THE SYNTACTIC EXPRESSION OF TIME IN : A COMPARISON WITH GREEK VOLUME I

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University

By

Sophie Forbes, B.S., M.A.

The Ohio State University

1995

Dissertation Committee: proved b

Charles Gribble

Brian Joseph Advisers Daniel Collins Department of Slavic and East David Hahm European Languages and Literatures UHI Number: 9533972

UMI Microform 9533972 Copyright 1995, by UMI Company. All rights reserved.

This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code.

UMI 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, MI 48103 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank my advisers. Dr. Brian D. Joseph and Dr. Charles E.

Gribble for the time and effort which they have put into this paper and for their guidance and cousel. I would also like to thank the other member of my committee, Dr. Daniel

Collins and Dr. David Hahm, for their advice and aid. Gratitude is also expressed to the staff of the Hilandar Research Library/Resource Center for Medieval for their assistance and support throughout the processes of both research and writing, and for making their materials and computer available to me. I am especially grateful in this regard to Drs. Mateja and Predrag Matejic and Mary Allen "Pasha 11 Johnson. I am especially grateful to Dr. Mateja Matejic for his explanations of Orthodox religious rites and terminology and textual traditions. Thanks to Dr. Predrag Matejic for the OCS font which he created and provided, and to Petar Milich for the Greek font which he created and provided. I would like to thank the following people for providing information on the languages of which they are native speakers: Dorota Goralska (Polish), Drs.

Vassilis Lampropoulos and Yannis Tzifopoulos (Greek), Dr. Milan Malinovsky

(Czech), Dr. Mateja Matejic (Serbo-Croatian), Dr. Lyubomira Parpulova (Bulgarian),

Dr. Anelya Rugaleva (Russian), and Halyna Sydorenko (Ukrainian). To my parents I offer my sincere thanks for the support which they have offered throughout the years.

To Emmy Houser, thanks for making me "study" even when I did not want to. And to

Steve Houser, my deepest gratitude for providing a quiet place to work and think, and for all the love, support and encouragement you give me. VITA

September 19, 1966 ...... Bom — Cincinnati, Ohio

1988 ...... B.S., Georgetown University, Washington, DC

1988-198 9 ...... University Fellow, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

1989 ...... M.S., Slavic and East European Languages and Literatures, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

1989-199 4 ...... G.T.A., Russian Language, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

1994-present ...... Title VI Fellow, The Ohio State I Tniversity, Columbus, Ohio

HELDS OFSTUDY

Major Field: Slavic and East European Languages and Literatures

Studies in: Slavic Linguistics (Drs. Charles Gribble, David Robinson, Anelya Rugaleva, Kenneth Naylor and Daniel Collins) Historical Linguistics (Dr. Brian Joseph) Balkan Linguistics (Dr. Brian Joseph) ABBREVIATIONS

GRAMMATICAL TERMINOLOGY

ACC accusative DAT dative GEN genitive INS instrumental LOC locative NOM nominative

PL plural SG singular

FEM feminine MASC masculine NTR neuter

MANUSCRIPTS CITED

Asm Codex Assemanianus evangeliaria, 10-11th c., Aprakos Cloz Glagolitica Clozianus, 10th c., Collection of homilies D Dobromirovo evangelie, 12-14th c., Tetragospel Mar Codex Marianus tetraevangelia, 11th c., Tetragospel Mir Miroslavljevo evangelie, late 12th c., A prakos Gospel Ost Ostromirovo evangelie, 11th c., Aprakos Gospel Sav Savvina Kniga, 10-11th c., A prakos Gospel Supr Codex Suprasliensis, 11th c., M enaion for March + sermons for Holy Week & Easter Z Codex Zographensis tetraevangelia, 11- 13th c., Tetragospel

iv TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... ii

VITA ...... iii

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS...... iv

INTRODUCTION ...... 1

CHAPTERS PAGE

I. T EXTO LOG IC A L PR O B LEM S...... 12

1.1 Nature of the p roblem ...... 12 1.2 Discussion of the Aprakos text ...... 13 1.3 Discussion of the Tetragospel t e x t ...... 16 1.4 Discussion of the Greek tradition ...... 17 1.5 Problems in selecting the Greek prototype ...... 20 1.6 Role of the Greek prototype in OCS studies ...... 21

II. THE ACCUSATIVE CASE WITH THE PREPOSITION K L ...... 25

2.1 Meanings of the construction ...... 25 2.2 Words used in the construction ...... 25 2.3 Use of the construction with the noun ALNhL ...... 26

2.4 Use of the construction with the noun c x e o t o ...... 47 2.5 Use of the construction with other days of the week ...... 51 2.6 Use of the construction with the nouns YdCZ/ro^z/ro^HNct .... 51 2.7 Use of the construction with the noun B.p'tWA ...... 63

2.8 Use of the construction with the nouns NOipu and B £Y £pz ...... 69 2.9 Use of the construction with the nouns M’fcc^Ub. and a'fcTO 71

2.10 Use of the construction with the noun B tK Z ...... 72 2.11 Use of the construction with other nouns ...... 74 2.12 Use of the construction with non-temporal nouns ...... 77 2.13 Summary ...... 80 III. THE PREPOSITIONLESS ACCUSATIVE ...... 82

3.1 Meanings of the construction ...... 82

3.2 Use of the construction with the noun 4 L .n l ...... 8 6

3.3 Use of the construction with the noun N 0l|JL...... 92 3.4 Use of the construction with the noun Y acz...... 93

3.5 Use of the construction with the noun M’tcA ijL ...... 94 3.6 Use of the construction with the noun /itT O ...... 95

3.7 Use of the construction with the noun Eptycft ...... 99

3.8 Second meaning of the construction ...... 100

3.9 Use of the construction with the noun 4 LNL...... ____ 101

3.10 Use of the construction with the noun hOTpo ...... ____ 105 3.1 1 Use of the construction with the other parts of the day . . . . ___ 109 3.12 Third meaning of the construction ...... ____ 1 10 3.13 Summary ...... Ill

IV. THE PREPOSITIONLESS INSTRUMENTAL ...... 113

4.1 Meanings of the construction ...... 113 4,2 First meaning of the construction ...... 115

4.3 Use of the construction with the noun 4 LNL ...... 115

4.4 Use of the construction with the noun yffcTO ...... 1 18

4.5 Use of the construction with the noun noijjl ...... 1 2 1

4.6 Discussion of the various constructions used with noijjl ...... 125

4.7 Use of the construction with the noun 4 LNL in the second meaning of the construction ...... 128 4.8 Third meaning of the construction ...... 130 4.9 Summary ...... 139

THE PREPOSITIONLESS LOCATIVE ...... 142

5.1 Meanings of the construction; Historical discussison ...... 142

5.2 Use of the construction with the noun YdC 2 ...... 146

vi 5.3 Use of the construction with the noun no/iZNOtjlb...... 148 5.4 Use of the construction with the noun jHM d ...... 151

5.5 Use of the construction with the noun ,tteT 0 ...... 152

5.6 Use of the construction with the noun KJTpo; Discussion of the various

constructions used with K J T p o ...... 154 5.7 Summary ...... 157

VI. THE PREPOSITIONLESS GENITIVE ...... 160

6.1 Problems in analyzing the construction ...... 160 6.2 Use of the construction in the adverbialized phrase RLY&pd .... 162 6.3 Use of the construction in negative phrases ...... 163 6.4 Use of the construction as a translation of a Greek G E N ...... 167 6.5 Use of the construction as a GEN verbal object ...... 167

6 .6 Use of the construction in the phrase 'per year' ...... 170 6.7 Use of the construction to express dates ...... 170

6 .8 Sum m ary ...... 171

VII. THE ACCUSATIVE CASE WITH PREPOSITIONS...... 175

7.1 Prepositions which take the accusative case ...... 175 7.2 Meaning and use of Nd with the accusative c a se ...... 175

7.3 Use of Net with the noun 4 b.NL ...... 177

7.4 Use of Nd with forms of oyTpww, etc ...... 180

7.5 Use of Nd with the noun Y d c z ...... 182

7.6 Use of Nd with the noun BpteM^ ...... 182

7.7 Use of n

7.9 Meaning and use of no with the accusative case ...... 188

7.10 Use of no with the noun 4 LNL...... 189

7.11 Use of no with the noun ^ teT O ...... 190 7.12 Use of no with the noun YdCZ ...... 190

vii 7.13 The difference in meaning between the Net and no constructions 191 7.14 Meaning and use of osz with the accusative case ...... 191 7.15 Summary ...... 192

VIII. THE INSTRUMENTAL AND DATIVE CASES WITH PREPOSITIONS AND THE PREPOSITIONLESS DATIVE ...... 194

8.1 Why these three constructions are discussed in one chapter 194 8.2 Meaning and use of prepositions with the instrumental case ...... 194 8.3 Meaning and use of iti with the dative case ...... 196 8.4 Meaning and use of the dative case ...... 198 8.5 Summary ...... 200

IX. THE LOCATIVE CASE WITH PREPOSITIONS...... 203

9.1 Prepositions which take the locative case ...... 203

9.2 Meaning and use of EZ with the locative case ...... 203

9.3 Use of EZ with the noun 204

9.4 Use of e z with the noun noijje ...... 207

9.5 Use of e z with the noun KiTpo ...... 209

9.6 Use of e z with the noun ncuZNoijJtL ...... 210

9.7 Use of e z with the noun Y d c z ...... 212

9.8 Use of e z with the noun Ept,w^i ...... 214 9.9 Use of EZ with the noun /tteTO ...... 215

9.10 Use of e z with the noun Ne 14 t./ik t...... 215

9.11 Use of EZ with with non-temporal nouns ...... 216

9.12 Summary of the use of e z with the locative c a se ...... 222

9.13 Meaning and use of na with the locative case ...... 224 9.14 Use of N

9.15 Use of na with the noun Ytftcz and r o ^ z ...... 226 9.16 Use of Nd with the noun JKUTMte ...... 226

viii 9.17 Use of Nd with the noun REYEpM ...... 227

9.18 Summary of the use of Nd with the locative case ...... 227

9.19 Meaning and use of no with the locative case...... 228

9.20 Use of no with the noun4 LNL ...... 232

9.21 Use of no with the noun YdCZ ...... 232

9.22 Use of no with the noun ro^HNd...... 233

9.23 Use of no with the noun /itTO...... 233

9.24 Use of no with the noun Bp'fey^...... 233

9.25 Use of no with non-temporal nouns...... 236

9.26 Use of no with quantifiers...... 237

9.27 Use of no with demonstratives ...... 238

9.28 Use of no with the pronoun e l c e ...... 241

9.29 Summary of the use of no with the locative case...... 241

9.30 Meaning and use of npH with the locativeca s e...... 241

9.31 Use of npH with the personal nouns...... 242

9.32 Use of npn with the noun ro^HNd...... 243

9.33 Use of npH with the noun E E Y epz ...... 243 9.34 Summary...... 244

THE GENITIVE CASE WITH PREPOSITIONS...... 248

10 I Prepositions which take the genitive case...... 248

10.2 Meaning and use of o t z , c z and HJZ. with the genitive case . . 248

!0.3 Meaning and use ofo t z with the genitive c a s e...... 249

10.4 Use of o tz with the noun 4 t.NL...... 249

10.5 Use of o t z with the noun SEYG pz...... 250

10.6 Use of o t z with the noun Y dC Z ...... 250

10.7 Use of o t z with the noun Rp'fe.y^i...... 253

10.8 Use of o t z with the noun /CfcTO...... 253 10.9 Use o f 0 T 2 with the noun B*hkz ...... 257

10.10 Use of o t z with non-temporal nouns...... 258

10.11 Use of otz with demonstratives ...... 261

10.12 Use of o t z in a relative phrase ...... 264

10.13 Summary of the use of o t z with the genitive case...... 265

10.14 Meaning and use of cz with the genitive case...... 265

10.15 Meaning and use of Hjz with the genitive case...... 266

10.16 Use of h j z with nouns such as OTpOYHNd...... 266

10.17 Use of Hjz in th.e phrases HCkONH and ncnpLRd ...... 268

10.18 Use of h j z in the phrase HJdtftfcZNd...... 272

10.19 Summary of the use of h j z with the genitive c a s e ...... 272

10.20 Meaning and use of 4 0 with the genitive case...... 273

10.21 Nouns used with 4 ° ...... 273

10.22 Use of 4 0 with the noun 774

10.23 Use of 4 0 with the noun YdCZ/rodHNd ...... 278

10.24 Use of 4 0 with the noun nO/tzNOlgk...... 278

10.25 Use of 4 0 with the noun BpteWA...... 278

10.26 Use of 4 0 with the noun / t t T O ...... 279

10.27 Use of 4 0 with non-temporal nouns...... 280

10.28 Use of 4 0 with the noun k p d T Z ...... 281

10.29 Use of 4 0 with the noun k on L14 L ...... 281

10.30 Use of 4 0 with substantivized adjectives or adverbs ...... 283

10.31 Summary of the use of 4 0 with the genitive case ...... 288

10.32 Second meaning of4 0 with the genitive c a s e...... 288

10.33 Meaning and use of np'fe.JK^e. with the genitive ca se...... 290

10.34 Use of nptikrtG with the noun dLNfc...... 292

10.35 Use of np’h)krfG with the noun B .ptw ^ ...... 293

10.36 Use of nptxcd^ with npajdLNHkz n a c x z t ...... 294

x 10.37 Use of n[>'b)Krt& with the noun E’fekZ ...... 294

10.38 Use of npwith the demonstrative ce ...... 294 10.39 Use of np’fe.JK^e with non-temporal no u n s ...... 295

10.40 Summary of the use of np’fejKde with the genitive c a s e ...... 297 10.41 Meaning and use of j a with the genitive c a s e ...... 297

10.42 Meaning and use of e x with the genitive c a se ...... 299 10.43 S u m m ary ...... 301

XI. ADVERBIAL EXPRESSIONS OF TIM E ...... 304

11.1 Discussion of adverbial expressions ...... 304 11.2 Adverbial use of noC/t'fertE/noc/ffe.^H ...... 304 11.3 Adverbial use ofnp’feJK^e, ...... 306

11.4 Adverbial use of npXBtee./npLBOte ...... 308

11.5 Adverbial use of ex TOpot€ and Tp E T H tc te ...... 310

11.6 Adverbial use of YETEopo and c&AUOpo ...... 312 1 1.7 Adverbial use of yaAO ...... 313

1 1.8 Adverbial use of nob x ...... 314 11.9 S u m m ary ...... 315

CONCLUSION ...... 317

12.1 Introduction ...... 3 17 12.2 The temporal frames expressed by OCS constructions ...... 317 12.2.1 The time at which an action o ccu rs...... 318 12.2.2 The lime completely filled by an action ...... 324 12.2.3 The time completely filled by an action with emphasis on the duration of the action throughout the entire period in question 325 12.2.4 The time within which an action is c o m p le te d ...... 326 12.2.5 The time since which an action occurs ...... 326 12.2.6 The time before which an action occurs ...... 327 12.2.7 The time after which an action occurs ...... 327 12.2.8 The time until which an action occurs ...... 328 12.2.9 The time around which an action occurs ...... 328 12.2.10 The time fo r which or over which an action is intended to last 329 12.2.11 The time during which an action is repeated or intended to last 329 12.2.12 The times betw een which an action o ccu rs...... 330 12.2.13 The time tow ards which an action occurs ...... 330

xi 12.2.14 How many times an action is repeated ...... 330 12.2.15 Problem spots ...... 331 12.3 The temporal frames expressed by Greek constructions ...... 336 12.3.1 The time a t which an action occurs ...... 336 12.3.2 The time completely filled by an action ...... 338 12.3.3 The time completely filled by an action with emphasis on the duration of the action throughout the entire period in question 338 12.3.4 The time within which an action is completed ...... 339 12.3.5 The time since which an action occurs ...... 339 12.3.6 The time before which an action occurs ...... 339 12.3.7 The time after which an action occurs ...... 3 4 0 12.3.8 The time until which an action occurs ...... 340 12.3.9 The time arou n d which an action occurs ...... 340 12.3.10 The time fo r which or over which an action is intended to last 340 12.3.1 I The time during which an action is repeated or intended to last 341 12.3.12 The times betw een which an action occurs ...... 341 12.3.13 The time tow ards which an action occurs ...... 341 12.3.14 How many times an action is repeated ...... 341 12.3.15 Problem spots ...... 342 12.4 The temporal frames expressed by modem Slavic constructions .... 345 12.4.1 The time at which an action occurs ...... 345 12.4.2 The time completely filled by an action ...... 358 12.4.3 The time completely filled by an action with emphasis on the duration of the action throughout the entire period in question 359 12.4.4 The time within which an action is completed ...... 359 12.4.5 The time sin ce which an action occurs ...... 360 12.4.6 The time before which an action occurs ...... 361 12.4.7 The time a fter which an action occurs ...... 362 12.4.8 The time until which an action occurs ...... 363 12.4.9 The time around which an action occurs ...... 363 12.4.10 The time fo r which or over which an action is intended to last 363 12.4.1 1 The time during which an action is repeated or intended to last 364 12.4.12 The times betw een which an action occurs ...... 365 12.4.13 The time tow ards which an action occurs ...... 365 12.4.14 How many times an action is repeated ...... 366 12.4.15 Problem spots ...... 367 12.15 Summary 370 INTRODUCTION

0.1 In the year 862 the Great Moravian Prince Rostislav requested of Byzantine

Emperor Michael III a mission which would introduce Christianity to his people in their

native language. Michael chose two brothers from Salonika, Constantine and

Methodius, who were fluent in both Greek and the Slavic dialect of their region, noting

that CG/toyNnjUNE, rech yhcto c^ORtNECKZi EectdoytOTL 1 {Life of Methodius 2).

Before departing for Moravia, Constantine created a new alphabet for the Slavs,

which later came to be called Glagolitic . 1 Once in Moravia, he and his brother set about

their missionary task—training Moravians as clergymen, and translating the most

important liturgical books from Greek into Slavic. The language of these translations

was based upon the dialect of Slavic spoken around Salonika and adapted to the dialect spoken in Moravia. In English this language is usually called "Old Church Slavonic"

(hereafter abbreviated as OCS).

0.2 Many Slavists believe that Cyril and Methodius' native Greek influenced their translation of the holy books to the point that it is impossible to study the syntactic

1 "All Thcssalonians speak pure Slavic”.

“ Taken from the manuscript Uspcnskij Sbornik (late twelfth or early thirteenth century) as published by the Michigan Slavic Papers in Dostiil 1976.

•' Although the Cyrillic alphabet was named in honor of Constantine (who took the monastic name Cyril), it is now widely accepted that he did not create this alphabet, but rather the Glagolitic alphabet, which is based on the Greek minisculcs. The Cyrillic alphabet was in all likclihtxid created later bv his disciples, probably in Bulgaria. For more information sec Carlton 1990, Diels 1963 and Lunl 1973.

1 structure of OCS without comparing it to that of Greek. For example, O. von

Giildenstube, in explaining why he is not studying the syntax of OCS, states, "Ohne

standigc Rucksichtnahme auf den griechischen IJrtext hat dahcreine altkirchcnslavische

Syntaxuntersuchung keinen Zweck" (1923, 150). J. Kurz explains this position by

saying that "OCS from the very beginning was only a written language, and it developed

under strong Greek influence" (1972, 159).4

However, Kurz himself cautions against approaching the syntax of OCS solely

from the Greek point of view. OCS syntax can, and does, stand on its own. He

advises that "the analysis of the syntactic means of OCS translations must be approached

above all from the point of view of the Slavic language itself, from the point of view 1 of

its inner rules/regularities" (1972, 159).

Thus, in consideration of the fact that Greek syntax probably did influence OCS

syntax, on the one hand, but that OCS was an independent language, on the other, one

should study OCS syntax as an internal phenomenon of OCS, but should also make a comparison to the Greek. This should be done not only to establish what is Greek in the

OCS text, but, more importantly, to delineate what is Slavic. According to H.

Bimbaum, "Erst so liesse sich ja echt Slavisches, Altererbtes von Nachgeahmten |sic-SF| und Entlehntem trennen und dadurch in manchen Punkten ein dcutlicheres Bild der altesten genuin slavischen Syntax, ihrem Bau und den ihr zu Gebote stehenden

Ausdrucksmitteln, gewinnen" (1958, 241).

0.3 The question of whether Cyril (Constantine) translated mechanically, bound to the syntax of the Greek text, or freely, using Slavic structures to express Slavic meanings, is crucial in determining whether or not the language found in the oldest OCS

All quotes from scholarly works in the Slavic languages will be translated; quotes Irom German or French scholarly works will be given in the original. texts is indeed Slavic or just Slavic words molded into a Greek sentence structure.

Many OCS scholars believe that Cyril, being a talented polyglot, opted to translate

freely, creating a text which would be comprehensible to the Slavic audience for which it

was intended, instead of mechanically reproducing the Greek text in Slavic. As P.

Dinekov states, "|although| Cyril exerted himself to translate precisely, this does not

mean that he blindly translated his original, nor that he translated it literally. His primary

care was above all else to transfer the true meaning of the text" (1985, 637 | italics

mine|). T. Carlton explains the reason for this: "After all, the point of the entire

enterprise was to preach and teach in the language of the people." In addition, "the

students trained by St. Cyril and Methodius were local people accustomed to speaking

their own dialect. They could hardly have been able to copy the dialect of their

prestigious teachers in all respects as, for example, in copying the translations of their

masters"; therefore, he concludes, "The two apostles very probably adjusted their

language to make it more acceptable to the local population" (1990, 38). K. Horalek

writes: "II est caracteristique pour la traduction de Constantin que la ou il n'existait aucune possibility de traduction litterale, il se servait de periphrases" (p. 274) and "il ne jugea necessaire de suivre dans tous leurs details, les particularites de la syntaxe du texte grec original que la ou I'exigeait le sens de la phrase. On peut dire avec raison que

I'esprit du texte lui import ait davantage que les particularites de la langue" (p. 177 litalics minej).

0.4 In spite of the obvious importance of syntactic studies of OCS, very little concrete work has been done in this field. A thorough, in-depth study of all syntactic structures of OCS is ultimately necessary. As a contribution towards this labor, my goal in this study is to discuss one particular aspect of syntax, and to examine it thoroughly. The aspect of syntax which I will discuss here is the syntactic expression of time

in OCS—which case constructions and which prepositional constructions are used to

convey which temporal meanings. I intend to show that in this particular aspect of

syntax--the use of case to convey meaning—in the overwhelming majority of instances

we do not see loan translations from Greek but rather native Slavic elements at work.

When faced with the task of choosing form or meaning, the translators most frequently

opted for correspondence in meaning rather than correspondence in form. By

comparing the OCS expressions to the Greek, not only will 1 show that that, in the

overwhelming majority of instances, Greek syntax was not copied, but I will also

establish a framework of syntactic structures used to express temporal concepts in OCS.

