.7 The noun & p'fe.MA ’time' only occurs one time in the Gospels in the o t z + GEN construction, and it is modified by the quantifier m z h o t z ’much': L 23:8 E t so JKG/fbwi o t z MZNorz ap’bM&wz s h a ^ t h . . . (Mar) This occurrence of o t z + GEN corresponds to a Greek phrase with e*, not qtto , + GEN: L23:8 f)v -f^P ^ il^avwv xpovwv uSetv . . . W. Bauer defines this usage of e* in temporal expressions as designating "the time when something beginsy>r;m"; he specifically defines e* LK,avwv xpavuiv a s meaning "for a long time" (1979, 236). The fact that the time frame is lasting 'a long time' is seen in the aspect of the verb: imperfective. O tz is not limited to just the inception of the action, but also expresses its continuation once it has begun. Thus the Aktionsart of the verb is durative. This is seen again in the next example. 10.8 ✓I'fcTO 'year' also occurs in this phrase ( o t z /ffeTZ MZNorz)—two times in the Gospels: L8:27 DKG HWfe KtCZI OTZ /ffeTZ MZHOTZ (Mar) L8:29 OTZ MZNOrZ SO xffcTZ RZCXZ IW TddUie M (Mar) 254 Asm shows the prepositionless INS in 1,8:29: L8:29 MNorzi so ^fcTzi noxziTddiue h (Asm) This latter verse corresponds to a Greek prepositionless DAT: L8:29 ttoWoCs -pap xpovois cruvripTTQKEi q u t o v 10.8.1 As was discussed in Chapter 4 (§4.4.3), the verb—(juvKipnaKEL—is in the pluperfect tense. The pluperfect is used in Greek to express an action in the past which occurred before another action in the past. It carries the same meaning in OCS. However, in OCS the tense of the verb has been changed, from pluperfect to imperfect. This change was probably made due to the repetitive nature of the action—'(over the course of) many years it had seized him (repeatedly)’. As was also discussed in §4.4.3, the temporal expression in the Greek is in the prepositionless DAT—ttoX X olj xpovoij. This occurrence of the prepositionless DAT is defined by Blass (1949, §201) as fulfilling the normal function of the prepositionless ACC answering the question 'how long?', whereas Robertson (1914, 527) cites this verse as an associative- instrumental DAT, "though here the locative would give a good idea, 'on many occasions’..., whereas the marg. ('of a long time1) gives the instrumental idea". As was just discussed in §10.7, when o t z + GEN means 'since, from', o t z is not limited to just the inception of the action, but also expresses its continuation once it has 255 begun. The continuation or repetition of the action is expressed by the aspect of the verb-i mperfcct i ve. 10.8.2 L 8:27 has a variety of possible Greek sources—the preferred reading contains the DAT (SG) xpovu lkqvco : L8:27 . . . sxtov Sam.6via kqu xpovw lkqvw which Robertson again defines as an associative-instrumental DAT (1914, 523). Not all manuscripts have the DAT here: one manuscript shows dno + GEN; many, however, show c k li^qvcov xpovcov, including the majority of the Aprakoi. W. Bauer defines this usage of ek >n temporal expressions as designating "the time when something begins from". As was mentioned in §10.7, he specifically defines ek LKdVtov x p o v to v as meaning "for a long time" (1979, 236). One is tempted to see ek LK.QVC0 V x p o v to v as the Greek source for OCS o t z / i t T Z m z n o t z because the structure of Greek ek + GEN would logically result in OCS o tz + GEN. However, two verses later (L 8:29), a prepositionless DAT gives OCS o t z + GEN, so it is just as possible that o t z ^ f t T Z w z n o t z in L8:27 also arose from a Greek prepositionless DAT. Both phrases were used in the Greek to express 'for a long time’; the inclusion of a preposition 'from' (Greek ek. OCS o t z ) emphasizes the beginning of the action. As wasjust mentioned in §§10.7 and 10.8.1, when used with the imperfective aspect (here seen in the imperfect tense) o t z + GEN expresses not just the inception of the action, 256 hut also its continuation once it has begun, and thus may be interpreted as 'for' rather than 'from'. 