0.4.1 I have chosen the syntactic expression of time to examine because it is an area of

syntax which does allow some choice in which syntactic structure is used and does present some differences between the two languages in question (as opposed to those aspects which they share, often due, perhaps, to a common structure inherited from

Proto-Indo-European; e.g., both place the direct object in the accusative case). The convergences, due to a common inheritance or mere coincidence, do not permit us to separate the native from the borrowed. However, OCS used five cases (accusative

|ACC], genitive |GEN], dative |DAT], locative |LOC| and instrumental [INS|) as well as numerous prepositional constructions and adverbial phrases to express different temporal frames,-'' while Greek used three cases (ACC, GEN and DAT) as well as

1 will not be discussing either nominative (NOM) phrases or DAT absolute phrases which were used in temporal expressions. The former existed in statements such as "It was the Sabbath" and, being identical in both languages, arc not of interest for comparison. The latter has been discussed in numerous works on the DAT absolute, w hich lor the most part always render an equivalent Greek GEN absolute. For more on the DAT absolute, sec V. Polak "Po/.namky k siaroslovenskcmu dalivu absolutmmu", Sbfrka stall' venovantich prof. Joselu Vaisovi. Prague, 1948, pp. 106-110; J. Stanislav "Dau'v absolutny v starcj cirkevncj slovanCinc", Bvzanlinoslavica. 5, 1933/34, pp. 1-112; and P. Trosl numerous prepositional constructions and adverbial phrases also. With rare exceptions,

where meaning converged in the two languages, form diverged. Thus, by

demonstrating how the form in OCS diverged from that of the Greek, I intend to show

that meaning took precedence over form in the translated texts, and also to establish the

native Slavic means for the expression of time.

0.4.2 In addition to the case constructions listed above—the ACC, GEN, DAT, LOC

and INS—I will also discuss the prepositional constructions and adverbial phrases which

were used to express time. First I will discuss the most prevalent construction for the

expression of time in OCS, the construction with e z + ACC. As this is the most

common and most important construction, I have chosen to devote a separate chapter to

it and to begin the discussion with it. Then I will discuss the prepositionless cases in the

following order: ACC, INS, LOC, GEN. These constructions are discussed in

descending order of frequency. This is followed by a discussion of the corresponding

constructions with prepositions. I have chosen to do them in the same order as with the

prepositionless cases : ACC, INS, LOC, GEN. In the chapter on the INS with

prepositions, I also will discuss the prepositionless DAT and the DAT with

prepositions. Although these three constructions have nothing in common, there are so few examples of each that I do not think that each warrants a separate chapter. Rather, they are the "marginal1' constructions which can be grouped together simply on the basis of their marginality. The final chapter will discuss adverbial phrases. These adverbial phrases do not include case forms which, although originally nominal constructions, at some point in the history of the Slavic languages became adverbialized (such as noijihix

'in the night’ or oyT pt ’tomorrow’) and may even have been adverbs during the period

"O dativu absolutnim", Sbornik slavislickifch pracf venovantjeh IV me/inarodnimu sjczdu slavistu v Mi>skve. Prague, 1^58. under consideration. Rather, 1 will discuss those adverbs not derived from nouns,

including those which were also used as prepositions (such as npfewdc 'before' and

noC/tfeAL 'after'), as well as several ordinal numerals in the NTR SG ACC form (for

example npLBote 'first') and a few other adjectives which were used adverbially.

Each individual chapter will discuss the meaning(s) of the construction under

discussion, demonstrate with examples which nouns could occur in each construction,

and give the Greek equivalent(s) for each construction. The meanings of the Greek

constructions will be discussed only as they relate to the OCS constructions, but not

separately, as the goal of this study is to establish an OCS syntax, not Greek. The

conclusion will draw the data together for overall observations and as evidence for the

thesis that the syntax of OCS as seen in the extant manuscripts is native Slavic and not

merely translation syntax from the Greek.

0.4.3 Throughout this study, various temporal frames are referred to in conjunction

with the various constructions. The temporal frames are as follows: (1) the time at

which an action occurs, which may be a time which is not completely filled by the given

action, or the time during a segment of which or at one point within the boundaries of

which an action takes place or begins; (2) a time completely filled by an action; (3) a

time completely filled by an action with emphasis on the duration of the action

th ro u g h o u t the entire period in question; (4) a time w ith in which an action is

completed ;6 (5) a time since which an action occurs; ( 6 ) a time before which an

action occurs; (7) a time after which an action occurs; ( 8 ) a time until which an action

occurs; (9) a time around which an action occurs; (10) a time fo r which or up to

" This meaning differs from thul expressed in (2) by ihc emphasis on the completion of an aclion, with the achievement of a result. This is discussed in Chapter 4, on the prepositionless INS. which an action continues :7 (1 I) a time for which an action is repeated or intended to

last; (12) the times between which an action occurs; (13) a time towards which an

action occurs; and (14) how many times an action is repeated.

In discussing these temporal frames, it is important to keep in mind that the

modem concepts of the measurements of time differ greatly from those of ancient times.

The day did not always have twenty-four hours—nor was there always a concept of

'hour' as a time period lasting sixty minutes. These concepts of the division of time into

ever-smaller parts vary from culture to culture and epoch to epoch. In Daniel J.

Boorstin's The Discoverers (1983), the historical development of such concepts as year,

week, day, hour and minute are discussed. He says:

While the ancients measured the year and the month, and set the pattern for our week, the shorter units of time remained vague and played little part in the common human experience until the last few centuries. Our precise uniform hour is a modem invention, while the minute and the second are still more recent. Naturally enough, when the working day was the sunlit day, the first efforts to divide time measured the passing of the sun across the heavens (26).

He notes that, regardless of the means used to measure time (sundials and water clocks

being among the ancient devices), the hours which were measured varied from day to

day, season to season, region to region. Thus, for example a daylight hour in the

summer in the Middle East was longer than a daylight hour in the winter. The result of

this was that "| t Jhese variant 'hours'—equal subdivisions of the total hours of daylight or

darkness—were not really chronometric hours" (30), and "it was only around 1330 that

7 This meaning differs from lhal expressed in ( 8 ), although they arc both expressed in OCS with

4 0 + GEN. This is discussed in Chapter K), especially

4 0 + GEN in ( 8 ) is an unmarked unlit, while the meaning expressed by 4 0 + GEN in (10) is marked for extension of the action. the hour became our modem hour, one of twenty-four equal parts of the day. This new

’day' included the night. It was measured by the time between one noon and the next"

(39). Another question Boorstin raises is "When does a 'day' begin?" (40). This, too.

varied from culture to culture: "The Babylonians and the early Hindus calculated their

day from sunrise. The Athenians, like the Jews, began their 'day' at sunset, and carried

on the practice through the nineteenth century" (40). The result?

The archeology of our everyday life leads us all over the world. The 365 days of our year acknowledge our debt to ancient Egyptian priests, while the names of months--January, February, March—and of the days of the week—Saturday, Sunday, Monday—remain our tie to the early Hebrews and to Greek and Roman astrologers. When we mark each hour of our 24-hour day, and designate the minutes after the hour, we are living, as a historian of ancient science reminds us, by 'the results of a Hellenistic modification of an Egyptian practice combined with Babylonian numerical procedures' " (43).

These different cultural and historical concepts of the division of time will be especially important in this study of time in discussions of hours, which were different for the Hebrews and Greeks and of the New Testament period. These differences were carried over into the Slavic translation. Where, for example, the Greek text shows

TtepC TpcTV)v wpav (Mt 20:3; cf. §2.6.2), this does not refer to 3:00, but rather

'around the third hour'. Phrases such as ^.ccrtis vuktoj, ^eexovukt loxj or

H.eCTOVUKTLOV, rendered by OCS ( £ 2 ) noaoVNOIJJH (cf. §5.3), refer to the general time 'middle of the night' rather than 'midnight', although the phrases in the modem languages descended from them do mean 'midnight' (for example. Modern Greek

H.ecravuxxa, Modern Russian no/iHowb. 0.4.4 In the discussion of various temporal expressions, frequent reference is made to

the substantivization of adjectives or adverbs and the adverbialization of prepositional or

nominal phrases. By substantivization I mean the process whereby an adjective or

adverb functions as a noun due to its usage in a prepositional phrase (for example, 4 0

N2 1 Nt 'until now'1). Often when an adjective is substantivized it is through the ellipsis

of a head noun (for example, 4 0 NZ l N’te.WLNkjro 'until now', with the ellipsis of a

noun such as 4 LNL 'day' or Bp'bMiei 'time'; Nd o y TpHki, also with the ellipsis of the

noun 4 LNL, meaning 'in the morning' or 'on the next day'). In general, such

substantivized adjectives are not used exclusively in prepositional phrases; within the

sphere of temporal expressions, however, they are. By adverbializ.ation I mean the

process whereby a prepositional or nominal phrase functions adverbially and therefore at

some point in time ceases to be seen as a prepositional or nominal phrase and becomes instead lexicalized or univerbated as an adverb. Of course, since all time expressions which answer the question 'when?' could be viewed as adverbs, we could say that this entire study deals only with adverbial expressions. However, most of the phrases can still be interpreted as either a prepositional or nominal phrase. In the history of the

Slavic languages, many of the prepositional or nominal phrases as found in OCS do indeed become lexicalized (for example, j a oyTpd 'in the morning' gives 3aBTpa in

Russian, Z ltra in Czech meaning 'tomorrow'; roTpfc 'tomorrow', gives yTpe in

Bulgarian also meaning 'tomorrow'). Sometimes the two processes may be combined; for example, the adjective 4 4 &LNZ 'ancient' is substantivized in the phrase H jz

Ad&LNd 'from a long time ago’ which functions adverbially. At some time, the phrase became lexicalized, resulting in (for example) Russian M 3 /taBHa also meaning 'from a long time ago'. In some instances the phrases as found already in OCS may be interpreted as adverbialized or lexicalized (for example, 4 b.Nb.cL 'on this day' which gives Serbo-Croatian jaHac, Bulgarian ztHec. Macedonian aeHec, Czech/Slovak

d n e s 'today' was possibly already an adverb meaning 'today' in OCS); this is difficult

to determine, as we have no extant dictionaries which could categorize such phrases for

us. The possibility of adverbialization will be discussed for each occurrence that

warrants it.

0.5 I have chosen six canonical OCS manuscripts as sources for this study, with

three non-canonical manuscripts for the purposes of comparison. "Canonical"

manuscripts include those which were written in the appropriate era (tenth to eleventh centuries8) and which are generally believed to show a more "pure" OCS dialect (i.e.

Old Bulgarian), vs. later manuscripts and those which reveal dialectal elements which come from later periods or different regions .9 Of these nine manuscripts, four are

Aprakos , three are Tetragospels (the meaning of both of these terms will be discussed in Chapter 1, §§1.2.1 and 1.3), one is a collection of homilies and one is a

Menaion. The three non-canonical manuscripts which I have chosen to examine represent the earliest written stages of three recensions of Church Slavonic; the

Ostromirovo evangelie (Ost) which is an eleventh-century Russian Church Slavonic

Aprakos; the Miroslavljevo evangelie (Mir) a late twelfth-century Serbian Church

Slavonic Aprakos; and the Dobromirovo evangelie (D) a twelfth-fourteenth-century

Bulgarian/Macedonian Church Slavonic Tetragospel. I examined these manuscripts to see both how their syntax differed from and how it was similar to the syntax seen in the

8 Cl'., e.g., Carlton 1990: "No texts later than the end of the eleventh century arc accepted into the canon. This dale is considered the -off point bccuasc by the end of the eleventh century, the spoken language had changed to such an extent that the written form no longer reflected the spoken. In other words, the written language lost its living base and became an entirely artificial one” (41),

9 For example, the proper use of the nasal vowels can distinguish a canonical manuscript from a non-canonical one, or the phonemic realization of Prolo-Slavic * t j/* d j as st/z d . The proper use of Ihcym (fc. and z), on the other hand, marks a manuscript as East Slavic, and therefore non-canonical. canonical manuscripts. I did not use them to draw conclusions, but only as supporting

evidence. The canonical manuscripts examined are: Codex Assemanianus (Asm) and

Savvina Kniga (Sav), both Aprukoi, Codex Marianas (Mar) and Codex Zographensis

(Z), both Tetragospels , Glagolita Clozianus (Cloz), a collection of homilies, and C odex

Suprasiiensis (Supr), a M enaion for the month of March with sermons for Holy Week

and Easter. The data which I will discuss is exhaustive for the Gospel texts and Cloz,

but only selective for Supr. Due to the length of the latter (452 printed pages; 285 folia),

I chose only representative examples of each construction. For example, the phrase no

TOMb. 'after that' occurs quite frequently, but is cited for only a few of its occurrences.

Greek equivalents are given for all examples taken from the Gospel texts and Cloz, but

not for Supr. The reason for this is simply that the edition of Supr which I read did not

contain the Greek edition of the text.

0.6.0 Appendix A is a list of all occurrences of the substitution in the A prakoi of the TT phrase £ Z CO for other expressions found in the Tetragospels. Appendices B-M contain

charts which list each occurrence of each phrase as found in the OCS manuscripts;

appendices N-T contain charts which list each occurrence of each phrase as found in the

Greek text. Appendix U contains examples of various time expressions in selected

Slavic languages, and Appendix V contains examples of those expressions in New

Testament and Modem Greek. CHAPTER I

TEXTOLOG1CAL PROBLEMS

1.1 A major obstacle for any study of OCS is the fact that, although the Slavic liturgical tradition began in 862/863, the oldest surviving manuscripts date from the end of the tenth and the beginning of the eleventh centuries, a gap of at least 150 years.

Because of this, we can only conjecture as to the nature of Cyril and Methodius' original translation. As K. Horalek states, "Nous ignorons (egalement) comment etait

I'evangeliaire original et nous n'en savons rien de certain" (1959, 268). If we were to assume that our oldest surviving manuscripts faithfully reproduce the original translations, then we could have a good picture of the nature of these translations.

However, we cannot assume that later copyists did not make any changes, be they accidental or intentional. Horalek continues:

...nous n'avons pas le texte direct de I'evangeliaire cyrillo-methodien, ni celui du Tetraevangile. Les manuscrits conserves datent d'une epoque bien posterieure... Le texte vieux-slave de I'Evangile subit deja avant le XIC siecle, un developpement assez complexe dont nous ne pouvons nous faire qu'une idee tres aproximative. II est evident que la version cyrillo-methodien de I’Evangile, de meme que d'autres textes bibliques conserves en manuscrits, n'a pas garde sa forme originate. Ceci resulte avant tout de la technique de reproduction des manuscrits. Chaque manuscrit differe du texte qui lui servit de modele, et plus un texte fut recopie a la chaine plus le resultat s'eloigne du texte originale... (268-9 | italics mine-SF|).

H. Lunt explains:

12 13

It is assumed that most of these manuscripts |the early, extant ones| contain translations made by Cyril and Methodius, and the rest are translations made by their disciples, probably during the first decades after the deaths of the saints. However, since we lack contemporary manuscripts, or even the immediate copies which were doubtless made in the heyday of the states of Simeon and Samuil, we cannot know in detail exactly what the language the Slavic Apostles used was. Their own works, taken to Bohemia, Bulgaria and , were copied and recopied, edited and modified by generations of workers, and we possess only a few random examples of these copies (1974, 2-3).

Because of the nature of this problem, I do not propose here to reconstruct the syntax of

the original Cyrillo-Methodian translations; rather, I make my claims based solely upon the information which is found in the extant manuscripts. To be sure, it is unlikely that the earliest extant manuscripts differ that greatly from the Cyrillo-Methodian autograph, as most of the disciples probably did not know any Greek and were therefore unable to go back to the Greek prototype and retranslate it. If changes were made, they would have been "Slavicizing" changes to correct anything in the language of the Cyrillo-

Methodian autograph which seemed strange to them. Recall, however, T. Carlton's hypothesis that "|t|he two apostles very probably adjusted their language to make it more acceptable to the local population '1 (1990, 38), an adjustment which would have occurred during the period of the initial translating process, rather than later. For this study (which aims to demonstrate the Slavic nature of the language of the manuscripts) what is relevant is that the language recorded in these manuscripts, whether it represents the language of the Cyrillo-Methodian autograph or of versions "edited" by their disciples and/or later generations of scribes, is Slavic and not Greek.

1.2 It is commonly accepted among Slavists that the first text which Cyril translated was an A prakos Gospel (called a "Gospel Lectionary" in Western |i.e. Roman] 14

Christianity), a hypothesis which leads many to the conclusion that the earliest A prakoi

"generally represent the original Slavic translation of the Gospel as it was made by the

hands of Constantine and Methodius" (Nevostruev 1865, 212). This tradition is

accepted by Slavists on the basis of the description in the Life of Constantine:

, , , H OSIC C/tO)KM nHCWENd H NdYETL flHC <3T H

eY/tCKOV HCk'ONH E ± CdCORO H CdCORO E ± G> E d M EL E ±

CJOORO H npOYGS . . . 1

As these are the opening words of the Gospel according to John, this leads most

scholars to the conclusion that Cyril's first translation was most probably an A prakos

text (see for example Moszyriski 1957, 373) rather than a Tetragospel, which would

begin with Matthew 1:1. There are other reasons for believing that the A prakos was

translated first: on a statistical level, there are many more A prakos manuscripts than

manuscripts representing other textual types. Also, the A prakos was much more

practical than the Tetragospel or a M enaion (collection of saints lives), as it was the

A prakos which was used on a daily basis for readings at church services. Given the

scarcity of materials for writing in the period and the intense labor which went into

producing just a single manuscript, it is logical that Cyril would have first translated a text which would be the most useful and the most necessary—the Aprakos.

1 ...and then he created letters and began to write the Gospel: In the beginning was the word, and the word wax with Hod. and the word was Hod, etc... Taken from the Vladislav Grammaticus manuscript (1469; XIV, 17-19) as published by the Michigan Slavic Papers in Doslal 1976. 15

1.2 .1 The Aprakos 2 is a collection of readings taken from various parts of each of the

four Gospels, each of which is designated for a certain day in the Church calendar. The

A prakos or Lectionary text always begins with the reading for Easter. Often at the end

of the text is found the Mecfm.ec.flOB, which gives a liturgical calender listing the

appropriate readings for each sermon (Nevostruev 1865, 210). Bruce Metzger details

the development of the Aprakos text in the history of the Christian Church:

Following the custom of the synagogue, according to which portions of the Law and the Prophets were read at divine service each Sabbath day, the Christian Church adopted the practice of reading passages from the New Testament books at services of worship. A regular system of lessons from the Gospels and Epistles was developed, and the custom arose of arranging these according to a fixed order of Sundays and other holy days of the Christian year... For the added convenience of the reader, lectionary manuscripts were prepared which present in proper sequence (beginning with Easter) the text of the several passages of Scripture appointed to be read on Sundays, Saturdays, and, in some cases, on week-days throughout the year. Such lectionaries are called synaxaria. Another service book is the menalogion? which supplies Scripture lessons for feast days, saints' days, and the like, starting with the first of September, the beginning of the civil year. It is noteworthy that substantially the same choice of Scripture passages in lectionary manuscripts dating from the seventh or eighth century is still followed by the Greek Orthodox Church today (Metzger 1992, 30-31).

2 Zukovskaja gives the source of the Slavic term aprakos as having been derived from the Greek word QirpQXTOS meaning "holiday, Icsta!" (1973, 358-9). In this Greek adjective we sec the root

npax, which means 'work', with the alpha-privative prefix -a. Therefore anpaxtri fipepa is a 'non­ working' or 'idle' day, which could only be a holiday.

^ Note that these terms have different meanings in the different traditions. Metzger is actually describing the Roman tradition. In the Greek Orthodox tradition, the synaxaria arc abbreviated saints' lives which arc read alter the sixth ode of the canon in the daily matins. The m enologian is the MectmecjioB, which is the calendar (or index) listing the daily readings at the end of the lectionary text (consultation with Father Mateja Matejic, Serbian-Orthodox Priest). 16

1.2.2 Assemanianus, as a Glagolitic text dated to the late tenth or early eleventh

century, is the oldest known Aprakos. Assemanianus, and the other oldest Slavic

Aprakoi-Savvina Kniga and the Russian Ostromirovn evangelie, both Cyrillic texts--

are short Aprakoi: they contain readings not only for Sunday liturgies, but for all seven

days of the week for the first cycle-the fifty days from Faster to Pentecost. For the

cycle from Pentecost to Lent the short Aprakoi contain readings for Saturday and

Sunday only. For Passion Week (the last week of Lent before Easter) again there are

readings for every day of the week (Zukovskaja 1973 , 371-2).

1.2.3 The full Aprakoi contain daily readings for the entire year, except for the weeks of Lent when there are readings only for Saturday and Sunday. There are only about

150 surviving parchment manuscripts of the full Aprakoi, the oldest of which are

Mstislavovo (c. 1117) and Jurjevskoje, neither of which fall into the period of canonical OCS. Even the oldest examples of full Aprakoi are not consistent in either content or order of readings. The rarest kind of Aprakos text is the npa 3 /tHMMHbm (lit.

'festal'). It includes daily readings only for Passion Week, and also readings for twelve major holidays (Zukovskaja 1973, 372).

1.3 The Tetragospel is the complete work of the four Evangelists in their standard order. Again, the oldest surviving manuscript is not the Cyrillo-Methodian autograph, although tradition ascribes the translation of the Tetragospel to Methodius and his disciples after the death of Cyril. The oldest extant Tetragospels are Zographensis and

M ariams, both glagolitic manuscripts dated to the tenth century. 17

1.4 Another major obstacle facing students of OCS textology is the fact that we do

not know from which Greek manuscript Cyril or any of his followers made their translations. In fact, we are not even certain of the textual "family" of the Greek prototype--Byzantine (or "Neutral"), Western, or Alexandrian. For example, K. 1.

Logacev writes:

Neither the "Textus Receptus" (TR) nor the Alexandrian type editions can be considered the editions of the oldest Slavic translations.,, If we consider the oldest Slavic manuscripts, then it is not difficult to see that the type of text represented by these manuscripts either differs from the Alexandrian type, coinciding with the TR..., or differs from the TR and coincides with the Alexandrian type..., or, finally, differs from them both... (1976, 96-7).

The fact is that we now possess thousands of manuscripts of the Greek New Testament.

According to Metzger (1992, 262) statistics (as of 1989) show the following:

Papyri catalogued ...... 96 Uncial MSS. catalogued ...... 299 Miniscule MSS. catalogued ...... 2,812 Lectionaries catalogued ...... 2.281 TOTAL 5,488

Even taking into account that some manuscripts have been double-catalogued (counted twice), we are still dealing with over 5,000 documents. And as with the Slavic manuscripts, the scribes made alterations from their sources, either by accident or by deliberate choice, with the result that "no two manuscripts of the New Testament are identical in their wording" (Tuckett 1987, 21). 1.4.1 To complicate matters even further, the Greek manuscript tradition covers a

millenium and a half: from the original texts written in the first century to the advent of

printing in the fifteenth. This can be divided into three periods: the papyrus period,

from the mid-first century to the beginning of the fourth; the uncial period, from the

fourth to ninth century, characterized by vellum used as a writing material and large

letters formed separately; and the miniscule (or cursive) period, from the ninth to

fifteenth century, in which the writing is in small characters, often linked together;

vellum is increasingly replaced by paper from the thirteenth century onwards (Kenyon

1912, 19-20).

1.4.2 As stated earlier, Greek manuscripts are traditionally divided into three

"families"-Byzantine (or "Neutral"), Western and Alexandrian—on the basis of the work of Johann Jakob Griesbach (Metzger 1992, 119). However, later investigations by Westcott and Hort led to a division into four familes: Syrian, Western, Alexandrian and Neutral. Their differences can be described as follows:

(1) The latest of these four forms of text is the Syrian, which is a mixed text resulting from a revision made by an editor(s) in the fourth century who wished to produce a smooth, easy, and complete text. This conflated text, the farthest removed from the originals, was taken to Constantinople, where it wax disseminated widely throughout the Byzantine Empire |italics mine-SF|. It is best represented today by codex Alexandrinus (in the Gospels, not in the Acts and Epistles), the later uncial manuscripts, and the great mass of miniscule manuscripts | italics mine-SF], The Textus Receptus is the latest form of the Syrian text. (2) ...[Tlhe so-called Western type is both ancient and widespread. It is preserved in certain bilingual uncial manuscripts, notably of the Gospels and Acts (D)... Its date of origin must have been extremely early, perhaps before the middle of the second century... One of the marked characteristics of the Western text, according to Hort, is a love of paraphrase... (3) The Alexandrian text, according to Westcott and Hort, is preserved to a greater or less extent in codex Ephraemi (C), codex Regius (L), codex 33, and the Coptic versions... Its characteristic is that which 19 might be expected from the influence of a Greek literary centre-a delicate philological tact in correcting forms, syntax, and in subtle changes made in the interest of attaining a greater degree of polish in language and style (such as the rearrangement of words to avoid hiatus)... (4) The Neutral text, as its question-begging name implies, is, in the opinion of Westcott and Hort, the most free from later corruption and mixture, and comes nearest to the text of the autographs. It is best represented by codex Vaticanus (B), and next by codex Sinaiticus (>i). The concurrence of these two manuscripts is very strong, and cannot be far from the original text... (Metzger 1992, 131-3).

Thus the "Neutral" family contains the oldest Greek manuscripts which can be

considered protographs for the rest of the Greek tradition. The "Western" family is also

veiy ancient, but already contains changes. The "Alexandrian" family is later and shows

linguistic and stylistic "corrections". The "Syrian" is probably the youngest text, one which spread widely throughout the Byzantine Empire and thus is of great interest for those dealing with the Byzantine tradition. It was this text (or type of text) which was adopted as the Byzantine Textus Receptus.

1.4.3 What makes textological studies even more difficult is the variety of names which have been assigned to these "families". The "Syrian" family is also referred to as:

Koine, Byzantine, Constantinople, Antiochan or Received Text (Textus Receptus).

Hort calls the "Alexandrian" family the "Neutral". There is yet one more grouping yet to be mentioned—the "Caesarean", which contains a mixture of "Western" and

"Alexandrian" readings (Metzger 1992, 213-14). In addition there is a whole class of

"authorities" which are seen as having "less value” for the study of the Greek text—the lectionaries. They are grouped in two classes, known respectively as Evangeliaria when they contain lessons from the Gospels, and Apostoli or Praxapostoli when they contain the Epistles or Acts (respectively). According to Kenyon, in the catalogues of the lectionaries, uncials and miniscules are counted together, but the uncials are never of 20

very early date, being almost invariably of the ninth century or later (Kenyon 1912,

128). However, we know little about the Greek lectionary tradition: "many of the

miniscule manuscripts (especially those which are still preserved in the monasteries of

the East) have been only superficially studied; and the lectionaries have been even more

neglected than the miniscules" (Kenyon 1912, 128-9). Says Metzger (1992, 31):

Scholars have only recently begun to appreciate the importance of lectionary manuscripts in tracing the history of the text of the New Testament during the Byzantine period. Inasmuch as the form of the citation of the Scriptures in official liturgical books always tends to be conservative and almost archaic, lectionaries are valuable in preserving a type of text that is frequently much older than the actual age of the manuscript might lead one to suspect.

1.5 Although the lectionaries have been neglected in Greek studies, they are quite useful for Slavists since in all probability the earliest translations were done from these texts. The question as to the family of the Greek prototype for these translations has not yet been definitively answered. According to A. A. Alekseev, "the existing viewpoint in

Slavistics of the Slavic New Testament base was defined in the 1920s and 1930s in the works of J. Vajs on the material and mass of the Tetragospel. In his works, Vajs wrote on the textological theory of the Greek Gospel of Hort (1881) and...Soden (1906)"

(1984, 4). Based on Hort's theories of the division of New Testament texts into four

"families" or "groups" ("Neutral", "Alexandrian", "Western" and "Syrian", with

"Neutral" being the "Byzantine" or "Constantinople" redaction) and Soden’s divisions of the texts into three "families",

Vajs determined that the Greek manuscript from which the original translation was prepared was the "Constantinople" text with a large inclusion of "Western" readings...(and) in the path of reconstruction 21 of the Slavic text, each time chose the Slavic variant which corresponded to the "Western" reading of the Greek records (Alekseev 1984,6).

However, as Alekseev points out, "Vajs’s main miscalculation was, that in searching for

the Greek basis of the Slavic Gospel, he did not consider that the original was a

translation of the Greek lectionary and not the Tetragospel" (Alekseev 1984, 6 ).

A large part of the problem in determining which Greek original(s) served as the

basis for the oldest translations is based on the large amount of variant readings found in

the various texts and text-types. Between the Greek Aprakoi and Tetra texts, as well as

among the Greek Aprakoi and Tetra texts, there are many differences. There are many

"hybrid" texts, with reading apparently from one tradition in some places and from

another tradition in others. According to I. Dobrev (from the KnpH/io-MeTo,aneBCKa

EHUMK/ioneziMii. P. Dinekov, ed.), under the topic "EBaHreyine",

...During the time of Constantine and Methodius the Byzantine redaction was still completely dominant... According to Vajs, in the Old Bulgarian text of the Gospel according to Mark, over 1,000 Byzantine variations exist, but there are also over 500 (Western) and about 500 Alexandrian variations. Vajs established that in Marianus there are more Byzantine variations than in Zographensis... (1985, 633)

Here, too, Vajs's claim for a 'Western' source of the original translations is disputed,

with the explanation that "part of the 'Western' variants can result from a later collation of an Old Bulgarian text from a Greek model which contained deviations from the more standard Byzantine redaction text" (ibid, 633-4).

1.6 What role do these controversies play in the study of OCS? According to many

Slavists, it leads to the conclusion that the student comparing the OCS text to the Greek 22

text must consider more than one Greek text as a possible source or influence. As. H. 1.

Skupskij writes.

Therefore we suggest that in the study of the language of the OCS monuments it should be necessary to consider the evidence of not one, but, possibly, of a whole series of the greatest number of manuscripts of various redactions of a certain age, because each one of them could have been either a potential original for the original translation, or could have been related to those original manuscripts which exercised influence on this translation... (1977, 129).

In spite of these seemingly overwhelming obstacles to a successful study of OCS syntax, it is possible to complete a study on the syntactic expression of time without reading all 5,000-plus Greek manuscripts of the New Testament. The Nestle-Aland

Novum Testamentum Graece contains all variant readings, and B. Metzger discusses in

A Textual Commentary on the Greek New Testament all of the disputed points, ranging from the inclusion vs. exclusion of a definite article to the inclusion vs. exclusion of entire lines of text. An examination of this book provides an account of all points of contention which could have an effect on the outcome of this dissertation. Most examples are insignificant—for example, in Matthew 13:40 some texts have ev T?j

CTUVTeXeca to u q u o v o j 'at the end of the age', whereas later texts add to u to x j

'this'. The meaning may differ slightly, but the syntactic structure is unaltered.

Examples, however, such as the one found in Matthew 8:13, could be of importance.

The oldest Greek texts have ev T?j topa EKEtvrj 'at that hour'; whereas other, later, texts have either ev xfj f]| 4 .epa eKCLvrj 'at (on) that day' or even qtto xfjs topa£

EKELVriS' 'from that hour'. 2.3

If the Slavic manuscripts exhibit different readings, it could be due then to

differences found in their sources. For example, the first example given, which has

variants either with or without the demonstrative 'this' has the same structure regardless:

ev + DAT + GEN phrase. In fact, all Slavic manuscripts which attest this verse (Asm,

Ost, Mar, Z and Mir) have the demonstrative: e z czkokil YdNHe etn a cero. This

tells us that the Greek prototype probably came from the group with the demonstrative,

but it does not change our intepretation of the syntactic structure: s z + ACC + GEN

phrase. More interesting is the fact that in Matthew 8:13, all of the Slavic manuscripts

which attest this verse (all except D) show e z t z y a c z . This means that the Greek

prototype probably had the phrase ev xfj topa ekelvvi rather than ev tfj V)p.epQ

EKEtvrj. This is not definite, however, because sometimes the Slavic manuscripts also

translate qtto Tris wpas ekelvvis TZ Yacz. If we were to compare

which Greek manuscripts had ToOtou in Matthew 13:40 and ev trj topa eKStvrj

in Matthew 8:13, we would see that the following manuscripts had both of the readings

as seen in the Slavic manuscripts: L, 0106, 0233, 0242, f 13 and M. Only the last

could reasonably be considered of interest: M is the symbol chosen to represent the

"Majority of Lectionaries". Although a decision cannot be based on only two out of

thousands of variant readings, these two examples appear to suggest that the prototype

for the Slavic translation was indeed a lectionary.

Another example, in J 13:36, shows how a change in word order in Greek

changes the meaning. The Slavic text shows:

J 13:36 . . . noc^'bah. xce no ia &ujh (Z) 24

In which the adverb noC/t'hAl 'after, later' occurs phrase-initially and is a temporal

expression. Only a very few Greek manuscripts, including M, show the same structure:

J 13:36 . . . xjcrxepov fie QKoXouBricrets n .01

Thus: later you will follow (after) me'. The preferred reading, however, shows a

different word order and omits the pronoun:

J 13:36 . . . QnoXo\J0f|trets fie UCTxepov

Thus: '... you will follow later'. In this instance, the Slavic text shows a structure which is indicative of a prototype that contains the alternate reading (also found in C3, xj>, a n d / / ?) rather than the preferred reading.

Variant readings will be discussed as they arise, although very few have any consequence for the discussion of time expressions. For example, many variants have to do with word order; others, with the inclusion or exclusion of an article. Although interesting for the larger question of the Greek prototype, they play no role here.

However, even such examples of variant readings in time expressions as discussed above would not prevent a successful comparison of the OCS syntactic structure to that of the Greek or, the more important outcome of this dissertation, an analysis of the OCS syntactic structure as an independent phenomenon. What we are most concerned with is which structures OCS used to convey the meaning found within the Greek text, and most often this can be discovered regardless of variant readings among the Greek manuscripts. CHAPTER II

THE ACCUSATIVE CASE WITH THE PREPOSITION

2.1 By far the most prevalent means in OCS for expressing a time when an event

occurs is with the preposition £Z with the accusative (ACC), which occurs over 500

times in the extant texts (Xodova 1971, 124). This expression designates a time which

is not completely filled by the given action, i.e. a time during a segment of which or at one moment of which an event takes place or beings (ibid, 124). The verb which expresses this action most often is of perfective aspect. Kz + ACC in OCS most often corresponds to the Greek preposition ev with the dative (DAT) or the plain DAT case, which is used, according to Smyth (1984, § 1539; 1542),

to denote a definite point of time (chiefly day, night, month, year, season), at which an action occurred. The dative contrasts one point of time with another, and is usually accompanied by an attributive...; ev is added: (a) To words denoting time when there is no attributive... (b) When the attributive is a pronoun (sometimes)... (c) To statements of time within the limits of which an event may take place...; to statements of how much time anything takes; with numbers, dXu-fOs, noXuj, etc.

Blass (1949, §200), says that the DAT continues to be used in this way in the New

Testament period, answering the question 'when?':

25 26 Der temporaie Dal. auf die Frage "warm?" ist im NT noch zicmlich gebrauchlich, allerdings ncbcn der Verdcutlichung mit ev, die schon in der klass. Sprache vcrbreitel ist. Da der Dat. nur den Zeitpunkt bezeichnet, ev dagegen Zeitpunkt und Zeitraum, so ist fiir "bei Tage, bei

Nacht" (Zeitraum) wohl ev (t?|) fiv.epa, ev (t?)) vuktl m o g lic h (J 11:9)... Dagegen zur Angabe eines bestimmten Tages oder einer best.

Nacht ist neben ev der Dat. am Platz, so immer t»j Tpunj np.Epa Mt

16:21...; aber ev tF) ecrxdTrj fin.epa (J 7:37)...

However, in certain expressions or in certain circumstances BZ + ACC can correspond to other Greek structures. These will be discussed as they arise.

2.2 The following set of words is used in the construction with EZ + ACC in OCS

(as taken from the entire canonical corpus): abne 'day', czKOTd/cstEDTZ 'sabbath,

Saturday', and other days of the week, YAHM

'time', noi|jl 'night', BEYBpz 'evening', ybcrfHijL 'month', /ttTO 'year', BtKZ

'century, age'; also NdYA/to 'beginning', k o n lijl or czkONEYdNME 'end', CTpawa

'guard (shift, watch)', n acx a 'Passover' (eventually, 'Easter'), npajALNHKZ

'festival, holiday'; and the following, found rarely: CTdpocTE 'old age', ktWpor/fdtu&NHE (and other variants) 'cockcrow', npfcncMO£/ie.NH& npd ja e n h k ^

'middle of the festival', npfeC£/i&NH& 'movement, migration' and pOKABCTBO

'birth'..

2.3 The noun ALNh. (PL AENH) 'day' is never found alone in the ACC with the preposition b z : it is always accompanied by a modifier, be it an adjective or a genitive phrase. In such phrases, the construction bears the meaning 'on (a certain) day’. This is not similar to the restriction given by Smyth for the Greek use of ev with the dative 27

because the latter construction bears the same meaning as its corresponding

prepositionless construction. However, the prepositionless ACC construction with

ALNL bears the meaning of time spent, not of time at which an event occurs (see

Chapter 3). flkNt. 's also used in the &z + LOC construction; in this it is always

unmodified. However, in this construction sz ALN& bears the meaning 'in the

day(time)1 (i.e. vs. 'in the night[time|)' rather than 'on (a certain) day'.

In all, AiNt. occurs about 200 times in OCS manuscripts in the EZ + ACC

construction (Xodova 1971, 124).1 The following adjectives are used with it in this

construction: the demonstratives CL (PL Ctfi) 'this', TZ (PL T Z l) 'that', ONZ (PL

ONZ I) 'that '; 2 TptTLH 'third', fioc^E aln lh 'last, final', c x a ln lh 'judgement',

ovfTptM 'morning', and various others. When e z a ln l (or PL A^nh) is followed by

a genitive phrase, the noun in the genitive is usually a person, such as in Mt 2:1 Icoy

powAtkUJK) c a e z aHk/i&OM'b . , , e z a hh HpOAd 4 pd (Sav); in such occurrences,

Ab.NL bears a metaphorical meaning 'in the time of. Phrases such as B.Z a ln l

norp’fcEG.NHM MO&ro 'on the day of my burial', however, which are also found (J

12:7), demonstrate that in such constructions a ln l can also bear its concrete meaning

'day'. The phrase a z t€AMNZ o t z a l n z 3 'on one of the days'also occurs a few

1 Xodova does noi give an exact number of occurrences tor az alnl . 2 The difference in the meanings of ihc various demonstratives is one of distance: ch. 'this one here' (temporal example: 'on this day' perhaps referring to today); t z 'that one there' (temporal example:

'on that day' i.e. on a day further removed, perhaps referring to yesterday or tomorrow), o n z 'that one over there’, further away than TZ (temporal example: 'on that other day' i.e. on a day even further removed, perhaps referring to the day before yesterday or the day al ter tomorrow).

3 This is a normalized spelling, based on idealized orthographic norms never actual I y realized in the extant mss. A lnl, as a consonanl-slcm noun, should have a GEN PL with a back jer (z); however, none of the extant mss. shows £LNZ in this phrase. Instead, wc sec alnch or AbNHl, which demonstrate a shift to the i-sicm class, with different vocalizations of tense jers. 28

times, as do variations of the relative clause phrase--RZ alnl r z ndke . 'on the day on

which', which appears in various forms,

2.3.1 Variations of RZ aln l + demonstrative (rz t z 4 LNL, etc.4) appear 34 times

in the Gospel text alone. Examples included

Mt7:22 wzno Sh eo p&KXTZ MLNt. rl t z 4&NL (Mar)

M k 8 :l rz tzi xilnh naKzi MNorov po^oy cxujtk) . . . (Z) f J 14:20 RZ TZ 4NL pdJOyvkRTG RZ I . . . (Sav)

The phrase r z TZ alnl also appears in Supr:

Supr 19:22-23 r z t z omso iie.NL CLEHpaxujToy ca NdpOAoy

C Supr 91:2-3 r z TD Kdc anl riptide Md/tOMOWTZ Supr 94:20 MKO RZ TZI 4LHH ATM EZIIUA CHH CZ CdRHNIX

In some instances, the A p ra k o s texts (Asm, Ost, Sav and Mir) have R z

Rp'tMA omo or the abbreviation r z co in place of r z t z a ln l (etc .).6 Most often these occur at the beginning of a new reading and are possibly stylistic devices used to signal this.

4 Variations in ALNL occur because of spelling (e.g. a weak jer represented as a full vowel: 4ENL); or because it is used in the plural (flLNH). For a complete list of all occurrences of this and all other constructions, sec Appendix B < ^ 11 For a complete list ol all instances ol such variations with 6 2 go, sec Appendix A. 29

All occurrences of E Z T Z (etc.) correspond to the Greek construction

with the preposition ev with the DAT:

M t7:22 TToXXoL epOUCTLV H.OU ev CKELVr) X?j *1H.£pQ

M k 8 :l ev e*euvais TQts f)p.epai.s ttqXlv ttoXXoij oxXou ovxos. . .

J 14:20 ev CKetvr) xrj ftn ep a 'pvobtxecxBe u^eCs . . .

A.few examples of ez t z a ln l (etc.) correspond to something slightly different in the Greek text. LI3:3lihasRZ t z a^ni (appearing only in Mar and D) which does correspond to ev XQUxr) x^ f|p.epa 'on this day' in the majority of

Greek texts, whereas the older Greek texts have ev xauxrj xrj topa 'at this hour '.7

L 13:33 has ...crr)p.epov kql aupcov kql xrj epxo|4.evrj-.- 'today and tomorrow and (on) the coming (day)', while Mar and D (the only attestations) have simply e z onz 'on that day'.

In L 1:24, two Slavic texts change the meaning of the time expression, to e z onz i (Ost), or e z 00 (Mir). This is an alteration which does not correspond to the Greek text, which has ^.exd xauxaj t q j f)p.epQS 'after these days', which is usually translated into OCS as no c h x z jke . ^kNLXZ(no + LOC'after'). All of the other examined texts except Sav, which does not have the verse, attest this latter phrase.

Even Ost and Mir, which both contain two occurrences of the verse, both have the exact correspondence no c h x z jkr a l n l x z in one of the occurrences:

7 For a specific listing of which manuscripts (mss.) contain which readings in this and all other verses, cf. Nestle, E. and K. Aland, cds.. Novum Tcstamcntum Graccc. Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibclstiltung, 4lh revised edition, 1981. For a discussion of how preferred readings arc chosen, cf. Mcl/.gcr, Bruce M. A Textual Commentary on the Greek New Testament. London: United Bible Societies, 1975. 30 4 Luke 1:24 no chxz xs 4 l w l x z j a y a t z e.HHC

Luke 1:24 s z 4 LNH onzi j< iyatz g^hc^irgl (Ost—1st)

"S’ As mentioned, RZ ONZI 4 LNH or r z to often occur in place of a more specific

temporal expression, especially when the temporal phrase of the verse begins a reading;

this is indeed the case in this particular instance.

2.3.2 The adjective most commonly used with 4 LNL is Tp&TLH 'third '.8 In various

Gospel manuscripts, only fourteen occurrences of r z TpGTLH 4 LNL are found, as

opposed to thirty-eight occurrences of TpGTLH 4 t.NL, i.e. the plain ACC. Almost all

occurrences, with or without RZ, correspond to the Greek prepositionless DAT: t?|

TpLTrj Kip.epa- Five verses with RZ Tp&TLM 4 LNL are attested in three or fewer

texts: Mt 17:23 (Sav; all others have ACC), Mt 20:19 (Mar; Mir has ACC), L 13:22

(Mar, D and Mir), L 24:46 (D; all others have ACC), and J 2:1 (Mar and Z; Ost has RZ

ono RpfeMft):

Mt 20:19 1 RZ TpGTH d£NL RLCKpZCNGTZ (Mar) c J 2:1 1 RZ TpGTH 4GNL EpdliZ EZI RZ KANd f 1.1 CUt. 1

Mt 20:19 *ql T?j TpLTTj rinepa e-fepBrtcreTQL

J 2:1 KCii T?j ripiepa x?) xpuxri -pan.os e-pevexo ev K ava x %

ra X u X a u a s

8 The reason that 'third' occurs so often is simply due to the fact that the phrase 'tin the third day' occurs so frequently in the Gospel text. L 24:46, attested in all of the examined texts except Sav, has RZ TpRTLH 4 LNL only in

D—all other texts have TpETLH a ln l:

L 24:46 H RRCKpLCRNXTH OTL MpRTRLIHXZ RL TpETHH d&Nh, (D) L 24:46 H RZCKpLCMXTH OTZ MRpZTRZtHXZ TpRTHH 4h.NL (Ost)

L 24:46 KdC QVQCTT^VOL CK VEKptOV X?j TpLttJ TIM-Cpa

The opposite occurs in Mk 9:31, where all the texts have r z TpCTLH 4 LNL except for

Mir, which has the prepositionless ACC:

Mk 9:31 H Tft&TH 4NL RCkpLCNCTL (Mir)

Mk9:31 RZ TpRTIH 4 &NL RZCKpCNRTZ (Asm)

However, this corresponds not to the Greek DAT, but to ptexa 'after' + ACC9:

Mk9:31 k,cil qttoktqv Ss l j ^.exd xpeCj fyLepas dvacrxficrexau

piexd + ACC also occurs in Mk 8:31, where Ost and D have the corresponding no with the LOC (see Chapter 9), but where Sav, Mar and Z have TpGTLH ALNL, and Mir has r

4 NL ( see Chapter 3).

The preferred reading shows p.eta; however, a Few mss., including M—the majority oj' Aprakos texts (lectionaries) show ttj Tpi/crj f|p.epa 32

2.3.3 It may appear as if the phrase 'on the third day’ occurs so frequently in the

prepositionless ACC in OCS rather than in the construction with r z + ACC because the

Greek construction t ?j TpiTri f]p.epa is prepositionless. In Greek, this

prepositionless construction appears, at least on a superficial level, to be in almost free-

variation with ev + DAT. Since the Greek text shows the prepositionless variant, this

may lead to the assumption that in the phrase 'on the third day' a prepositionless variant

was also chosen for OCS. In other words, if the Greek constructions with the

prepositionless DAT or ev + DAT had appeared to the translator(s) to be in free

variation, the phrase Trj TpcxK) f||4£pa, which appears only in the prepositionless

DAT, could have been rendered in OCS by the prepositionless ACC instead of RZ +

ACC to continue the prepositionless construction seen in the Greek. However, the data,

as seen in the following chart which shows the variant chosen in each manuscript for

each verse, do not support this assumption:

xPj xpcxr) f)H.epQ

Asm Ost Sax Mar Z D Mir

Mt 16:21 — — — ACC — — r a nr

Mt 17:23 ACC ACC RZ ACC — — r anl

Mt 20:19 — — — RZ — — r anr

Mk 8:31 — no + LOC ACC ACC ACC no + LOC r anr

Mk 9:31 RZ RZ. RZ RZ RZ RZ ACC

Mk 10:34 ACC ACCACC ACCACC ACC r AMR

L 9:22 — — — ACC ACCACC r AMR

L 13:32 —— — RZ — RZ RZ L 18:33 —— — ACCACC ACC ACC L 24:7 ACC ACC— ACC ACC ACC r a n r L 24:46 ACC ACC — ACC ACC RZ ACC J 2:1 — (RZ 0N0 — RZ RZ — — Thus, for example, in Mt 17:23 Asm, Ost and Mar all have the prepositionless ACC, but

Sav has ez + ACC. However, in Mk 10:34 all the manuscripts show the prepositionless ACC. All of these examples have as their source the Greek Trj TpLTrj f|H.epa. except for Mk 8:31 and 9:31, which both have ^.exa + ACC, as discussed earlier.