10.8.3 ✓I'feTO also occurs with numerals in the o t z + GEN construction in the Gospels: M t2:16 h bz s c tx z np’bA'k/t’bxz o j t z dBoto >cbTov h nmtkb (Asm) L8:43 H C£ )K£Ntf CStlJJH BZ KpZBOTO Y£NH I OTZ jdBOK) Nd 4£CiftT£ /ttTOM (Sav) And it occurs unmodified in Supr: Supr 31:9-10 H5KB . . . npHNOCATZ OTZ N a CBATStffl: H C/tdBLNXffi naMATb. The Gospel phrases both correspond to Greek phrases with qtto + GEN to express 'since1: M t2:16 h q l ev natTL t o u j opuouj auTrjs ano Sletous kql K.QTWT epco L8:43 j^q l ouctq ev pucret am atos qtto ctcov SwSckol 257 10.9 The noun RfekZ 'century, age’ does not occur in the o t z + GEN construction in the Gospels; it does, however, occur in Supr and Cloz: Supr 63:12 npH,tO>K&NHt€ REaHKO C/tdRAUJTIHXZ OTZ RfeKd rocncmta Cloz 12b:7-8 ez rz oyczriEi czniftUJTAKt otz R~bKd Cloz 12b:7-8 o Be6 j TTpoj fipaxu Uttvgoctev kql to u s a n ’ QLCOVOS XJTTVOUVTQS EK TOU 0QVQTOU Cloz 13a:3-4 czn^tuTEH o t z r ^ ka Cloz 13a:3-4 ol a n ’ qlcjvoj kekolh.>i|4.evol The Greek a n ’ QUOVOJ is interpreted as 'from ages past, a long time ago' (W. Bauer 1979, 27). 10.10 There are many nouns which do not always carry temporal meaning which are used in the o t z + GEN construction. The most common of these nouns designate stages of life, such as 'youth' or 'childhood'— m jn o c t r or waddENLCTRO, for example. Other such nouns include R Z j d p d C T Z 'age', 4*kRtkCTR0 'maidenhood', and pO)K4LCTRO/pOAZ 'birth'. The nouns NdYrisao 'beginning', and n p ’fcCEaENH'fe 'migration' are also found with the o t z + GEN construction, as are personal names. 10.10.1 'From birth'is rendered in OCS by o t z powARCTRit or o t z pOA ^ * J9:l RiA't "fKd c,cfcn Supr238:10 C A ' t n a a r o o t z p o ^ ia . . . All of these phrases involving stages of life (except 4 ’feKkCTto) have as their source G r e e k e k + GEN instead of qtto + G E N : J 9 :1 ' e l &e v avBpWTTOV TUtpXov EK, -Y^eveTfis 10.10.2 The Greek phrase 'from childhood' e k nQufitoBev, however, is rendered not by o t z , b u t b y h j z (discussed below; cf. §10.16). 'From youth' e k veoxK|TOS occurs in three verses: M t 1 9 :2 0 t t q v t q t q u t q e c p u X a & a e k veotriToj n.ou‘ M k 1 0 :2 0 t q u t q tt q v t q etpu^a^otfoiv e k v e o t t i t o s |j.o u L 18:21 TQUTQ TTQVTQ ECpuXa^Q EK VEOTriTOS M-OU The first two occurrences are rendered by o tz kjnocth in all manuscripts which attest these verses: n o M t 1 9:20 BLCd CM c zx p d N H X z OTZ tocTH UQEM ( S a v ) 1 Although only a fciv mss. arc lacking the time expression here, it is not included in the preferred reading; it docs occur in M. 2 5 9 Mk 10:20 RLcfe ch czxptfNHxz o t z kwocth Moe.ua (Mar) L 18:21, however, shows variation among the manuscripts: four show o t z w n o c t h (Asm, Sav, Z and D): L 18:21 Ruck. ci c z x p d M H x z o t z k)hqcth Moe.ua (Asm) while two show h j z kjnocth (Ost and Mar; Mir is lacking this verse): L 18:21 RLCfe CH CZXpdNHXZ H ?L tONOCTH mocks (Mar) 10.10.3 Thus there is a variation between the use of o t z and HJZ with nouns which express stages of life (these are the only types of nouns used with h j z in temporal expressions). Notice that there is not even consistency within one manuscript: as seen above, Mar shows both o t z kjnocth (Mk 10:20) and Hjb. kjnocth (L 18:21). Since the Greek text shows e* for both occurrences, we cannot look for a distinction here; apparently these prepositions were still in free variation, at least to a small degree, with certain types of nouns. 10.10.4 We see this variation also in Supr, which shows both o t z and h j z with nouns such as KH4A&NLCT&0 'youth' and R Z jA pacT Z 'age': 260 Supr 163:24 <5IJZ OTZ kMddENLCTBfl KpLCTMMNZ KTCMZ Supr 428:9 OTZ KUaAa SO RZXdpflCTd KpoTOCTL. EL nemz K)RH ca