We have seen that two constructions express the same meaning ’on the third day', although the BZ + ACC construction is far more prevalent in general than the prepositionless ACC for expressing the meaning 'on (a certain) day'. However, to express 'on the third day'—the most common phrase in the Gospels involving 4 LNL and a numeral—the prepositionless ACC is found far more frequently than RZ + ACC. Only six verses contain RZ TpGTLH 4 ln l, and four of those have TpGTLH 4 LNL in at least one, often in many, manuscripts (and the other two verses—L 13:32 and J 2:1—have no other attestations of the phrase 'on the third day'). On the other hand, six verses show

TpGTLH 4LNL without any occurrences of r z TpGTLH 4 L.NL in any manuscripts.

Supr shows examples of both r z + ACC and the prepositionless ACC for phrases with

4LNL and an ordinal numeral:

Supr 10:19-20 RL YGTRpZTZH 4E.NL MdpTd M’fcCAlJd HJH40CT<51 . . ,

Supr 52:27-28 rz h 4 &nl c b 4 Z c z R0 &R0 4 X

Supr 136:9-10 H RZ TpGTHH ALNL nORG/tt. FlpHRGCTH M , , ,

Supr 321:23-24 rt 4 dMZ c z j z 4

Supr 118:4 TpGTHI 4LNL tlpHUIGilZlUG

Supr 129:19-20 H YGTRpZTZIH 4LNL HMdTZ TpZflA EGJ EpdLUZNd 34

Although Supr shows a clear preference for b z + ACC , 10 it seems that, based upon

careful comparison between Greek and OCS, both OCS constructions were in free

variation for expressing 'on the Nth day'.

However, another element of the Greek could have played a role in this: phonology. Already by the time of the translation of the original OCS manuscripts the

Greek language had undergone two phonological changes which led to a convergence between the DAT and ACC cases (on the surface): the loss of final -n, and the loss of the final -i off-glide (spelled according to tradition as an iota-subscript). Thus the prepositionless DAT tf] TpuTrj f|| 4 .epa sounded like the prepositionless ACC t?|(v)

TpLTY|(vO (ri)n.epa(v). In fact, in Modem Greek it is the prepositionless ACC (e.g.

Tri(v) TpLTl'i p.epa) which is used to express a time at which an event occurred. In addition, the Greek DAT had gone out of active use by this time, and was only used in written texts to carry on the literary tradition established centuries before. If the Greek text was being dictated to the translator or even group of translators (a common medieval practice in the copying of manuscripts 1 ■), what actually was a prepositionless DAT with the meaning of a time at which an event occurred could have been interpreted instead as a prepositionless ACC with the meaning of a time completely filled by an action. This conclusion, however, implies that the translators) of the manuscripts did not understand the text they were translating, which is contradicted by the use of perfective verbal forms

(either in an aorist or future tense) to render the corresponding Greek forms. If they had thought of these expressions with t?| Tpitr) fm.epa, etc., as prepositionless ACC with the meaning of a time completely filled by an action, they would have had to

1 (t For more examples, sec Appendices B and C. 1 1 For a discussion on the practice of copying texts, see F. G. Kenyon, Handbook to Ihc of the New Testament. 2nd cd. London: MacMillan and Co., 1912 and Bruce M. Mct/.gcr, 1992, The Text ol the Greek New Testament: Its Transmission. Corruption, and Restoration. 3rd. cd. Oxford: Oxford University Press. change the verbal forms to imperfectives (in the imperfect or future tense). But instead

they retained the perfective forms, which express a momentary action or an action

completed, rather than an ongoing or incomplete action. Thus we cannot look to the

Greek text for explanation and again we are ted to the conclusion that the OCS

constructions with r z + ACC and the prepositionless ACC were simply in free

variation at this point in time for expressing 'on the Nth day'.

2.3.4 The phrase s z noc^e^LNLH tft.NL 'on the last, final day' occurs seven times in

the Gospels, each occurrence appearing in the Gospel according to John:

J 6:39 NZ RLCtfp'felDX H BZ nOC/lfetfLNHH tf&NL (Mar)

J 11:24 RZCkpZCN&TZ BZ RZCkp’feUlRNHt RZ nOC^fbdLNH 4h.Nl (Z)

This construction has two Greek equivalents: ev + DAT or prepositionless DAT :

J 6:39 aXXa dvatrxfioxo auto | ev| xfj ecrxdxrj rmepa

J 11:24 QvacTTyicrexaL ev xrj dvacrxdcrei ev x?| ecrxaxvj f|H.epa

From text to text, the Greek shows great variations between the use of ev + DAT and prepositionless DAT. However, in this phrase the overlapping in usage between ev +

DAT and the prepositionless DAT does not have any effect on the OCS: only r z +

ACC appears. This is due simply to the fact that the a z + ACC construction was the I

36

one that best expressed the meaning of the Greek construction, regardless of which one

occurred in the prototype.

2.3.5 EZ ALNL CXALNLH 'on judgement day' occurs five times in the Gospels and

also occurs in Supr. This phrase is interesting due to the fact that, although the Greek

text has ev f||*lSpa + GEN phrase, the Slavic texts all express this not with a GEN

phrase but with an adjective modifying a ^nl :

Supr 120:1-2 . . . MMXiUTddro E a actl e l 4 LNL c * 4 ZNZIh

Supr 316:7-8 . . . CZTEOpH OTLEtTZ EZ CZ4ZNZH 4 LHL OyKO

M N Mt 12:36 EZjAdA'fc'r* 0 NE cjoeo ez as csazhzi (Asm)

M k 6 :ll OTZpciAENte. e z a & t l coaomomz hah roMopoyz sz 4 ln l CZ4ENZH (Ost)

Mt 12:36 QTToBcjcrouCTLV nepL quxou Xo-fov ev fiptepa Kptcretoj

Mk6:ll QveKTOTepov ecTTat- EoBofious rj ron.6ppois ev fiH-epa

K p ta e w s 12

However, the pattern of e z + ACC = i ev +1 DAT continues here and the change in

structure from GEN phrase to ADJ phrase (a stylistic change rather than a semantic

change) does not alter the nature of the temporal phrase.

12 This ending to Mk 6:11 occurs only in some mss. (inc. M) and is not the preferred reading. 2.3.6 The pattern of RZ + ACC = | ev +| DAT is also seen, albeit with less regularity,

in the adjectival phrase r z oyTp'feH 4 b.Mb. (Mar has r z oyTpbMLH |AbNb| in two

instances), which occurs seven times in the Gospels and corresponds in each instance to

the Greek xf) ETTaupiov (i.e., the prepositionless DAT) 'on the morrow':

0 Mt27:62 rz ovTpfcixe, gctz n napdCKCRfciH . . . (Asm)

J 6:22 RZ OVTpfcHXe ALNL NdpOdZ H)KG CTOMdWG . , . RH^tRZUJG . . . (Ost)

Mt 27:62 x?j 5e ETTaupiov, fjxLS ectxlv n.exa Tr)v TrapatTKEuriv . . .

J 6:22 xrj CTTQUpLOV o ox ^los o scrxriKtos . . . slSov . . .

However, other variations exist: Mir has Nd +ACC in Mt 27:62 (Md WTpM'fc) and r z +

LOC in Mk 11:12 (RZ tOTpfc). Asm, Ost, Sav and Mir (the Aprakoi) have in J 1:29 TT and 1:35 r z a instead of r z oyTp-fch dLNb..

2.3.7 The phrase r z AkNb cstsoTkNZ l 'on the Sabbath day'or'on the day of the

Sabbath' (as opposed to simply 'on the Sabbath', discussed in §2.4 below), occurs four

times in the Gospels and corresponds to a number of Greek expressions, all

incorporating the DAT or ev + DAT: L 13:14 and 13:16 have

xrj f]p.epQ xou ctq PPqxou

while L 14:4/5 also has this, but adds the preposition ev: 38

ev Tfj f)|4.epa to O c tq ^ ^ q to u

and in some manuscripts, the article is omitted in this verse:

ev f||4 .epa tou ctqPPqtou

Finally, L 4:16 has 'Sabbath' in the PL:

£ v Trj >l|4 .epa TCOV CTQfifjdTWV

yet another variation. As in the example above with EZ alnl cxAk-NLH for Greek ev

fiHepa k pure to S’* OCS replaces a GEN phrase with an adjectival phrase. In this

instance, the adjectival phrase is not capable of distinguishing between the SG and PL of

'Sabbath'as seen in the Greek. Thus, OCS has one phrase—a 2 AkNk CXKOTLNZI —

for four Greek phrases, all variations upon each other:

L 14:4/5 H NE. dEHE HCTpkTNETb. ETO RZ. 4RNR CXEOTkKZIH (Ost) C L4:16 H RkNHA& no OEZIYdIO KZ 4NL CXEOTZHZI RL CZNZWH141E (Sav)

Supr 295:1-2 az arne c x s o t z h z h Y/tORtkd Ht^’b/tH

Since all the variants of the Greek phrase (with or without an article, with or without the preposition ev) express the same thing—'on the Sabbath day' or 'on the day of the

Sabbath'—we quite expect to find just one phrase in the OCS to render this, especially as 39

OCS did not have articles and the absence of the preposition BZ would have changed

the meaning.

2.3.8 There are a total of ten more phrases containing BZ alnb /agnm and an adjective

in the Gospels. Most correspond to the Greek ev + DAT or the prepositionless DAT:

't' C N L 1:59 H EZH BZ OCMZI 46. OSpfejdTZ OTpOYATE (Asm)

L 1:59 e -fe v e ro ev x?j fifiepa x?j o-fSoti rpvBov TrepLxefieCv

to ttol Sujv

L 17:28 TdKOWrtB H tKOJKB EZICTZ BL jlLNH ^OTOBZI (Mar)

L 17:28 6f4.ouos kq Bws er^ve,co tats ^epocs A u t

C L9:37 EZICTZ 3KG BZ npOYH 4 NL CZUiG4 ZUieMZ HMZ CZ TOpZ I (Z)

L9:37 ’Exevexo 6 e xvj fylEpa kqxeXBovxwv qtjxwv and

x o u o p o u s

One, however, reinterprets an original NOM (nominative) phrase:

Mt24:37 mkojke eo ezictz bl alnh no&bzi tako ez^gtz npHUiBCTHe

CNa Y/tYLCKddro (Sav—2nd)

Mt 24:37 wcjnep V)M.epai xou Nwe, ouxws ecrxat kql f)

napouCTui xou ulou xou dvBpamou

Compare the first occurrence of Mt 24:37 in Say, which retains the NOM phrase: 4 0

<■ ^ Mt 24:37 mko 4HHC. norrz i raxo e x a e t z npHtuLCTHC cn<3 Y,tYhCK

The change in structure changes the meaning—from 'aswere (he days of Noah' (with

'days’ as the subject) to ' as i( was in the days of Noah' (with 'days' being part o f a

temporal expression). H is interesting that only one occurrence of this verse shows the

original Greek structure—this first occurrence in Sav. All other occurrences (as

represented by all manuscripts except Z) make this change in structure and therefore also

in meaning.

Supr also contains examples of e z 4h.NL/4LNH and an adjective, phrases which

are often also followed by a GEN phrase:

Supr 25:19-21 czEHpaiKiiJTe c<* r z np'feC/trtRZMZH t z 4 &hl naMATH

CEATflflro kohowa . . .

Supr 80:29-81:2 kzih OTzatTz k* 4 & tz rumz rz c^arznzih h r&3hi<:zih

dh.NL np rnuLCTBHki c z n a c a Ndtu&ro . . .

Supr 295:2-3 h np ajN X h coyxz pstiix r l n p a?4L N Z a l n l N

npOCTLpt

2.3.9 The phrases with r z 4 LNL/4 LNH followed by a GEN phrase (seven total in the

Gospels) correspond in all instances to the Greek e v + DAT:

f f ^ M t2 :l Icoy pOX£4hllJH) Cift RZ RHL^&OWb . . . RL 4NH H p04d up<3 (Sav)

Mt 23:30 digs KZIXOMZ SZUH RZ 4LNH OUL NflUJHXZ . , . (Ost) Mt2:l Tou Se ’incrou -fevviiGevTos ev Bri 0 X e e |4 . . . . bv

fm.spaus' Hpu&ou xou Pqo’lXews

Mt 23:30 ei! rj|4 .e0 a ev xaCs fmepatj xtov naxepuiv finwv . .

In Mt 24:37--continuing the verse from earlier—another original NOM phrase-

'thus too will be the coming of the Son of Man'-

Mt 24:37 wcrnep qi- tou Ntoe, outcjj eatau kolC n

napoutrua xou ulou xou av0pwTTOU

was reinterpreted in some texts (Asm, Mar, and Z) to a temporal expression—'thus too will it be in the days of the Son of Man':

. , . Tdko ESCrteTZ H RZ 4 RNH CNd Y^RYCKflflrO (Mar)

Sav retains the original meaning—'thus will be the coming of the Son of Man':

. . . TdKO CXA&TZ npHIULCTHR Ctffl Y,fYRCKddrO

And Ost alters the original meaning to make it temporal, but without the word arnr —

'thus it will be in (=at the time of) the coming of the Son of Man':

. . . TdKO E3K4&TL RZ npHliikCTHS CNd Y>YLCKddrO 42

So two phrases in this verse both show Greek NOM constructions altered to temporal

constructions with R 2 in OCS. Greek NOM constructions most often are rendered with

OCS NOM constructions; alterations or reinterpretations such as this one seen in Mt

24:37 suggest that the translators felt the liberty to make structural changes which altered

the meaning of the text without totally destroying it. Changes such as the one seen in

this verse offer evidence to support the proposition that the syntax seen in the OCS

manuscripts reflected living Slavic syntax, at least for the altered passages.

Supr also contains examples of this construction—RZ arnr /^ rnh with a

GEN phrase:

Supr 21:11-12 non aAWM rl nmxz rr 4 Rnh rwfrRpy . . .

Supr 162:3-4 czTROpH we komhcz r z 4RNR HPpH . . .

(See also those phrases given above in §2.3.8 which contain both an adjectival and a genitival phrase modifying r z arnr .)

2.3.10 Another expression involving arnr is the phrase r z te^HNz o tz

ARNZ, which occurs three times in the Gospel according to Luke, as well as in Supr.

The corresponding Greek phrase is bv |^.lq tw v f)|4 .epcov- Note that the verse always begins with the phrase 'and so it occurred' (Greek e-pEVE'CO- OCS Ez ICTZ) and also the use of a prepositional phrase in OCS (RZ ic^hnz o t z a rn z ) to render a

Greek prepositionless GEN ( bv |4 .ia toiu fipeptuv): 43

L8:22 EZICTZ *E RZ l€dHNZ OTZ 4ZNEH I TZ RZ-tfcje RZ KOpdEZ (Mar)

L 8 :2 2 c t e v e t o 5 e ev ^.ca xwv f)n.spwv kql auTOj eve^vj els

ttX o lov

TT Here the Aprakos texts have simply r z oj, except Mir in L 20:1. In L 5:17, Z has r z

ie^hnz ellipted and only o t z a l n z appears:

L 5 :I7 I EZICTZ OTZ 4LNHI I TZ S t oyY A . . . (Z)

L5:17 kql e'peveTO ev hlq tcov rmepcov kcll q utos riv &LSdtrKwv

Mar and D both show the full phrase RZ (E^hnz o tz 4 LNZ; the Aprakoi (except Sav, TT which does not contain the verse) all show r z CO. Z probably manifests a common

phenomenon known as "scribal error"—in this case, the omission of a word or phrase,

Supr here shows RZ IE4HNZ 4 tk.NL instead of RZ lE^HNZ OTZ 4 LNZ:

Supr 91:15-27 . . . noRE/ffe , , . rz ieahnz alnl ie 4 hnohs npHR&CTH . . .

This is different from other occurrences of numeral with 4 LNL in the RZ + ACC construction: icahnz here is in the cardinal form, not the ordinal, as seen in all other occurrences.

2.3.11 Finally, we have relative clauses involving alnl and RZ + ACC. These can take the following structures: alnl r z n d k c , r z ndke a l n l , r z alnl r z 44

NLW&. R Z NL)KR; and in the PL 4LNH R Z R Z NAWG. 4 LNH, R Z ARNH R Z

NA5KG, R Z n a k g '(on) the day(s) in which'. There are eight occurrences o f the SG

and two of the PL in the Gospels; the phrase also occurs in Supr. Most correspond to a

some form with ev + DAT, although there are three occurrences of the prepositionless

DAT. The Greek also shows great variation in the structure of the relative phrase: ev

fipiepa 13 , ev rj, I ev] >3 , fj Se f)M.epa, ev finepais ats, ev aij.

N Mt 24:50 npHA&TZ XCC TNL p<3E<3 T oro RZ 4C RZ NLXCE N£ YttTZ . . . (Asm)

Mt 24:50 ^£et o KUpios to u SouXou cksrvou ev f|M.epa f) ou

npocr6oK,Q . .

Mt25:13 mko ng RtecTG dLNS nh 'raca r e h rx g cnz Y/kTkzi npHAGTZ (Sav)

Mt25:13 o t l ou* ol Sq t e t »iv fipiepav ou£e Tr|V topav ev 13 o

ULQS TOU QV0PWTTOU epXCTQL13

L 1:25 . . . RZ 4 RNH RZ HAWS npHJLpt , . . (Ost)

L 1:25 . . . ev finepaLS ais enet&ev . . .

L 12:46 npHAGTZ rocnoAHNR pasa Toro rl nlxe. 4&nr ng y<3<3tz (Mar)

L 12:46 tfeeu o KupLOS t o u Soxj X o u c k c l v o u ev >iM.epa vj ou

npotxSoKa

The rclalivc clause occurs only in some mss. (inc. M) and is not the preferred reading. 45

L 13:142_^ rAawe. c 14 4 LNH1 gctz rz h^xg aoctohtz . . , (Sav)

L13:142* eXe-rev tu > oxXuj otl e£ r)|4 .epQL clctlv ev q lj SeC

ep t'a ^ e o ' 0 QL

L 17:29 r z nlxcg 4GNL mjh ^ g ^ o tz o t z coAow^tNL (Mar)

L 17:29 Kj Se f)M.epa e£?|X8ov A wt and EoSo^wv

L 17:30 no TOMOyWG H dGNh. Rh. NDKG CtTz Y/IRYCKZI ’fcRHTZ Ceft (Mar)

L 17:30 k q t q t o o u t q ecrTat f) riM-Spa o u l o s t o u dvBpwnou

dnoKaXuTTTeTat,

L21:6 npHflXTZ 4LNL.G Rb. HAKE. NG OCTdNGTZ KdMGNL Nd KdMGNI , , (Z)

L21:6 eXeucrovTQL fm.epaL ev q l s ou k , dtpeBrtcreTau X lBo j enu

X lBcoI . . .

L22:7 npH^e *£ /irnl onpfccNZKZ r z ndkg nortosktio s t . . . (Z)

L22:7 fiXflev Se f) f)n_epa tw v q ^ u ^ cjv [ev] fj eSeL , . .

L 23:29 •fevo CG dLNRG rpflsflJRTZ EL NA^G pGKXTZ E/ICJ)KGNd NGrU0,4ZRH I Yp*bRd t^ G NG pO^HUJA (Z) L 23:29 epxovTOL rmepau ev a ts epoucrLV naKdpuau a t cTTeCpaL

* q l au ouk ey evvricrav . . .

14 Sav, as a Cyrillic ms,, should have J AkNHi here rather than £ alnhi to render the Greek

e£ f)p.epaL 'six days’. As it is only in Glagolitic mss. that the letter £ represents the number six, it is likely that the scribe of Sav copied the letter as it appeared in his Glagolitic (presumably) prototype. The correspondences between the OCS and Greek phrases show no distinct

pattern, probably owing to the great variation in structure within both languages. This is

seen below in the exact match-ups for the various constructions:

Mt 24:50 BZ BZ NDKG ev nnepa rj > ~ Mt 25:13 ALNG . . . BZ NDKG • tv|v finepQV . . . ev ti

L 1:25 BZ abnh BZ n a >kg ev fmepQLS qlj

L 12:46 BZ NLJKG AGNL ev rinepa >3

L 13:142 3 G ALNHI GCTZ BZ NA>KG e£ fip.epat clctlv

L 17:29 BZ NDKG AGHL rj riM-Epa

L 17:30 AGNL BZ NDKG rj nuepa

L21:6 ALNLG BZ NA)KG fl|4.epaL ev ols

L 22:7 ALNL BZ NDKG ft nn.epa lev] rj

L 23:29 ALNLG BZ NAJtCG f)H_epaL ev qls

Supr and Cloz also exhibit various structures, and Supr introduces the adverb

a in place of BL NLWG, et. al., as the relative conjuction:

Supr 74:4-5 . . . 4LHH |dat. sg.| bl ndkg npfcazchAZ dNoyndTZ b z N d p o at

a Supr 94:14-15 . . . bl 4 LNH |acc. pi.] BLH&rdfl ca po^i E-tdiKGNZlH MXYGNHKZ

Cloz lla:4-5 (AGML) bl nlxg x o w t g t z c x a ,t h e z blc&i jgm i

Cloz I la:4-5 ( fmepav) ev tj ^.eXXeL kplvclv o Beds Tr|v OLKOf^evviv 47

2.3.12 Supr shows a use of arnr in the az + ACC construction not

demonstrated in the Gospels—with the interrogative relative pronoun kZi:

Supr 132:23 N’t b z kzih diNh. Rznpdwats mxz

2.4 Above the phrase b z arnb c x e o t z n z i was given as one way of expressing

'on the Sabbath/Saturday'. There are two additional ways, both with many variations, using BZ + ACC. The first involves a form of the numeral ieahnz 'one' with a form of c x e o t z : b z t€AMNZ c x e d t z (FEM numeral, MASC noun) or r z te ahnz c x e o t z (MASC numeral and noun), or in the PL: BZ iea h n zi c x e o t z i ; the second involves the ordinal numeral npRRZ 'first' b z npLRXKR (FEM) or ripRRZi

(MASC) c x e o t x (FEM) or c x e o t z (MASC). Yet another way to express 'on the

Sabbath' is with a form of RZ + a form of cjkeotx (FEM), cjkeotz (MASC), or cstEOTZi (PL) (for an exact listing, see Appendix B).

2.4.1 Of the expressions involving a form of the numeral te ahnz 'one', all four of the occurrences in the Gospels correspond to a Greek DAT:

T Mk 16:2 5"tyto ja oyTpa rz tcdiNX ckbo npHA* N a rpoEZ . . . (Asm)

Mk 16:2 \ l q v TTpWL trj piLQ Ttov ctq^Pqtw v epxovT ai eTTL to

pivr|( 4 .eCbv . . . 48

2.4.2 The translation of Mt 28:1 shows numerous problems. The occurrence

of nphRXHK CZEOTZ in Mt 28:1 seems to be a reinterpretation of the Greek, which

does not have DAT or even ev + DAT, but rather ec’s + ACC:

M t28:l BZ RGYGpZ CXEOTZNZI CRHTdgUIH BZ tlpRBX CXEOTX npMflG

WttpMW w<3r,A

M t28:I oxjje 8 e crafifidxiov x?j enupwcrKO’ucnj c l’s ftCav crafJ/Jaxtov

f|X 0ev HdpLQft f) MQYSaXKjvri , . .

In Greek, xo crdpfkixov, especially in its PL form, can also mean 'week'; W. Bauer

(1979, 739) translates (ty ftuav (xcj v) crafifidxttV as 'the first day of the week'. It

is not as if the concept of 'week' or a word for 'week' was lacking in Slavic--we see the

use of N&Afe/tki in the b z + LOC15 construction in Supr to express 'in the week':

Supr 209:5-6 n^n be NGdfc/tH abnhh ng mgrm ca YytOB’fekoy . . .

Indeed, many modem translations of this verse show the modern word for 'week':

Modern Russian has no npouiecTBHH aee cy66oTbt, Ha paccBere nepBoro a n n

HeneJ\vi~~'after the passing of the Sabbath, at the dawn of the first day of the week’;

and Bulgarian has a KaTo ce mhhb ci>6oTaTa. Ha ni»pBH^ ijeHb qt*»

1 - As opposed to the use of NEdt jki in the b z + ACC construction, in which it means ’Sunday'; cl. the discussion of this below in §2.5 49

ceziMMuaTa—'and when the Sabbath had passed, on the first day of the week'.|f’ The

OCS sentence can be translated, however, as 'on a Sabbath evening at dawn on the First

Sabbath', which is actually ambiguous—to which Sabbath does this refer?

Notice also that the Greek text, by using the preposition els instead of ev

renders a slightly different meaning: 'at dawn into/towards the first day of the week',

i.e. the dawn leading into the first day of the week. As is obvious, this leads to an

awkward translation in English, and perhaps an exact translation would have also been

awkward in OCS, thus the change to 'on a Sabbath evening at dawn on the first

Sabbath'.

One other major misunderstanding occurred in the translation of this verse. The

Greek verse begins otjre Se cra^QTuiv, which can mean either 'late in the week',

'late on the Sabbath', or, as defined by W. Bauer (1979, 601) 'after the Sabbath', with mjie used as "an improper prep, with gen." (ibid). Note here that the modern

translations show an interpretation based on this meaning of dtj;e. For example, the

Revised Standard Version of the English Bible has 'after the Sabbath...'; Modern

Russian has no npoiiiecTBHH ace cySSoTbt...—'after the passing of the Sabbath'; and

Bulgarian has a KaTO ce MMHa c-bS oT ara'and when the Sabbath had passed'.

OCS, however, shows a translation which interprets dtps as the adverb meaning

'evening': EZ RCYepz c z e o t z n z i . This interpretation, in combination with the

others, leads to a very confusing sentence in the OCS: 'on a Sabbath evening, at dawn

on the first Sabbath...'. Did Mary Magdelene arrive on a Sabbath evening, or at the

dawn of a Sabbath day?

Throughout the historical pcritxl numerous rctranslations of religious texts were carried out; in Russian one of the most (in)famous of these rctranslations is known as the "HcnpaBJierme KHHr", the 'correction of the books'. 5 0

2.4.3 Forms of r z cstEOTX, et. al., occur thirty-one times in the Gospels and fifty-

eight times in Supr (Xodova 1971, 171). As the chart in Appendix B shows, there is no

correspondence among the Slavic texts as to the gender or number of the noun; e.g.. Mk

2:23. which has ev + DAT PL in the Greek, has r z c x e o tz i in Ost, Mar, Z and D,

but a z c x EOT z in Asm and rz cjreotsr in Sav. Nor is there correspondence

between the Greek and Slavic texts: where Greek has SG, Slavic can have SG or PL,

and vice versa. Almost all occurrences, however, correspond to the pattern RZ + ACC

= I ev + 1 DAT, with twelve occurrences showing ev and the others not.

Mt 24:20 NG EX4&TZ EtCTRO RdWG JHWfe N) RZ CStSOTZ (Asm)

Mt 24:20 Eva fir| Y^VTTcai' *1 tpuT^l tyiwv xeL(iwvos poiSe crapflaTco

Mk2:23 xowdddWG mTc r z c x e o t z i ckro cfedNHW (Ost)

Mk 2:23 kql e-pevexo auxdv ev xols crdpflao-LV TrapaTTopeueaBat

Sea TUV (TTTOpLp.UV

L 6 :2 YLTO TROplTG GTOKG NG 4 OCTOHTZ TROptTH Rb. CKBOTJK (Asm)

L6:2 xl TTOteCxe o ouk e£ecrxLv xoC s C Ta^atxtv

J 7:22 H RZ CXEOTJg OEplSJdGTE Y ARkd . . . (Ost)

J 7:22 kcll ev a-a&pdxw nepLxe| 4 .vexe avBpunov

Supr 209:7-8 r z c x e o t x . . . RZXOWrtddUiG rl l)pZK \ g

Supr 334:14-15 rgY G pz jkg r z c k e o t x . . . npH^G Mdpww M

Supr 209:7-8 r z c x eo tx >ke m rr H&dt/t* npLRte rrc ex z ■) RZXOKAddUJG. BL HpZK B£

J 19:14 E t )K£ r z n a t z k z OEtrtz ro^oy . . . (Sav)

The latter example, however, replaces a NOM construction in the Greek texts and in other Slavic texts:

J 19:14 r)v Se napacrKeuri toxj nacrxa • • -

J 19:14 E t 3«e napdCkeRftiH n a c T t . . . (Asm)

It is interesting that here Sav changes the NOM construction to the RZ + ACC construction; earlier, we saw an example of a NOM phrase in the Greek being retained only by Sav but changed to r z + ACC in all other manuscripts (Mt 24:37; cf. §2.3.9),

This shows that it was not just a single scribe in a single instance who felt at liberty to make such a structural change.

2.6 The nouns Y

TZ, and also with the interrogative relative pronouns Kz/k5tz/k0T0pz l, the relative 52

pronoun n lx g /nkkkg ., wilh various numbers, and in four constructions in the Gospels

with a genitive phrase.

2.6.1 The most common usage of Ydcz (and only Ydcz ) is in the phrase RZ TZ

Ydcz, occurring thirteen times in the Gospels. This corresponds in two instances to a prepositionless DAT, and in the rest to ev + DAT, with one exception:

Mt 8:13 h Hcut/it c^oyr

Mt 8:13 Kau uaBrj o naCs [qutoxj] ev tf) £6pa eKELvrj

L 2:38 H T

L 2:38 KaC auc?| T?j topa e n u x T a tra avBcon.oXo'feCro tw 0ecoL

Supr has this phrase, as well as the phrase with the demonstrative cl 'this' instead of t z 'that':

Supr 16:14-15 ok<4myh o ml N't. c h a x row lctrh TRoero bl cl YdCZ

Supr 217:7 r z t z y a c z h ^ g r z cratxhk rh Tgmz

In addition, Sav adds RZ TZ YdCZ to the end of L 9:42, although this is without precedent in any known Greek text and does not appear in any of the other ancient Slavic manuscripts:

L 9:42 (Sav) 53

2.6.1.] The one instance where a z TZ Ydcz docs not originate from a Greek lev +) DAT is in Mt 15:28, where we have qtto + GEN:

Mt 15:28 H Hcyt/fb dZljJH ao t z y a c z (Mar)

Mt 15:28 kql udSti r| auTrjj qtto Tris wpaj eKecvrij

All of the Slavic texts which contain this verse translate qtto t9|£ copas EKecvTlS

'from that hour' (with the sense: 'from that hour on', 'from that hour forwards') as a z t z Y

Mt 15:28 h HCij’bxi’fe a z p i t€H to m u Y

Most of the other examples with qtto + GEN have corresponding OCS o t z + GEN, except Mt 15:28, and again in Mt 17:18, where all the texts have LOC corresponding to qtto + GEN, except Sav, which does have o t z + GEN. Thus, Slavic had three means of rendering qtto + GEN of hour: o t z + GEN, prepositionless LOC, and, here, a z

+ ACC. Thus:

Ostromir Savvina Greek

Ml 15:28 TOML YdCtl a z TZ Y4CZ qtto ttis upa^ eKBLVllS

Mt 17:18 TOML Y dC t OTZ TOro YtfC a otto xfjs Wpaj exeLVtlS 54

This variation shows us that the translator(s) did not feel compelled to translate the

Greek construction with an exact equivalcnl--the decision to express the healing as

occuring 'at that hour' rather than 'from it' demonstrates the likelihood that he/they

chose a Slavic phrase based upon the meaning within it, rather than its external

equivalence to a Greek construction. This change was probably felt to be necessary due

to the semantics of the verb involved—verbs of 'healing' denote a state (here, of being

healthy) which begins at the moment designated by the time expression. Since these

verbs are perfective and indicate the inception of a state, a time phrase which expresses

the moment of inception ('at') combines better with them in Slavic.

2.6.2 Whenever 'hour' is modified by an adjective—more exactly, with various ordinal

numerals designating the hour during which something occurred, began or finished-the noun ro^UNd is used in the r z + ACC construction in the Gospels. Supr does have examples with Y

Supr 57:6-7 r z yacz we npZRZiH noujth czkyttuiTaaxx ca . . .

However, out of six occurrences in the Gospels, Y

J 4:52 RLYfcpd RZ YflCZ CeAMZI OCTdRM OTNL (Z) As the noun Y acz seems to be the only lexical possibility for rendering the phrase 'at

that hour', so too does rOAHN<3 seem to be the only lexical means used to express

'during a (definite) hour'17:

Mk 15:34 i b Z. ae-B^TXtat rodHN* BLjztiH hc (Z)

(O st)J 4:52 BLYepo b z rodHNX c&mxkk oct <3bh h otnl (Ost)J

Only one instance of Bz + ACC for 'hour', however, corresponds to the expected

Greek DAT:

M k 15:34 *ql xrj eyatKj wpa efloKicrev o ’ Iritrouj

J 4:52 corresponds to a Greek ACC18:

17 According to the dictionaries which I consulted (sec bibliography lor listings), lew of the Slavic languages preserve both nouns for expressing 'hour'. Even within the Slavic languages families (East, West, South) we sec distinctive usage of the two. Russian docs not use godina at all (according to a 17-volume Russian language dictionary), whereas Ukrainian uses only it. Casis used in the meaning 'time'. Belorussian uses both godina and c a s , but prefers godina (hodina) to render the meaning 'hour'. Polish too shows this, but it retains C as(czas) in the meaning 'lime; season; moment, space of lime'. £ a sis also used in Polish in frozen adverbial expressions such as czasami 'at times, now and then, occasionally' and czasem 'sometimes; by any chance’. Slovak uses both hodina and c a s to render 'hour', but Czech only uses hodina. Like Polish, Czech uses c a s ('time') in adverbial expressions such as vCas'on time'. Moving to the South, like Russian, Slovenian shows only c a s , as docs Bulgarian. In Bulgarian and also Serbo-Croatian, godina has come to mean 'year'. In the former it can also mean 'a long lime' and in the latter--'a commemorative service'. In Serbo- Croatian, although c a sts used to mean 'hour', it is only in official times; in colloquial Serbian, it has been replaced by the Turkish borrowing sat. 18 Robertson (1914) cites this as an example of the ACC of time which is problematic (since we would expect a DAT here): "|T)hcrc arc uses of the accusative of time that do iumish trouble at first blush. In some of these the accusative seems to be adverbial with little stress on duration. Indeed a point of time may be indicated... |A] more difficult example is found in J 4:52, ex0££ wpav

efJbop.pv', where a point of time is indicated... One may conjecture that this use of ijpav was not regarded as essentially different from the idea of extension. Either the action was regarded as going over 56

J 4:52 ELnav ouv auxw otl e x 0 es iopav Ep86n.K|v QcpftKEV

au x o v o nupeT os

In Mt 20, r z + ACC with rodHNd is used four times (vs. 3, 5, 6, 9):

Mt 20:3 h hujz ^ z r z Tp&THX roaHNK . . . (Ost)

Mt 20:5 ndKzi we Muie^z r z m ecTxts h r z 4 e.r a t x ik ro^iHMy . . . (Asm) Mt20:6 h r z re/iHNWw: we ua dECATe Hiuzdz . . . (Sav)

Mt 20:9 npmiJEdzme we wwe r z (CdHNgw; N

However, this does not correspond to Greek ( e v +| DAT, but rather TtepL + ACC:

Mt20:3 kol sijsX0wv nepC xpLxr)v wpav , . ,

Mt 20:5 ttqX lv [6 e] e £eX 0 wv T tept ektkiv kql svdxriv topav . . .

Mt 20:6 ttepl S e svSsKdxtiv e^ eXO cov . . .

M t20:9 kol eXOovxes ol nepC xr|v ev8eKaxr)V wpav . - .

No known texts contain J ev +| DAT in these verses. This is an example of the reinterpretation of the meaning of the Greek text: nepL + ACC means 'about, around, near, approximate', not 'at' or even 'during'. However, recall from the discussion in the Introduction that the modern concepts of 'hour' do not apply here, and that specifically nepL xpLT>iv topav means 'around the third hour’ rather than 'around

the hour or the hour was looked at more as an adverbial accusative... In the Modem Greek vernacular the accusative is used freely to designate a point of lime as well as extent of time. So in the N.T. the accusative is widening its scope again" (470-471). Blass docs not comment on this particular occurrence of ihc ACC of lime. 5 7

3:00'. This is a very approximate time. Thus although the Slavic text shows 'during

the third hour' rather than 'around the third hour', the approximation is still expressed,

although it has become more limited: the event is occurring at some (unspecified,

unknown) moment within the third hour. The Slavic is more limited in that the event is

occurring between the third and fourth hour, whereas in the Greek it could be occurring

during that time period or before it. The reinterpretation here again demonstrates that the

translators) did not feel constrained to translate a phrase word-for-word, but instead felt

free to render the meaning of it which they sensed within it.

2.6.3 The interrogative relative phrase RZ kZ/kOTOpzi YdCZ or RZ kXts ro/jHNX

occurs three times in the Gospels:

Mt 24:42 . . . MkO NR RtCTR RR kZlflt rOdHNX TR RdUIR npHflETZ (Sav) c L 12:39 ■ ■ ■ ER kz Yd TdTR npiACTZ (Asm)

J 4:52 . . . R Z kZIH YflCZ COV/fbR t€M0y KZICTR (Ost)

The first two correspond to Greek DAT, and the third—to ev + DAT:

Mt 24:42 otl ou* ol Sclte ttolq wpa|tJ o Kupios xJM-tov epxETau

L 12:39 . . TTOLQ wpa 6 k X eTTTTIS EpXETQL

J 4:52 . . ev nontltoTEpov ecrxev

19 Ilota f)M.epa is the preferred reading, but a few mss., inc. M, show ttolq copa- Since the OCS texts shows 'hour'. I chose the Greek reading w ith 'hour' as a correspondence. 5 8

2.6.4 In the relative construction, we see the same type of variation as we had with

4RNR: we may have ycjcz rz niwc, rz nrike. Ydcz, rz Y

also the feminine form rodHNd RZ nurxcc. 'at the hour at which', perhaps also 'in the

hour during which'. These also correspond to many variants in the Greek: copa, upa ev tj, ev cjpa rj, ev rj (these variants within Greek and OCS and between

Greek and OCS are similar to those given in §2.3.1 I for relative clauses involving

At-NR).

Mt 24:44 mko rr ndkc . nr mrnhtr Y

Mt 24:44 otl rj ou* SoKeCxe L5pa o ulos tou avSpumou epxexau

J 5:28 ■bko rpA4CTZ rodHMd rr hkukr |sic-SF| rrcm . . , oyc^ziujATz

r T c z cn a EWH'b (Mar)

J 5:28 otl epxeTQL f] wpQ ev r| ndvTEs . . . qkouo ’ouctlv Trjs

cpcovrjs q u t o u

Supr 359:4-6 ARtf K tC T ^ OTR NHXZ HAXlUTd . , . RZ TZ YdCZ RR NR3KR WHJNR Nd 4p*bR'b npMTRO, . .

2.6.5 In constructions with a GEN phrase, the noun Y

T0 4 Z appears three times in the Gospels:

Mt 13:30 H RR r04R MtETR'fe pRKtOTR JKRTR/ffcMR CRERpfcTR npRROR n^'bac^L (Mir) L 1:10 i Rh.ce m z n o w z c tro akahh Et. mo^htrz AtA Rhwb rz roaz TeMhtN^i (Mar)

L 14:17 h noch^a paza cRoero rz rodz rryr[)A (Asm)

Only Mir has r z r o ^ z in Mt 13:30; the other texts which contain the verse have RZ

Rp’bMA instead. Also, Mir shows a DAT jk rtr *fe instead of the usual GEN seen in

the canonical texts.20 This phrase corresponds to a Greek ev ^ a tp u ; L 1:10 and

14:17 correspond to a Greek DAT construction— (Opa-

Mt 13:30 k q l ev Kat,pw xou 8epto>t.ou epw xoCs BepuCTTQts,

EuWe^axe npwxov xa ^l^qvlq

Ll:10 kql ttq v xo nXfj0o$ f|v xou Xaau npoaeuxon.evov e£w

xrj upa xou 6u|4.hd|^.axo^

L 14:17 *aC dneo"xeL7y.ev xov SouXov auxou xf) topa xou

S clttvou

Based on the fact that the Greek wpa can be translated by three different words in

Slavic, the question arises: what is the meaning of roAZ? It renders both Greek 'time'

and 'hour', and seems to be used with both meanings in Supr:

Supr 276:3 h nr r z rcm z npocHUJA

Supr 276:18-19 npocHTH K t noAOKd nr r z ro ^iz r z

20 The DAT of possession is quite common in early mss. and is preserved, especially with pronouns, in the South Slavic languages. 6 0

Supr 209:12-13 c ^ljm th tcwoy b z roaz KCTcxpzsNZiA KpZTBZi

Unlike the Gospel texts, Supr also shows the use of Y acz with a GEN phrase:

Supr 144:21 m Tzr^d oyatCH b z y a c z g’fe a z i TBOt€

It appears that ro ^ z had both meanings--’time' and 'hour', and is synonomous with both v a c z and ap'fcMA.

2.6.6 An example with BZ ro^HNZ also appears, in J 5:35:

H J 5:35 BZ 5K£ XOTtCTB BZJApd rtOBdT I CA BZ rOdINX CBLT'hNH'h &ro (Asm)

However, it seems that the use of BZ + ACC (found in all mansucripts which attest this verse, which are all of them except Sav) here was another reinterpretation of the Greek, which has Trpoj:

J 5:35 xj^iecs 5e tiQeXficraxe a-ya^XLaBtivat, npoy copav ev t u

CpCOTL QUTOU 61

The Greek preposition npoj in this temporal context has the meaning of 'for'; the

meaning of the Greek verse is 'you wished to rejoice fo r the hour (spent) in his light',

thus it is expressing the "duration of a period of time" (W. Bauer 1979, 710). In the

Slavic, the rejoicing is occurring 'at or during the hour of his light'. What we would

expect to see instead in OCS is a prepositionless ACC, which is the stucture most

commonly used to express duration of time. Indeed, the Modern Russian translation

shows the prepositionless ACC here: a Bbl xoTeyin MaJloe BpeMS nopa/iOBaTbCfl

npH CBeTe ero; and the Bulgarian shows a phrase with the preposition 3a, which

indicates length of time, 'for': m BHe noxce^taxTe /ta ce pa/tBaie 3a MaaKO BpeMe

Ha HeroBOTO CBtTeHe. Thus not only was a syntactic change made in the text, but also a semantic change (a similar change occurs below in a usage with the noun BpfeM^

'time', where the Greek structure conveys the meaning 'for' but the Slavic structures bears the meaning 'at'; cf. §2.7.3). The resulting Slavic sentence makes sense and is structurally correct in Slavic—'you wished to rejoice in the hour of his light'—although it does not convey the same meaning as did the Greek sentence. Subsequent scribes would not have felt the need to "correct" the structure of this phrase, since it does make sense, and thus it was transmitted over and over again for a long period of time.

2.6.7 A question surely arises in the analysis of expressing 'at (X) hour': what is the difference, if any, between the words rodHNd and YdCZ? Although this is a lexical matter rather than a syntactic one, it bears answering nonetheless. L'vov, in his lexical study of the OCS texts (1966), discusses this very issue. He states that clearly "the word Y

kz Yfl TdTL nptA&TZ (Asm)|, in which "a specific hour is not referred to, but

rather the moment at which the thief will arrive" (262). According to L'vov, "it is

probable that the first translators could distinguish ro^HN a and Y

these words were used to translate the Greek word wpa, expressing various nuances of

this latter in its transfer into Slavic" (266). Problems arose later, when the distinction

between the two was not always perceived by the scribe or translator. For example, he

cites that in Supr Y

roAHNa is used in the Gospels (264). And "in certain texts of the Gospels there is a preference for the word YdCZ, in which this phenomenon, apparently, reflects dialectal peculiarities of the language of the editor or scribe. At least the editor or scribe of Z according to all the facts did not sense the difference in meaning between roAHNd and

Yacz" (260).

In the modem Slavic languages, West Slavic preserved the Common Slavic rodHNd in its ancient meaning ('hour'), and, apparently, under its influence, roAHNd used in the same meaning in Ukrainian and Belorussian. In the South Slavic languages roAHNd has received a broader meaning: 'year' (in addition to some non-temporal usages). As for the Common Slavic Yeacz, which originally designated 'a very short time', 'a moment' (265), it was preserved in the same meaning in Serbo-Croatian, and partially in Russian (in phrases such as b t o t M a c 'at that time/hour', or the adverb c e ii M a c 'now, immediately' < 'at this time'). In West Slavic and also in Ukrainian and

Belorussian, it broadened its meaning to 'time (in general)'. In the South Slavic literary languages and Russian, Y

L'vov concludes: 63 In the course of the historical development in various Slavic languages the analyzed words changed their meanings in different ways. In the South Slavic literary languages the word ro^MM a acquired mainly

the modem meaning 'year' (not counting dialectal meanings), and y o c z - the modem 'hour' (this latter especially in Bulgarian). In connection with this in place of (~oahn 4 in certain texts, without doubt, of the Bulgarian

recension, they begin to use y o c z , replacing with it rotund. This process is reflected already in Z, Ost and Sav. A monument such as Supr

consistently uses y < j c z instead of roAHNo, which is convincing evidence that in Eastern Bulgaria already in the eleventh century roAHNa ceased to be used in its ancient meaning (266).

2.7 The noun 'time' occurs quite frequently, most often with some sort of modifier, as with the other nouns. As already mentioned, the A prakos texts (Asm, Ost, 'n ' Sav, and Mir) use R Z ono R p ’bw * (or abbreviated s z oo; in some instances this abbreviation could stand for r z o m z £LN L instead of r z ono R p t M A ) in many places to replace a different time expression in the Tetragospels.21 The Tetragospels contain the translation which more precisely renders the Greek meaning. For example:

J 1:29 RZ OVTIitM jICNL BHA’fe MC<3 . . . (Mar) N N ^ J 1:29 RL 00 R ’feAfcJ HOd HCa (Mir)

J 1:29 tFj enaupiov fiXeneL tov ’iricrouv . . .

J 21:1 no CGML •kBH CA n d k Z I Hcf OVYGNHkOUZ crdhuz (Mar) * , +-* J 21:1 &Z. ONO t& H CM HC S OUY&NHkQMX CR0HU2L . . . (Asm)

J 21:1 H.ETQ touto etpavepwerev eauxov ndXiv o ’ Iritrous xocs

H.a0>rraLS . . .

For a lisl of all ihc verses where g z ono aptwA is substituted, sec Appendix A. 6 4

2.7.1 az apt wa + genitive phrase occurs two times, both equivalent to Greek ev

K,QLpco + GEN:

Ml 13:30 i r z aptuift x a t e z i ptKX dt-tdTeaeyz czaeptTe, rtpzate

n ^ ta e ^ z (Mar)

Mt 13:30 Kat ev kqlpu xou 0epLO-|4.ou epto xoCj 0epicrxaCj,

£uXXe£axe npwxov xa ^L^dvLa

L8:132 , , , h az aptMA NdnacTi oDTstn^xTZ (Asm)

L8:132 . . . K,QL ev K,QiptO TT£LpQ(T|40U QtpUTXQVXQL

a z aptM ^ + genitive phrase also occurs in Supr and Cloz; in the latter it corresponds to a kqtq + ACC rather than the more expected ev + DAT:

Supr 308:29-309:1 aa aptM A npmuacTHM h x z Hm>4<3 CTOkuae e -jm jz h x z

Cloz 4b:38-40 h noc/toyutdi y z t o CTaopH a z to aptMfr nptddNatc

Cloz 4b:38-40 QKOUCTdV XL TTOLOL kqx ’ QUXOV xov Koapov xris

TTpoBoCTLQS

In Greek, ^axa + ACC can have the temporal meaning 'at', thus xqt ’ quxov xov

KQipov 'at that time' (W. Bauer 1979, 406). 65

2.7.2 All expressions involving s z BpteMA + adjective phrase also correspond lo a

form of Greek KaLpos 'time': seven out of nine have equivalencies in the Gospels of

b z + A C C e v + | DAT:

Mt 11:25 BZ TO gptMA OTZBfclUTdBZ Hcf pE YE . . . (Z)

Mt 11:25 ev ckclvw tw Kaipw QnoKptBeus o ’iyitrou eunev . . .

L 18:30 i>«£ ne BLcnpHHMETZ mznojkmijex be BptM ^ ce (Mar)

L 18:30 o s o u x l | 4 .r) dnoXafSvi TroXXanXaoxova ev tw Kaupu

TOUTWL

Supr and Cloz also show a handful of occurrences of phrases with BZ Bp^MA

+ adjective, most of which correspond to the expect Greek ev + DAT:

Supr 392:11-12 BE Bb.CE BptMM OCB’fcUJTdteTZ CZJddNXHt

Cloz 4a:25-26 t a N

Cloz 4a:25-26 ctol enaLfieucrav o SlSqcjkq X os ev toctoutu xpovw

However, one instance of BZ Bp'kMift + adjective in the Gospels corresponds to

Greek el’s + ACC. This construction, which in Classical Greek temporal expressions had the meaning of "the goal—up to, until or at, by such a time" (Smyth 1984,

§1686.l.b)—an intended time in the future—, had extended meanings in later periods.

During the Koine period, cl’s + ACC had already encroached onto the semantic field of ev + DAT. In temporal expressions, clj + ACC bore numerous meanings, one of 6 6

which was the time 'at which something takes place', in this example—'in their time'

(W. Bauer 1979, 228-9).

Ll:20 ’fewe c z e s c a x t z ca b z ap-feuA cbob (Asm)

Ll:20 ouTLves TfXripuBKicrovxai, eJj xov Kacpov auxwv

Another expression with BZ + ACC corresponds to a Greek prepositionless

ACC:

J 12:35 4I4JB Isic-SFI BZ U4/I0 Bp*bMA C B tT Z BZ BtfCZ GCTZ (Sav)

J 12:35 e x l H-iKpov xpovov xo (ptoj e v un.Cv sctxlv

We would actually expect an ACC here in the Slavic to express duration of time; and indeed two of the examined texts have the prepositionless ACC instead of b z + A C C —

Ost and D:

J 12:35 BUIS Md/to Bp’bMtft C fitT Z BZ BdCZ GCTL ( O s t- ls t22)

Neither manuscript, of course, is considered to be canonical OCS; perhaps here we have an example of a later scribe "correcting" what he felt to be a grammatical error.

22 The second occurrence ot this verse in Ost shows a z + ACC. 67

2.7.3 In addition to phrases with BZ Bp'tMA + GRN or adjective, we have five

occurrences of BZ BptWA without any modifier:

Mt 24:45 /\a 4<3CTZ HMZ BZ Bp’bMA mips: (Asm)

Mk 12:2 t nocz^

The phrase BZ BpfeMA 'in time1 without any modifiers may seem peculiar in

OCS, because we expect to see some sort of modifier. In Greek, too, ^atpos itself is

usually accompanied by some sort of modifier, such as ev ek ,elvco t u *aipu> 'at

that time'. However, k q l p o j does not only mean 'time', but can also mean

'appropriate time, the right time', so that [ev] naupw means 'at the right time' or 'in

due time'. Perhaps then the Slavic phrase b z BpfeMA had this meaning also.23

One occurrence of b z BpfeMA corresponds to a Greek prepositionless DAT,

and two correspond to ev + DAT. One, L 20:10, varies by manuscript, with some

showing ev + DAT, but the preferred reading has the prepositionless DAT:

Mt 24:45 . . . Souvau auToCs xriv xpotptiv ev kqlpw

Mk 12:2 *aC QTTeoreuXev n p o s tous YetjJP T °u s t u Kaupw . . .

2.7.3.1 One instance of b z Bp*kMA, however, in L 8:13, in its first occurrence in the verse, corresponds to a Greek npos + ACC:

Modern Russian docs have the idiomatic expression b o epeMJt, which means 'on time', i.e. 'nol laic'. 6 8 A L8:I32 . . . !*£ B2 Rp’bMft Rtpx r w x t z . . . (Asm)

L 8:132 . . . oe npos Kaipov ttutt £ ilio \j

It is difficult to determine exactly what the meaning of the OCS r z Rptu^ here may

be. It could be interpreted, as the examples above, as 'in due time', 'at the right time'.

However, npos + ACC in Greek has the meaning of the duration of time; here it has

the meaning 'those who believe for a time'. As in the example in §2.6.6, the meaning

of the Slavic is not the same as the meaning of the Greek, but the resulting Slavic

sentence makes sense and is structurally correct in Slavic—'those who accept faith in due

time'—although it does not convey the same meaning as does the Greek sentence.

Supr also shows one instance of unmodified RpfcuM:

Supr 339:17-18 4R0H . . . RZ RfttMift npH^ottJA

Cloz has two occurrences of this:

Cloz lib: 16-17 TZI 3tte Na KpZCT'fe npOCTRpZ pxyfe RZ RpfcMA

Cloz 13b:5-6 r z RptMA x I ln I lm wxyfc npt^st

Neither occurrence in Cloz corresponds to the familiar ev + DAT:

Cloz 1 lb: 16-17 cru Se, e u K Q L p o iy enC t o v crxaupdv xaj xeC pas

arrXcjCTas 69

Cloz 13b:5-6 KQTQ TQV TOU XpUJTOXJ nQ B O U J KQLpOV

napa-('e"('0VQV’

Instead, we see an adverb euKaLpws 'when it is convenient’ (W. Bauer 1979, 321) in

the first occurrence, and a prepositional phrase with kqtq + ACC in the latter; as

mentioned earlier (cf. §2.7.1), this construction can express the temporal meaning ’at’.

2.13.2 In L 8:13, one text—Sav—inexplicably has EZ + the LOC of Y

L8:13 . . . i x e a z Y

Even though this does not translate the Greek EUKatpcoSi perhaps it, too, may be

interpreted as 'when it is convenient'.

2.8 Two other nouns which refer to parts of the day are also used in the formula a z

+ ACC: noljjl 'night' and a&Y&pz 'evening'. However, they are found in this formula only with modifiers: a z noijjl is modified by a demonstrative—either TZ or

Ch.; and aeY epz, which occurs only once in the Gospels, is modified by an adjective— c x k o t l n z i 'Sabbath':

Mt 26:31 BZCH azw CLE/tdJNHTG. CA 0 Wh.N'fe BE CI MOUIL (Asm)

J 21:3 I BZ TX. NOIUTL NG AW A NHYEC0J4CG (Z) 70

M t28:l BZ BBYBpZ CZBOTZNZI CBHTdXIgH BZ npZBX CXE 0 T 5! npHfle MdpHW M^r^^/tziNH . . . (Sav)

K z chkr NOipb. 'in this night' follows the expected pattern: it originates in either

the Greek prepositionless DAT or ev + DAT (three occurrences have ev, three do not):

Mt 26:31 TmvTes xJneCs o'KavSaXLtrBvio'eo'Be ev eh .ol ev t ?| vuktc

toiutv )

J 21:3 naC ev eKetvrj tv ) vxjktl enLacrav ouSev

But BZ BBYBpz CXEOTLNZI 'on a Sabbath evening’ renders a Greek adverb (m[ie

[perhaps used as a preposition, cf. W. Bauer 1979, 6011) + GEN (□’q PPq tu v ):

M t28:l otfie Se CTappQTWV eTTUpwcrKoucn,^ e i j \iCav

craf^dTtov rjXBev Maptdn. f) Ma-rSa^tlvri . . .

As discussed above (§2.4.2) in addition to misunderstandings involving the

preposition et’s and the meaning of pitav crappdxuv, otye Se crafifldTGOV was

also misinterpreted, leading to a very confusing sentence. Recall that dtl»e Se

craflfJaTCOV can mean either ’late in the week1, ’late on the Sabbath', or, as defined by

W. Bauer (1979, 601) 'after the Sabbath' and that the modern translations show an interpretation based on this meaning of ot[;e: Modem Russian no npoiuecTBHM >tce cy66oTbi—'after the passing of the Sabbath', and Bulgarian a KaTO ce MMHa 71

ct6oTaTa—'and when the Sabbath had passed'. OCS. however, shows a translation

which interprets oijfe as the adverb meaning 'evening', resulting in an ambiguous

phrase—did Mary Magdelene arrive on a Sabbath evening, or at the dawn of a a Sabbath

day?

Supr and Cloz also have NOigR and R&YEpz with modifiers:

Supr 66:17 C'feRGpOy T Z rfld BZ TZ HOtUTR RfcZUJTOVf

Supr 381:3-4 nOC/tOVHTB RRCH NdFlCdNHH . . . ^RURCR H RZ CRB! HOLUTL

Supr 339:22 4B*b JKpRTR'fe. BZ TZ RE.YE.pZ ddkUDGTE. CAt

Cloz 13b 11 RZ TZ RGYEpZ rt'feadWE.TG CA

Cloz 6a 18-19 S t RGYBftZ BZ ND1CB oyYGNIl)! CG r^O dX Z |sic-SF| , ,

2.8.1 It is interesting to note that tOTpo 'morning' does not occur in this construction -

-'in the morning' can be expressed by the prepositionless ACC, + GEN, or (rarely) b z + LOC, but not b z + ACC (see Chapters 3, 10, and 9 for further discussion).

2.9 The nouns M*fcCffeijG 'month' and /itTO 'year' occur rarely in the Gospels in the body of the text. Only one occurrence of each in BZ + ACC is found:

L 1:26 BZ U1SCTZH MCE. MUR nOCZ^dNZ EZMCTZ dpXHY/tZ rdRpHM/tZ 0

em (Asm)

L 3 :l-2 BZ RZTOpOG Nfl AGCiftTG .ffcTO R ^ ^ Z IYZCTRd THRGpd KGCdpd „ ^ N . . . EZICTZ r^lZ B5KHI KZ MOJd [sic-SF| (Sav)

Both of the occurrences correspond to Greek ev + DAT: Ll:26 ev 6e t u m.iivl tu cktw dneo"i:dXr| o a-freXoj Taflpir|\

an d tou Beou

L3:l-2 ev exei 5e nevTe^aLSeKQTU) t ?is rn-epiovLas Tcpepuju

K a u ra p o s ...... e-peveTO pripia Beou errC 'Icaavvriv

Examples are also found in Supr:

Supr 178:4-5 rz oigctzh MtcAUL p&Y& noc^dNZ ezictz arreAZ. . . .

Supr 186:13-14 r z /fkTO ocMONd4&c€ ij'fccdp'fc nGpRCKd CdROpw rONGNHIG EZICTZ

Supr 204:15-16 r z h " arnr GNoyapa wfccAi*

MapKMdNM IjtCdpRCTRd . . .

Supr 213:27-28 r z to /I’bTO oyEO . . . caNZ r r jr w z

2.10 The noun R'bkz (PL R 'tvzi) 'century, age' always appears in the construction

RZ + ACC, for a total of twenty times in the Gospels. The majority of occurrences

(fourteen) are unmodified:

J 6:51 . . . >k ir z e x ^ g t z r z RtKZH (Asm)

J 14:16 4

Supr 124:3-4 mskg arngujrnhi arnr rr RfekZi paaocTM pdEOy CRO&uovf 4<9pZCTR0R<»RZIH I

73

All of these unmodified occurrences correspond not to Greek ev + DAT, but rather et’s

+ ACC in the meaning of intended time: eLj xov auova or ec’s xous aujjvajj

'for the age' or 'for eternity', i.e. 'for all time':

J 6:51 . . . ^ricjei e J j xov au ova

J 14:16 lv q |4.e0’ xjhuv ei-S tov auova n

The Slavic r z R’kxz/RZ R’kvzi apprently conveys this same meaning, although this

is not the usual meaning of the construction r z + ACC as seen elsewhere. As stated at

the beginning of the chapter, RZ + ACC designates a time which is not completely filled

by the given action, i.e. a time during a segment of which an event takes place;

however, one would suppose that ’for all eternity’ is a time completely filled by its

action! Since the use of the r z + ACC construction does not express the meaning

expected, it is probable that RZ RfckZ/RZ RteKZ i is an idiomatic expression. Indeed,

this phrase occurs at the end of almost every chapter in Supr, in the form of r z R’kKZ I

R’fckOMZ ’for ever and ever'.

2.10.1 The four instances in which RZ R'bkZ translates the Greek ev + DAT

are all instances where 'age' is modified by an adjective, in both Greek and OCS, and

refers to a very specific 'age':

Mt 12:32 ng SnoycTHTZ ca ewoy nh rl cl a t v z nh r rtuftdxiUTm (Asm)

Mt 12:32 ouk Qtpe0r|trexQL auxw ouxe ev xouxto xu auovu ouxe

ev xu neXKovxt 74

Here, the Greek does not mean 'intended time' to be filled by the action, but 'time

during which' the action (will) occur—'neither in this age nor in the one coming'—i.e.

RZ. RfekZ here renders the same meaning as the Greek ev tw qccovl .

2.1 I A number of words, most of low-frequency, have temporal meaning in context

when used in the construction RZ + ACC. Such words include, as stated earlier in this

chapter, NdY^/io 'beginning', konlijl or czkonly<5)NMG 'end', CTpdJKd 'guard

(shift, watch)', n a cx a ’Passover’ (eventually, 'Easter'), n p ajaln h k z 'festival,

holiday'; and the following, found rarely: CTdpocTL 'old age', koypor/tdUiGNHG (and

other variants) 'cockcrow', npfctlO/IOR/ieNHG npd£Ak,NHkd 'middle of the festival',

npfeCG/lGNHG 'movement, migration', and powALCTRO 'birth'.

2.11.1 NaYi^o 'beginning' and konlijl 'end' are not found in the Gospels.

In place of r z NiJYA/io 'in the beginning' one finds hckonh or ncnpLR <\ 'from the

beginning* in the Gospels. Supr, however, does use RZ NdYAyto and the variant r z

NdYATZKZ:

Supr 6:21-22 r z NdYtfuo czTROpn eo tz ngeo h jgm kx . . .

Supr 212:8-9 RZ NdYrfsTZKZ Toro SOJKGCTRZNddrO XCOKA&NHM NG OV

HCKOyCRNZ EZIR Z TO A noyCTZINA

Supr 426:16-17 RZ MdYtfUO R Z JA pdC Td RZ OE/ldllJLCT'feMZ O E pdjt. CZI . . .

In place of r z kONLI)L, one finds two examples of RZ czkONLYdNHG in the Gospels

(the noun konlijl does not occur in the r z + ACC construction in the texts of the canonical OCS manuscripts): 7 5

Mt 13:40 . , , Tdko s s t f l G T z h b z c l k o n l y

Mt 13:48/9 . . . TdkO KX4 GTZ RZ CZkONUYdNHG B'fckd (Sav)

All correspond to Greek ev + DAT:

Mt 13:40 . . . outw j etJTau ev xfj cruvxeXeui xou auovos (xo Oxoxj )

Mt 13:48/9 . . . o u x w j ecrxat, ev xrj cruvxeX eta xoxj acwvos

2.11.2 BZ CTpdJKX 'during the guard (shift, watch)' occurs four times in the

Gospels, each time with a modifier—three times modified by an ordinal number, and once modified by a relative interrogative:

Mt 14:25 BZ YGTBpZTXffli MG CTpdMX HOtiJI H^G kZ NHMZ HCZ (Asm)

Mt 24:43 . . . b z ksttsi C T paxx T<3TB npHd&TL, . . , (Ost-2nd)

L 12:38 /IHJGtO BZ BZTOpZffl /ttOEO BL TpGTHZWt CTpflMX npH^GTZ (Sav)

The first two correspond to a Greek DAT, and the two occurrences in the third verse—to ev + DAT:

Mt 14:25 xexapxrj 6e cpuXoK^ xfis vxjkxos r)X0ev npos auxous

Mt 24:43 . . . ttolq qpuXaK^ o nXenxris epxexai

L 12:38 *av ev xrj S euxepa kov xfj xpcxvj cpuXaK?} sX8t] . . . 76

2.11.3 The phrase ev T(0 ttqcjxq 'at Passover'{evcnlually,‘Easier’) occurs

twice in the Greek Gospels in a temporal meaning:

J 2:23 WS Se r)v ev tols ' IepocrcOvuM.OLS ev xw Tidcrxa ev t?j

eopxfj

J 18:39 lvq eva QnoXucrw up.LV ev xw Ttdcrxa

It is difficult to determine the Slavic correspondence. Only three of the examined texts

contain J 2:23, and of them, D has N a nacxx Tor Passover1, while Mar and Z have

k z nacyta, in which n

nacxd, but problems arise from its non-declension. It is possible that this can be

attributed to the fact that it does not decline in Greek; however, it is declined in other

instances in Slavic. For J 18:39, all seven texts have N a + ACC, which expresses

intention, 'for':

J 2:23 e r a # Efc b z tu y fe x z b z n

J 18:39 tG^HNoro bomz oTznoyujTX n

2.11.4 5z npd ja l n h k z 'at, during the festival, holiday' occurs six times in

the Gospels in a temporal meaning; all but one occurrence originate from a Greek ev +

DAT:

o J 12:20 n K/

J 12:20 lv q npocrkuvV)crwctlv ev xfj eopxrj 77

L 2:41 i xowddduieTe pOAHTB/ffc ero , . . b z h m z b z npa?iiLNHKZ

n a c t f h (Z)

L 2:41 «iQL enopeuovxo ol ' f o v e i s q u t o O . . . et’s ’iepoucraXrin

T?J COpXrj XOtJ TTQCTXa

K z npd JABNHkZ also occurs once in Cloz:

Cloz 6a:27-28 BzytkCTi sz BZ npa?4h.NlKZi h x z

The corresponding Greek was not given for this particular section.

2.12.1 Of the remaining four words which express time when used in the

construction with b z + ACC, the first three of which are found only one time each in

the Gospels, only one corresponds to a Greek ev + DAT: BZ CTdpocTL cbonk 'in

one's old age':

L l : 3 6 i r a j a y a t z c n a bz cTapocTL cbohe (Mar)

L 1:36 Kau avrcri cruveiTXritpev ul o v ev ^fipeL atixris

2 .1 2 .2 K z k o y por/t<3UJ£NH& (and o th er variants) 'at the c o c k c ro w ' at M k 13:35

corresponds to a Greek prepositionless GEN:

Mk 13:35 nb BtcTe eo KzrAd tl Aoyoy npHABTZ a h B e y e p z a h

no^oyNoiiJTH a h b z Koypor^aujBNLB a h o y T p o (Z)

Mk 13:35 ou* ouSaxe y ^ P Troxe o KUpioj xfjs ouaas epxexat,

>1 otJ;e ri ptecro vukxlov ri aXekxopocpwvuis rj npwu 78

2.12.3 K z np’fcntMOR/tBNHe npdjAENMKd 'at middle of the festival’at J 7:14

corresponds to a Greek GF.N absolute phrase, which in this instance expresses the time

at which the subsequent event occurs:

J 7:14 b z np’tencMOB/tENHE npa?AENHK

J 7:14 t?is copras n.eo’oucrris aveptq ’iricrous elj to uepov

2.12.4 K.Z np’bCE^ENHE 'during the movement, migration' at Mt 1:11

corresponds to a Greek enu + GEN meaning 'in the time of:

Mt 1:11 HOCHM WE pOAH MOXONHHt H KpdTHKK ETO BE nptcE^eNHE

B

Mt 1:11 ’iucruas S e E'pevvrio-ev to v ’ iex o v tav Kac t o u j

QSeXcpous outou e n t t % ^.exot-Kea-Las BafJuXwvos

2.12.5 K z powAECTBO 'at birth' is found once in Supr and twice in Cloz:

Supr 341:2-4 b z nr>EB0 t€ po/tECTRO XpwcToc . . . renhab j e m z n z i h

Hepoyc^uHMZ

Cloz 14a: 11-12 nE/tewzi r z powdzcTRo npieM^eTZ

Cloz 14a:24-26 b z npzRoe powdzCTRQ x z . . . b z n h a c , . . b z ypTkBE

Both of the examples in Cloz render different Greek phrases: 79

Cloz 14a: 11-12 andp-fdVQ eiy tkiv x k w r \ ( T L V KataSexeTat

Cloz 14a:24-26 ev Trj npwTtj xevvdcreL XpLcrxos . . . eucrfrXBev

. . . ei’s tov vqov

The latter is the expected ev + DAT; the former, however, is eCj + ACC. In temporal constructions, clj + ACC could have the same meaning as ev + DAT (and had already begun to merge with the latter by the time our manuscripts were being translated); thus they were both rendered by a z + ACC in Cloz.

2.12.6 Although these four phrases have different Greek sources, the logical translation for the Slavic in each instance is az + ACC, since this construction expresses the corresponding meaning. However, there were some discrepancies between texts between the use of a z + ACC and a z + LOC. Most often the discrepancies appear in the non-canonical texts: a z CTdpocTH caoaH appears in D, and az Koypor.tdtue.NH’k appears in both D and Mir; but az np’kce/t&NiH a da uoNCT’kdMb. |sic-SF| is found in Asm. It is my opinion that these discrepancies arose out of the confusion which resulted from translating Greek phrases which did not fit the expected pattern (a z + ACC = ( ev +| DAT), since here we do not usually have

| ev +1 DAT. Thus, the copyists were 'on their own', so to speak, to come up with the best phrasing for their own recension of Church Slavonic. Also, a z + LOC, although used quite infrequently and in limited expression, is not so dramatically different in meaning from a z + ACC and in fact often overlaps with it in usage in the manuscripts.

It is also possible that, at least in the case of the non-canonical manuscripts, changes in the structure of these languages had taken place. 80

2.13 In summary, in the vast majority of instances, OCS a z + ACC corresponds

regularly to Greek [ ev + | DAT. Among the Slavic manuscripts we find very few

discrepancies in the use of this structure, especially among the most commonly

occurring phrases, such as a z t z a l n l , a z t z Y

etc. In the instances where the Greek text has something other than | ev +1 DAT,

sometimes the Slavic translation is the result of a reinterpretation of the meaning of the

Greek, e.g. in Mt 28:1, with a z a c Y e p z cxezotznzi for otpe Se cra(JfjQTtov;

or in the phrases in Mt 20:3, 5, 6 and 9 with a z ro^tlNX which corresponds to Greek

nept wpav; or az to^hnz CBLTtNHW tcro for the Greek npos wpav ev

TW cptOTL QUTOU. However, other times the Slavic texts appropriately use a z +

ACC to convey a meaning which is rendered by something other than | ev +] DAT, as

in az koypor/tduiCNHe for aXeivtopocptovuis or az apfeM>e> caoe for euj

tov KQLpov qutcov. As j ev +| DAT expressed a time when an event occurred, so

too did a z + ACC. As the numerous examples have shown, this construction was quite prevalent in OCS to express this particular temporal meaning.

2.13.1 In addition to its frequency and predominance in OCS, BZ + ACC remains quite active in the modern Slavic languages as well. In Miklosich’s

Vereleichende Grammatik der slavischcn Sprachen (1926, 398) we find many examples from the various Slavic languages of az + ACC in temporal expressions:

Croatian: u ovu noc rodi bozja sina zena Polish: wsiadaj w dobra aodzine na swoj kon Czech: 1 stane se v ten den Russian: y Hac ObiJi CoraTbipb b o ,nocio-/ibHbte rozibi 81

Kz + ACC continues to be used to express 'on (a certain) day' in Russian (b t o t

.aeHb. B nocjieAHHh zteHb), Polish (W ter) dzien), Serbo-Croatian (U taj dan) and Bulgarian (B t o 3 H aeH), and is used with the days of the week in all of the modem

Slavic languages Russian (b n^THMuy), Serbo-Croatian (U sredlt) and Polish (W

SObote). It is used in all but Polish (which replaced a z + ACC with 0 + LOC in numerous instances) to express 'at (X) o'clock: Russian (B ab& naca), Serbo-Croatian

(U jedan sat) and Czech (V pet hodin). It is retained in in Russian (b t o BpeMfl) and Serbo-Croatian (U tO vreme) to express 'at that time', but this phrase is now expressed by a z + LOC in Polish and Czech and no in Bulgarian. Its distribution with

'night' remains similar to that seen in OCS: in order to appear in the a z + ACC construction, noijil must be modified; otherwise, it will appear in the prepositionless

INS or some other construction. With months and years, we no longer see the a z +

ACC, but rather the a z + LOC, construction in all the languages which retain nominal declension. Many more such examples could be given to show the widespread usage of the a'z + ACC construction in the modern Slavic languages. Such examples demonstrate that this construction is indeed native Slavic, as it was used widely in the early history of Slavic literacy and continues to be used in all of the Slavic languages today. CHAPTER III

THE PREPOSITIONLESS ACCUSATIVE

3.1 The prepositionless ACC is the prepositionless case construction used most

frequently to express temporal meaning in OCS. It has three different meanings: it can

express (1) a time completely filled by a non-completed action (Xodova 1963, 116); or

(2) a time at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place (ibid, 109);

or (3) how many times an action is repeated . 1 In the first and third meanings, the verb

which expresses the action is most often of the imperfective aspect, with a durative

mode in the first meaning, and an iterative mode in the third meaning.

3.1.1 In the first meaning—a time completely filled by an action—the noun in the ACC

is usually accompanied by a numeral (for example TpH a l n h h TpM noijjh '[for| three

days and three nights') or another modifier (for example &b.cL 'all day'). In this

first meaning a limited number of nouns which have temporal meaning are found in the

canonical corpus: a l n l 'day', NOljlb. 'night', Y d c z . 'hour', 'month', > l t T 0

'year', and BpfeM^ 'time'. The same nouns can be used in the second meaning (a time

at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place), which is rarer, and in

1 The Jakobsonian approach to case meaning, in which the ACC is the case which expresses "an entity toward which as action is directed fiiezugsgegensiand/" and is dif ferentiated between a "strongly governed ACC" which "denotes cither an inner object of the action, which originates as the result of the action, or an outer object of the action, subject to the effect of the action but also having prior existence independent of the action", and a "weakly governed ACC" which "denotes a segment of time or space that is entirely encompassed by the action" (R. Jakobson, Russian and Slavic Grammar Studies 1931 - 1 9S 1. Berlin: Mouton, I9R4; p. 66) is not applied here.

82 this meaning they are usually accompanied by an adjective or demonstrative (for

example alncluinih aln l 'today' or dkNLCk 'on this day; today’; Tpctlh arnr

'on the third day’). Additional nouns are found in the second meaning of the

prepositionless ACC, often without modifiers (for example M)Tpo 'in the morning' or

R & Y & p Z 'in the evening'). In the third meaning—repetition—only one noun is used;

k p d T z 'time', accompanied by a numeral (TpH K p d T Z l 'three times') or a quantifier

(KO/tL k p d T Z l 'how many times').

3.1.2 As in the pattern OCS R Z + ACC = Greek e v + DAT, we again see great

consistency in the correspondence between one Slavic structure and one Greek

structure. In the first meaning, the OCS prepositionless ACC in almost all occurrences

corresponds to a Greek prepositionless ACC. According to Smyth (1984, §1582-85),

the Ancient Greek prepositionless ACC

denotes an extent of time... The accusative of time implies that the action of the verb covers the entire period... The accusative of time is rarely employed where the dative is properly in place... |It is used] to mark (a) how long a situation has lasted or (b) how much time has elapsed since something happened...

In addition, Greek has many adverbialized accusatives (§1611);

to vuv 'now', to hq \ ql 'of old’, npoTepov 'before', to upotepov

'the former time', npcjTov 'first', ... to rrpuxov 'in the first place', to

teXeuTaCov 'in the last place', ... to Seutepov 'in the second place',

. . . t o X olttov 'for the future', ... 2

2 The first two examples cited by Smyth arc actually nominalizcd adverbs: vuv 'now ', ndXoi

'long ago'. They become nomtnalizcd by the use of the NTR ACC article ( t o ) and by their usage as accusatives of time arc "rc-advcrbializcd", so to speak. 84

New Testament (or Koine) Greek shows this usage of the prepositionless ACC as well,

called the "Akkusativ dcr Ausdchniing" by Blass, to which he ascribes the definition

"zeitlich steht der Akk. auf die Fragc "wie ianf>e?" " (1949, §161).

3.1.3 As is seen in the definition of the Greek prepositionless ACC, the first meaning of the OCS (Slavic) prepositionless ACC of time and the meaning of the Greek prepositionless ACC are the same. However, this is not an instance of OCS merely imitating Greek syntax; rather, the use of the prepositionless ACC in OCS to designate a time completely filled by an action is an inherent feature of Slavic syntax and is not a borrowing or an imitation. The fact that the individual modem Slavic languages all have the prepositionless ACC to express a time completely filled by an action (and some show the prepositionless ACC for the other meanings in their early histories) supports the hypothesis that OCS, as a representative of one dialect of early Slavic, was manifesting a native Slavic feature in this usage of the prepositionless ACC and not copying a Greek usage.

3.1.4 For example, Modem Russian continues the use of the prepositionless ACC in the first (as well as the third) meaning today, as the following examples from the

Academy Grammar (1982) show:

>KHTb rozi. jKziaTb Mac. npoBecTH b ropo/te Heztejno. mejibie) CTOJieTHfl H€M3B6CTHbIM, ... MCflaTbMHOrO JieT. ... BCe BPeMfl neMaJibHbtfi ...3 (§2693.2)

■ To live (for) a year, to wait (for) an hour, to spend a week in the city, f /forI entire) centuries unknown, ... to wail (for) many years, ... sad all the time. 85

And Old Russian showed the use of the prepositionless ACC in the second meaning—a

time at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place:

a b. poycoy th knxce e ja h th oce.NL a ^eT(e) ne ejam th

a a j z ovfTpo noc^ro no bzi

& zcTdBz BEYEpz h . . . (Borkovskij 1968,220)

The noun phrase a ln lc l 'today', through its usage in an adverbial function,

became advcrbialized in many of the Slavic languages (for example, Serbo-Croatian

daHac, Bulgarian AHec, Macedonian zteHec, Czech/Slovak dneS). In these modern

languages, 'today' is not parsable--it cannot be divided into its constituent parts. For

example, Serbo-Croatian danas contains the root dan which is recognizable as the

word 'day', but -S is no longer recognizable as the demonstrative 'this'. The phrase

was originally a nominal case construction (ACC) consisting of noun + adjective, but

over time became fixed (no longer analyzable as ACC noun + adjective) and because it

functioned as an adverb (answering the question 'when?') it was re-classified as an

adverb in those languages which use it.

We see the continued usage of the prepositionless ACC with other nouns in

other languages as well:

Serbo-Croatian: bolje je biti pevac jedan dan nego kokos mesec sluzi mene 1 trecu nodinu

Polish: stowlk caiajioc spiewa cirzpiai jesm wszgstek dzieri

Czech: ten celti tenner den v bojipracoval a sla ten vecer (Mikiosich 1926,393) 86

3.2 The noun ALNL 'day' is commonly found in the prepositionless ACC in its first

meaning when modified by a numeral, pronoun, demonstrative pronoun or quantifier:

A Z & d 4 LNH 'for two days', T pH 4 LNH 'for three days', y c tz ipG 4LNH 'for four days’, M/kf a l n h ’for forty days 1;4 a L C k a l n l all d ay 'o r s l c a a l n h 'all days'; t z

ALNL 'that day'; N G M ^ N o r z 1 or M<3^0 a l n z 'for a few days', and MZNOTO

4 LNZ 'for many days '.5 It is also found in the phrase a ln l m Noqjk 'day and night' and, in addition, in this phrase modified by numerals: TpH a l n h H TpH NOlgH '( fo r ] three days and three nights', m/iT a l n h h m/ iT noijih ’| for | forty days and forty nights'.

3.2.1 With the cardinal num erals--dZ & d 'two', TpH 'three', YG TZipe. 'four'.M^H

'forty'--the use of the prepositionless ACC in OCS corresponds to a Greek prepositionless ACC (except in Mk 8:2, which has as its source a Greek NOM) and indicates 'time spent', for example 'for two days', 'for forty days', etc:

J 4:40 h n p fcszi T o y a l r <3 AUJi (Asm)

J 4:40 kql en.euvev ekel Suo riu.epas

Mk 8:2 teKO W 3KG Tpn alnh npncbrt^TZ Mb.Mt (Mar)

Mk 8:2 otl n5r| f|H.epaL TpELj npotrpisvouCTLV pioL

4 In Cyrillic, 'forty' is rcprcscnlcd by the letter M; in Glagolitic, it is represented by the letter K.

5 As mentioned in Chapter 2 (82.3), a ln z is a normalized spelling of the GEN PL representing the laet that the noun a ^ n i is a consonant-stcm noun. Instead of a l n z , however, we find instead in most of the phrases a GEN PL with endings from the i-slcm class: a ^ nh| or These arc both phonemic representations of with full vocalization of the tense jer. In the phrases waAO a ln z and uznoto a^mz, a ln l is in the GEN PL because it is governed by the quantifiers in their adverbial form (which alw ays demand the GEN in Slavic). In phrases such as

W ZNorzi a ^ nh , however, a ^ hl is in the ACC PL because it is governed by the quantifier m z n o t z in its adjectival form (which docs not require the GEN). 87

J 11:17 OEp'fcTG M YETZIpH ilLNH OV^E- HMXlJJd E Zrp O S t (Ost)

J 11:17 eupev auTOV Tsarcrapas fiSti rmepas ex ovto ev Tto

^ivrmeLto

L4:2 K 4LNHI ICKOVflUdGMZ rtHtaO/IOMb. (Z)

L4:2 fmepQS TecCTepanovxQ nepLQ^o^evoj uno tou SiafioXou

Supr 388:22 TZl MpLTEZ TpH) 4LNL

3.2.2 A^NL H NOipL 'day and night'is found unmodified:

f L2:37 . . . c^oyaiiftijJH 4NL h nouil (Sav)

modified by the pronoun e l c l 'all':

Supr 23:14-15 GZpXUJTdXUJTG CA EL CTtN dX Z ELCL 4LNL TZ H TZ NOUJTL

and modified by the numerals: TpH 'three' and y/k 'forty':

Mt 12:40 teKD EO Efc HONtS E Z Y p tE 'fe K H T O E t TpH ALHH H TpH N0U1TH (Mar) f ^ ^ M t4:2 h noijiL c a 4 n z u h noujhi u noc,fkrtL jaAZ.ua (Sav)

Most of these correspond to a Greek prepositionless ACC: 88

L2:37 . . . XaxpEuoucra vukxci KaC rin.£pav

Mi 12:40 ujo-TTEp V " Iwvay ev x y\ kolXui xou xp£i$

flU.epas kql xpEis vu*xas

Ml 4:2 KQL VriCTXEOo-QS f)H.EpOS XEO'O’EpQKOVXQ kql vu * x as

X£CJCrEpQK,OVXQ UtTXEpOV ETTELVQCTEV

However, two occurrences of 4 LNL M NOl^Jtx have as their source something other than

the Greek prepositionless ACC. In Mk 5:5, the Greek has Sia. + GEN:

Mk5:5 H RZIHNX 4 LNL H NOtUTHL . . . T^ZKZI CA KdMGNHEMb. (Mar)

Mk5:5 k,ql 8id TTavxoj vukxoj kql rmEpas . • • KaxaKonxwv

eauxov Xc8ot,s

which carries the meaning 'of uninterrupted duration' (Smyth 1984, §1685. l.b) when

used in a temporal construction. This meaning is still expressed by 8id in the New

Testament period. W. Bauer (1979, 179) defines the use of Sua to express time as

denoting extent, "in the case of extension over a whole period of time, to its very end".

Thus 8ta navxos vukxoj kqu f|p.£pas means 'throughout the whole night and day', which could easily have been expressed by the Slavic klcl dh.NL t z h t x

NOtjiL, as in Supr 23:14-15 above. Instead, a modifier is used in Mk 5:5, the adverb r z ih n x 'always'/’ The meaning here, however, of the prepositionless ACC, does render the meaning of the Greek.

K zih n x is defined in the Slovnik ia/.vka slamslovenskdho (1966- 1989. 35K) as an adverb meaning 'duucmd, lorlwahrcnd, immcr’ and is formed from the adjectival r

In L 18:7, the OCS prepositionless ACC has as its source a Greek

prepositionless GEN:

L 18:7 . . . KZnHMKUJTHXZ. KZ N&woy 4LNL I NOLUTL (Z)

L 18:7 6 S e 0 eo s ou n.v) noiricni Tr|v eKfiLKrjcrcv tw v ekX ektw v

aUTOU TU)V POUVTWV QUTW flklEpQS KdL VUKTOJ

Blass defines the Greek GEN here as an example of the Classical usage of the GEN of

time, "innerhalb deren etwas geschieht” (1949, §186), as does Robertson (1914, 495),

who cites this verse as an example of the GEN of "the time within which". Based upon

the meaning of the Greek construction then, we must consider that this particular use of

the prepositionless ACC phrase A^Nh. h noijjl bears not the first meaning of the

construction, but rather the second-a time at one point within the boundaries of which

an action takes place—even though the action is repeated throughout this time frame.

Based upon the OCS (or even the English: "...who cry out day and night") the reader

may think that the action was continuous throughout the day and night, but a reading of

the Greek text shows instead that it simply took place within the time frame cited.

However, this is a literal interpretation of the Greek GEN, and it is not impossible that

is the equivalent of numerous Greek phrases: Bed navtoy, Suivexey, dSLaXELtiToy, EKTevuy,

g el, ttg v t o t e . It also occurs in Supr and Cloz, in which it is also found in correspondence to a

Greek phrase w ith Bud:

Supr 411:7-8 r z in x wo^MTBt

Cloz 8a:23-24 pcYENO ezi e^NOt* a z i s y N

Cloz 8a:23-24 £jbp&Bri p £ v gttq£, Bed navTdy 8 £ t o u x p 6 v o u 'j'fo'ETaL £ p -p u 90

the translator(s) understood that the action was going on continuously over the time

frame, and not at just one moment (or even many moments) within it.

3.2.3 can also be modified by the pronominal adjective blcl 'all' (PL blca

ALNH) in OCS. There are only three occurrences of this phrase in the prepositionless

ACC in the Gospels. OCS has two other prepositional constructions to express the

meaning of these phrases as well: RLCtnz aln l 'every day'or no 4 LNH

'every day'. Both will be discussed in Chapter 7 (cf. §7.3.2 and 7.10).

In the SG, B.LCL a ln l corresponds to Greek oXr|v xr)V f)| 4 .epav and bears

the first meaning of the prepositionless ACC-that of a time completely filled by an action:

M t20:6 . . . yzto ctohtb CL^e bexl 4 e.nl npajdLNH (Mar)

M t20:6 t l tnSe ecrTviKaTe oXvjv xfiv f|[ 4 .epav ap-pot;

The PL Blca 4 LNM which occurs in Mt 28:20 corresponds to the Greek ACC PL

TTQcras xas* f||4.epas an£l bears the same meaning:

Mt 28:20 i ce a j z c z bomh e,cml rca ahh 4 0 czkONLYdNHt B’tk tf (Z)

Mt 28:20 k,qC l’Sou e-pto n.e 8’ up.wv nairas Tas v^epas ecus

xiis cruvxeXeias xou auovos

However, the PL occurrence in L 1:75 has two possible Greek sources: some manuscripts have prepositionless DAT: 91

L l:7 5 ev octlotkitl kql SLKauocrijvvi evunuov auxoO n a c ra is

■caus finepQLS finwv

which Nestle-Aland chose for the preferred reading; but many other manuscripts have

the prepositionless ACC, including the lectionarics:

L 1:75 ev ooxoTryrt *au SLKatocnjvri evwrnov qutou nacras Tay

flH.epaS ripidv

It is quite possible that this prepositionless ACC, as found in the lectionaries, served as the source for the OCS prepositionless ACC.

3.2.4 J 1:39/40 shows the usage of the demonstrative pronoun t z 'that' with dLNfc. in the meaning of'(all day) that day';

J 1:39/40 i oy Nero nptszicTe uknl t z (Z)

This also corresponds to a Greek prepositionless ACC e^euvtiv tk |v rjpepav 'that day':

J 1:39/40 Kql n a p ’ a u T u ep.ei.vav xf)v fyiepav eKELvriv 3.2.5 Finally, 4 b.NL can be modified by a quantifier, although this is quite rare in the

texts. In the Gospels we have one example of the prepositionless ACC of NCMZNorz 1

4 LNH 'for not many days, for a few days':

J 2:12 h tov N&uzNorzi jI lnh npfrezicTL (Ost)

which corresponds to a Greek prepositionless ACC:

J 2:12 k q l eK.eC e\i€tvav ou noW aj i^epas

Md/io 4LNZ '(for) a few days' is found in Supr:

Supr 12:11 4 <3 4 HTe mh eO/tK uaAQ 4 lnhi 4 a w e4 z . . , ■> Supr 111:4-7 no tom we Md/to alnhh nhwthh . . . npHtije 4 z .

as is M2kNoro 4 LNZ '(for) many days':

Supr 221:1 mnoto ^ilnhh Hctioycz hmxujtg

3.3 As mentioned earlier in conjunction with 4LNL, the noun noijjl 'night' occurs in the Gospel in phrases such as 4 LNL H NoqiL 'day and night', TpH 4 LNH H Tpn noijjh 93

'(for) three days and three nights’, and w/(T h (m4?) NOigH '(for) forty days and

(forty) nights'. In addition, it occurs by itself in Supr, with a modifier:

Supr 67:4-5 ezilua n a MCN’b rlc s houjtl ctowth

Supr 191:11-12 H nptE Z iT H tcwoy N

Supr 194:10 nptEZi NOiUTh. onz r z c x

The nouns tOTpo ' morning' and r g y g pz ’evening1, the other two nouns which represent parts of the day, will be discussed later, as they do not occur in the meaning of a time completely Filled by an action; but rather represent a time at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place.

3.4 Another noun which does occur in the prepositionless ACC in the meaning of a time completely filled by an action is Y

Mt20:12 tko cih noc/tfedzmH t€ 4 HNZ Ydcz czTRopmuA (Asm)

It corresponds to a Greek prepositionless ACC:

Mt 20:12 outol ol ecrxaxoi n.tav wpav enoLrjuav In Supr, Y

Supr 47:3-4 rtoxuiTe Tp&THH Y

or by a quantifier:

Supr 34:14 npteKziaz mnotzi y a c z i el t1&x z pd N d x z

3.5 The noun M'fcCMlj.L 'month' occurs three times in the Gospels in

prepositionless ACC in this meaning of the construction:

L 1:24 H T d ’tw e cm ul Tl 4 (Asm)

L 1:56 nptEzicTL we Maputo cz New: mko TpH M'fecMUM 7 (Ost)

L 4:25 ^ A a S ati'IK)yh CM NEKO r /ffcTd H S trfe (Sav)

The first two correspond to a Greek prepositionless ACC:

Ll:24 K,aL nepLenpuPev squtkiv n> ivas ttsvte

L 1:56 EpiELvev 6 e HapuapL cruv a\JTrj wj piivas Tpsuj

However, for L4:25, most texts have the preposition ettl + ACC:

7 Mko here indicates approximation. 95

L 4:25 oxe ek X elctBii o oupavds ettl err) TpLa *ac njivas e£

According to W. Bauer (1979, 239), this construction, when used in a temporal context,

has the meaning of "extension over a period of time for , over a period of'; thus enC

etk) Tpco 'for three years'. In such instances, the time which is expressed is expected

to occur after the completion of the action as expressed in the verb, so that ettl bears

the meaning'for'in the sense of intent or duration. When we see ettl used this way,

we would expect a Nd + ACC construction in OCS (cf. Chapter 7), as this latter, too,

expresses a time which is expected to occur after the completion of the action as

expressed in the verb. Note that jdK^KJYH is an aorist tense of a perfective verb, and

thus implies the completion of the activity, rather than its extension 'over three years

and six months’. Instead, the action is completed prior to the beginning of the time

period, and thus the time is fo r three years and six months'. This meaning is

expressed elsewhere in OCS by Nd + ACC.

3.6 / I t t o 'year' has numerous occurrences in the prepositionless ACC construction

both in the Gospels and in Supr. /I t to always appears with a modifier—most

frequently a numeral, but also with quantifiers (kcmhko 'how many', tcmhko 'so

many', m^ n o t z 'many'), the pronominal adjective blcl 'all', and also the

demonstrative pronoun CL 'this':

M t9:20 i ce «e.Nd KpzaoTOYMKd 4 L&t na jiecate /itT t hmzuith (Mar) L 13:8 OCTdBH tx ) CE. /itTO (Z)

J 5:6 t « o MNora >ttT

Supr 152:13-14 TtfKO we TBOpdame BLC«a A 'tra KHTHki c e ro

Supr 203:2 »AZ.\a * g &b,ce /fbTO

Supr 40):24 7 A t z jkh tow

As in the phrase in L4:25 with a perfective verb (jdk,tK)YH) and a time frame

which is expected to begin only after the completion of the verb, in L 13:8 as well we

have a perfective verb (ocTdttH), although it is in the imperative rather than aorist. Thus

here, too, we might expect N a + ACC to express the inception of the time frame after

the completion of the action as expressed in the verb: 'let it alone fo r this year also'.

However, even the the verb is perfective, it is implied that the action of 'letting it alone'

shall continue over the period of the year, in which case this meaning is best rendered in

OCS by the prepositionless ACC. Note also that the Greek has a prepositionless ACC

(as seen below) rather than ettl + ACC.

In certain constructions /ffeTo appears in the GEN—when it is governed by a

quantifier such as ko ^ hko 'how many', TO/lHkO 'so many', or MZNorz', all of which

generally demand a GEN of the governed noun:

L 15:29 ce k (mhko yt'feTZ paKoTdxx TGEt. (Sav)

In these instances, although the noun ^'k.TO appears in a GEN form, the quantifier is itself is in the prepositionless ACC; thus the construction is equivalent in form to the others we have seen.

Almost all of the fourteen occurrences of /itTO in the prepositionless ACC construction in the Gospels correspond to a Greek prepositionless ACC of eTOj: 97

Mt 9:20 KCXL J&ou QiHOppoucjQ SuSekq ex>i npocre\ 0 oxjo’a

L 13:8 Qtpej auxryv kql t o u t o t o exos

L 15:29 l&O'u t o c t q u t q exri SouXeuto tJOL

However, the example in J 5:6 replaces a different phrase in the Greek—MZNora ,ffcT

'many years' for tto ^vuv xpovov 'much time':

J 5:6 oxl ttoXuv fi&ri xpovov exec . .

although the syntactic construction is the same .8

Some Slavic texts have a prepositionless ACC which corresponds to something else in the Greek. In L 2:37 most Greek manuscripts have the preposition ecos 1 'until'

(although some have u j ), and five of the six attestations correspondingly have 4 0

'until'. However, D has the prepositionless ACC:

8 Although Bauer (1979, K 8 8 ) stales that " x p o v o c could sometimes = years", he cites this verse as an example of xpovos meaning 'time', "mostly in the sense a period of lime noXus x p o v o y a long time''. However, his reference was to the meaning of the word as it tx'currcd during early Christianity--!.c. the first few centuries of our era. The OCS texts were translated, however, at a much later date than his references. It is therefore very possible that xpovou did mean 'years' to the Greeks of the time of Cyril and Methodius and, if so, that the translators applied this later meaning ('years') to the verse rather than its original meaning (’time1). In Modern Greek, xpovos means 'year', both in the SG and in the PL, and 'lime' is expressed by xacpoj- Lampc gives 'year' as the third meaning of xpovoy (1961, 1534). 98

L2:37 k,ol autri xripa ews exwv oySofiKovca xecrcrapwv

L2:37 h T a RE^ORd n ,<£ h VETLipH (D)

In J 8:57, Ost has the prepositionless ACC corresponding to a Greek

prepositionless ACC:

J 8:57 nevTf|KOV»Ta ctk ) ounw exeus . . .

J 8:57 n>ftTL h e c a t z ne oy km ^ ujh , . . (Ost)

However, Asm, Mar, Z and Mir have instead a GEN here (Sav does not contain the verse, and in D the ending is illegible):

J 8:57 HATH dECtfiTZ ME K) IWdWH . . . (Z)

This is either a GEN of age, however, or negation (see Chapter 6 ). As is obvious when Asm and Ost are compared to the Greek, they both contain an exact translation of the Greek idiom 'don't you have fifty years', where 'fifty years' is a prepositionless

ACC because it is a direct object of the verb 'have', and thus is not a true expression of time. 10

} In both the Greek and the OCS there is u zero-copula; i.e., the verb 'to be' is not explicitly expressed. 10 The problems arising from the expression of aye in OCS arc discussed in the conclusion (cf. §12.2.15.1). 99

3.7 Finally, the noun 'time' occurs in the prepositionless ACC construction

in the meaning of a time completely filled by an action. It is usually accompanied by a

quantifier, although in Supr we see RpfeM#> once in an adjectival phrase:

Supr 379:28-29 jeyhM o^eo Rh.ce RptMA r &cnz no>€ umnzKZ h iw h

HNZ l^BtTZ pdCTHTZ

J 12:35 icige uaAO RptMA CRfcTZ r z R

J 14:9 TO/IHkO AW Rp’frUtfi CZ RdMH RCMh (Sav)

Such phrases usually correspond to a Greek prepositionless ACC:

J 12:35 ETC H.LKPQV xpovov to cpws ev xj ^Cv eo 'tlv

J 14:9 tocto G tov xpovov p.e0’ up.wv eluc

However, J 14:9 occurs in the prepositionless DAT in a handful of Greek manuscripts,

and in the prepositionless ACC—elsewhere. It is interesting that we Find no examples in

the Slavic of a RZ + ACC corresponding to the Greek DAT, as RZ + ACC is the

construction most frequently used to render the Greek DAT. We do, however, find r z

+ ACC in four of the seven texts in J 12:35:

J 12:35 dUI& Isic-SFI RZ UCtAQ BpltMA CR'tlTZ RZ RdCZ 6CTZ (Sav)

J 12:35 l€LU£ U4A0 RptMift CRfcTZ RZ RdCZ GCTL (O st-lst11)

The second occurrence of this verse in Ost shows a z + ACC. 100

3.7.1 This was discussed in Chapter 2 (§2,7.2); the prepositionless ACC is more

expected here to express 'for a short time1. It is interesting that it is the non-canonical

manucripts which have the expected translation; however, the unusual usage of a z +

ACC here cannot be attributed to the influence of the Greek construction, as we do not see the usual correspondence for a z + ACC here, namely | ev +| DAT. Since the usage of a z + ACC here violates the otherwise usual meaning of the phrase and does not render the meaning of the Greek, and at the same time does not copy the Greek structure, it is possible to suppose that a z Md'to a p t y ^ was also a viable means for rendering 'for a short time', perhaps an idiomatic expression. It is also possible to interpret this phrase as 'in a short (period of) time', and thus a z + ACC is used to express a time during one of the moments of which an action takes place.

3.7.2. In Supr, we see an occurrence of the noun ro /jz in the prepositionless

ACC-as discussed in Chapter 2 (§2.6.5), this noun apparently was synonomous with both Y 'time':

Supr 212:18-19 nptszi oy nEro rodz uaAZ.

Thus, 'he was with him for a short time'.

3.8 The second meaning of the prepositionless ACC—a time at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place-is not as common as the first. It too occurs with the noun alnl 'day', as well as the other parts of the day-NOtjiL 'night', aeY ep z 101

'evening' and WTpo 'morning'. 4 LNL in this meaning is found only when modified;

the other nouns—only unmodified.

3.9 4 l n l occurs with either an ordinal numeral (T p e T L H al.n l 'on the third day'),

with the demonstrative pronoun CL 'this'; and, in Supr, with the adjective a ^ n g u jln lh

'today'.

3.9.1 The use of T p e T L H al.nl. 'on the third day' was discussed in Chapter 2

(§2.3.2) in conjunction with the overlap between prepositionless ACC and r z + ACC.

Although occurrences of prepositionless ACC far outnumber those of R Z + ACC in this phrase (with seven texts and twelve verses, and a total of fifty-four occurrences, there are thirty-eight instances of TpeTLH A^NL, as compared to fourteen of R Z

T p e T L H a^nl; no + LOC accounts for two occurrences), the prepositionless ACC of the OCS never has as its source the corresponding Greek prepositionless ACC.12 In two verses, Mk 8:31 and 9:31, T p e T L H a^n^ has as its source a Greek ^.eta 'after' +

ACC, which is why Ost and D show no T p e x z a ^ n l x z 'after three days'instead of

TpeTLH a ^nl in Mk8:31:

Mk8:31 nac piETa TpeCj r)n.epas dvatrxrjvaL

Mk8:31 H no TpLX Z 4LNLXZ RZCKpLCNXTH (Ost) C Mk 8:31 H TpeTHH ANL RLCKpLCMXTM (Sav)

12 In one verse—L 24:21~thc prcposiiionless ACC of TpeTLH ALNL in both the Greek and the OCS is the direct object of a verb in an idiomatic phrase:

L 24:21 Tpctriv tqutk]v f)p.epav a y e i acp’ 0 0 tqutq e-peveTO N ^ L 24:21 TpeTiH ce 4 4 * * 6 hm<3TZ ■ 0Ne,n>i£e ci kziuia (Asm) 102

Mk9:31 *aC dTTOKtavBeCs p.ETa TpeCs rm ep as avacrTricreTaL

Mk9:3l ez TpETiH j1C.hl rzckdcnetz (Asm)

Mk9:31 H TpETH ilNL KCKpLCNETL (Mir)

The remaining eight occurrences render a Greek prepositionless DAT:

L 24:46 . . . *ql avao"r?ivaL ek veKpwv Tirj TpLTtj fmepQ

L 24:46 . . . H SZCKpLCMStTM OTZ MLpZTRZIMXZ TpETHH 4LNL (Ost)

The use of the prepositionless ACC instead of a z + ACC to render the Greek

prepositionless DAT does not violate the rules governing the usage of this construction:

it expresses a time at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place. As

discussed in Chapter 2, it is probable that the prepositionless ACC and a z + ACC were

in free variation for expressing 'on the Nth day’, where N represents a numeral.

3.9.2 The noun al .nl is also used in the prepositionless ACC with the demonstrative

cl 'this'. As mentioned earlier in this chapter, this phrase— a ^ nlcl —eventually became

adverbialized and resulted in a fixed phrase meaning 'today', which remains in many

modem Slavic languages (Serbo-Croatian .qaHac, Bulgarian ztHec, Macedonian aeriec,

Czech/Slovak dnes) (cf. §3.1.4). Support for the position that a ^ nlcl way have already been seen as a fixed phrase can be found in occurrences of the phrase A°

ALNECL in Supr (cf.§ 10.21.3), in which a ^ necl is not declined; although a ^ nc can be interpreted as the GEN of a ^ nl (which is the case A° always governs), cl could never be interpreted as the GEN of cl (which would be ctro). This example of its 103

non-declension demonstrates the likelihood that Ab.Ne.CL was already a frozen adverbial

form in OCS.

Of nineteen occurrences of a l n l c l , all but two correspond to a Greek adverbial

as well -crf)p.Epov:

Mt 27:19 mlnoto eo nocTpdAdxz alh g cl r z CLNt ero p^A' (Asm)

M t27:l9 tto ^iX q y a p enaBov crK|p.epov max’ ovap fit’ au x o v

L 19:5 ALNLCL EO nOAOEdGTL MH RZ AOMOV/ TRORML EZITH (Ost)

L 19:5 crrpepov yap ev tw otku crou Seu p.e ^.euvau

L 1 1:3 has kq B’ r)p.epav 'every day' in the Greek:

L I 1:3 tov apxov kih .ojv tov ettlouctlv SlSoxj r)p.Lv to kq B’ f)p.epav

Of the five texts which contain this verse (Asm and Mir do not), four have Ha RLCiftkZ

ALnl 'for each day', which renders both the meaning of repetition and of intention

('for'):

L I 1:3 XyffeEZ NdWZ ANGRLNZI A^3KAZ NdMZ Ha RCflkZ 4NL (Sav)

However, Ost has here alnlcl instead: 104

L I 1:3 X /ltE Z NdlUL NdCJKIJJLNZ IH A<3)KAL NdMZ 4LNLCL (Ost)

Only two known Greek texts have trf)p.epov here: it is interesting that the Greek

leetionaries (as represented by M) do not.1' As it is traditionally thought that the

prototype of Ost was another Slavic manuscript, it is curious that the scribe would have

changed the phrase in such a way, from 'for each day’, to ’today’.

L 22:61, which is found in the Greek as:

L 22:61 np tv oX eK xopa tpcovricraL crrinepov QTTQpvf| 0 "K| H-e tp f c

does not have crf|H.epov translated in any of the Slavic manuscripts which I examined;

instead, they only contain the phrase TpH KpdTZi ’three times' rather than TpH

kpdTZi alnlcl 'three times today':

L 22:61 np'kJtcAe a <3)K£ ng r z jr/tdCHTL koypz TpHJij>.^TZ.! OTZRpLJKGllJH CA MGNG (Ost) L 22:61 np’fcJKAG A<3)KG NG RLJLr/ldCHTL kOypL TpH KpdTLI

OTLB.pLJKE.LLIH CA MGNG (D)

Zr||4 .&pov is also omitted in quite a few Greek manuscripts, including the leetionaries.

Supr and Cloz contain many examples of a ln lc l:

1 As discussed in the Introduction and Chapter 1, it is unknown which Greek manuscript or family of mss. served as the prototype for the original OCS translation of the Gospels or for any subsequent translation. 105

Supr 125:13 . . . 4RNCCL CXWTd a OVfTpt. oyMMpdKLUTa . . ,

Supr 321:23-24 zirn &cl y z c z j z a

S upr 374:4-5 4b.N£CL y^U Z IA NdlUift n o E tA Z I EZIWift

Cloz 12b: 1 -2 dbN scb s e j m z r l e UNoro n a j e y i

Cloz 12b: 1-2 orin.£pov cri/yil noXXfi ev tfj

Cloz 13a:20-23 RZYEpd WZ CZMOTpL^HRZNdd TROpA ALNCCb

RytdAZIYZtffctf RZYEpfJ ,ffe.TZCKd

rocnodbCKdd A*fcMt (continues; in all, occurs 7 times)

Cloz I3a:20 23 x0&s ra tfis otXovoy.Las, crfiy.epov xa x?|S

e^oucaas, x0es ™ avOptdnoxrjxos, trrmepov xa

xris 0eoxv)xos . . .

However, in this same meaning we also find an occurrence of the adjective alnew lnlh

modifying alnr in Supr:

Supr 124:3-4 HJKE dbNEUJbNHI ALNb RL R'fcKZI pdAOCTH pdEOy croewov AdpZCTRORdRZIH

3.10 The other parts of the day—NOtjlL 'night', REYepz 'evening' and WTpo

'm o rn in g '14--are also found in the prepositionless A C C in its second m eaning, expressing a time at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place.

14 H)Tpo can also mean 'tomorrow1, but since it always renders Greek npo)L 'in the morning' in the prepositionless ACC, I am reserving discussion til this second meaning lor later (cl. Chapter 5). 106

although with very low frequency. H)TpO occurs most of all. in the meaning o f ’in the

morning':

Mt20:I . . . ijke h ^ i^ e KoynzNQ QM’Tpo (Asm)

Mk 13:35 ne e^ote so Kzrd

nO/tOVNOlliTH AM EZ KOyp0r/t<3UlENEE AM OMTpO (Z)

All correspond to a Greek adverbial TTpWL ’in the morning':

Mt20:l ocrxus e£fjX8ev qh .q TTpwt

Mk 13:35 ou* ol Sqtc t ^P ttotc o KUptoj tvis olklos epxeTau

H otpe f 4 .£a-oiaiKTLOv r) cuKeK.TOpotpwvias H nptot

3.10.1 Although it is possible that the prepositionless ACC H)Tpo had become a fixed phrase and therefore an adverb, nevertheless it may still be interpreted as a syntactic case construction. If K)Tpo were still seen as a case construction, then this would be a definite example of a structural change made in the translation in order to preserve the integrity of OCS syntax—a prepositionless ACC phrase was used to translate an adverb. However, even if tOTpo were already seen as a fixed adverbial expression for 'in the morning', it is unlikely that it was an example of copying Greek structure—such adverbs exist in many of the modem Slavic languages and have existed throughout the historical period. Most frequently we see the prepositionless ACC phrases becoming adverbialized with the nouns 'morning' and evening' ('afternoon' and

'night' become adverbialized in other constructions). Polish shows jlltro as both a 107

noun and an adverb1-"1 and WiecZOT'evening' as well; Czech, Slovak and Slovenian

all have v e c er also as an adverb meaning 'in the evening’. Serbo-Croatian has the

phrase jutXOS to express 'this morning', which can be analyzed as analogous to

dan as for 'today', with the post-position of the early demonstrative pronoun cl 'this'

after the head-noun.lf>

3.10.2 There are, however, many other constructions involving MJTpO, with

special nuances of meaning—in the OCS manuscripts, we see the use of both Jd oy Tpd

and the prepositionless ACC KJTpo to express Greek TTpoiC 'in the morning’, Net

tOTpHM, E.2 toTpLNiH Ab.NL, and also the prepositionless LOC tOTp'b also occur.

This last construction, however, had probably also become adverbialized and acquired

the specific meaning ’tomorrow1, for it corresponds not to Greek npuu but rather to

aupLOV 'tomorrow'. It is interesting that three of these forms led to adverbs meaning

’tomorrow' in the modem Slavic languages: 3aBTpa in Russian, Z ltra in Czech from

j a oyTpa, ju tro in the West Slavic languages from K JT p o , and yTpe in Bulgarian from fOTpt.

Among the Slavic texts there are many discrepancies in the use of the prepositionless ACC of KJTpo, the prepositionless LOC tOTpte, and jd oyTpd. In Mt

However, the present meaning of JUtfO is 'tomorrow'; aj] of West Slavic shows the replacement of the adverb ratio 'early' for 'morning', perhaps on the basis of contact with German, in which morgen means both 'morning' and 'tomorrow', and morgen f rtih 'tomorrow early' is used to express 'tomorrow morning'. See §4.9.1 for further discussion. Although jutro is a NTR noun and wc would therefore expect a form such as jutrose, the absence of the final rowel can be explained by analogy: the phrase jUtrOS was formed on the basis of the phrase danas, with a final -S added to the word f or 'day' to make 'today'; therefore a final -S was added to the word for 'morning' to make 'this morning' as well. However, another possibility also exists: as these arc adverbial phrases, attrition of the final r owel is quite likely. Throughout Slavic there arc numerous examples of adverbial phrases of time ending in -S: letos, lonis; Russian BMepacb. Hcmecb. 108

6:30, Asm, Ost, Mar and Z have the prepositionless LOC KJTp'fc. corresponding to

aupLOv:

Mt6:30 . , . k,qC axjpujv cl’s k X u (S q v o v fJaXXonevov

M t6:30 . . . a oyTp'fe BZ orNZ tZMtT^wo (Asm)

whereas Sav and Mir have substituted a prepositionless ACC KJTpo:

Mt6:30 . . , a QMTpo bl ncijjz &z.Aarax.\\ix c a (Sav)

which changes the meaning from 'tomorrow' to ’in the morning', ^ d oyTpd occurs in

in Mt 2 0 :1 in Ost, Sav and Mir:

Mt20:l ... dKHG ?d roTpd (Mir)

whereas Asm and Mar have simply the prepositionless ACC KJTpo. Again in Mk 13:35,

Ost, D and Mir have jd oyTpd:

Mk 13:35 ng a t c T c ko KO^LTd [sic-SFJ rfcT Aowoy npH^e t l . . . AM ?d OVTpd (D)

whereas Mar and Z have KJTpo. Within the texts we at least see some consistencies,

although it is difficult to establish a pattern based on so few examples. In the two verses

which show variation, Mar twice has the prepositionless ACC, while Ost and Mir twice have jd + GEN; the other texts have only one of the verses. 109

3.10.3 Supr also shows usage of the prepositionless ACC KtTpO:

Supr 51:9 10 nz ovfTpo npHCTxnHBZtue wap'feTe eotomz

Supr 94:21-22 mko oyTpo a z t z alnl a t h h m s t z e z it h . . .

3.1 1 In addition, Supr shows examples of the prepositionless ACC NOtjJb. 'night' and

BGYepz 'evening' in this second meaning of the prepositionless ACC:

Supr 68:19 noujtl npOfidJKAddXX TpknAlUTB CTpdCTL

Supr 275:29 npHLUZdZiuoy emoy B&YSpz

Supr 334:14-15 b sy c d z b z c x e o t x . . . npH^B MapHki MtfrA

Ee.YE.pz also occurs once in the Gospels, corresponding to Greek adverbial ov^e, 'in

the evening':

Mk 13:35 ne aticTE eo Kzrad rbf Aoyoy npMAETZ a w aeY&pz a w

no/toyuoiiiTH a w b z Koypor.tdiue.Nt».e, a w oyTpo (Z)

Mk 13:35 oiuk , oCfcaTe -y^P n o te o KUpcos Trjs olkuis c p x etqc

f) otjje f| |j.ecrovuKTLOv rf aXeKTOpocpwvLaj TTpwt

As we saw earlier (§3.10.1), this usage of the prepositionless ACC BEYEpz

became adverbialized and it functions both as an adverb (meaning 'in the evening’) as well as a noun in numerous modem Slavic languages. I 10

3.12 In the third meaning of the prepositionless ACC construction, that which

expresses how many times an action is repeated , 17 we appropriately find usage of the

noun KpdTZ 'time'. KpdTZ is accompanied by the quantifier 'how many' or the numerals: in the Gospels, it is modified by the numerals AZBd 'two' and TpH

'three'. In Supr we find an example of KpdTZ modified by the numeral nATb. 'five'.

KpdTZ occurs eleven times in the Gospels:

Mt 23:37 KtML kparzt azcxoT-fexz czczpdTH Y A ^ d TBO'fe (Mar)

Mk 14:71/722.1 npfcxtde koypz KZjr/tacHTZ a x e .a KpdTzi [sic-SF|18

OTZRpZJK&UJH CA WGNE TpH KpHTZ I (Z)

Supr 77:29-78:1 H j w ^ n h e iu e w z c a nATb. KpdTzi |sic-SF|

3.12.1 There are other ways of expressing repetition as well: we find 'for the first time', 'for the second time' and 'for the third time' in an adverbialized ACC of the cardinal numeral (npb&oi€, RZTOpotc, TpGTHtc) (cf. Chapter 11), and we find many numerals and the quantifiers in the prepositionless INS-t Kcmhliilah 'how many times' and MZNowHqeiK/uzNordUJLAH 'many times'; te^HNOi* 'one time', BZTopHyEw;

'two times’, Tp£THlj£is 'three times', and c&amhijek (in many forms and spellings)

(cf. Chapter 4). It is interesting to note (based upon the few attested occurrences of

17 Although it may be argued that a discussion of flow many times an action is repeated belongs to another study and not a study of the expression of time, I have chosen to include this topic here because the repetition of the action affects the aspect of the verb as much as docs the occurrence of the action at a moment of time or over a period of lime. 18 We expect here 4X&4 kpdTd rather than AZ.ua kpdTZt, as the number /\z.R.a governs the dual, not the PL. In the example from Supr (77:29-78:1), we expect RATb KpdTZ rather than u a t l KpdTZi, as numbers five and higher govern the GEN PL, not the ACC PL. 11 1

such phrases) that only the small numerals (1-5) occur in the prepositionless ACC or

adverbialized ACC; anything higher occurs in the INS only.

All of the nouns and numerals used to express repetition in OCS correspond to a

Greek adverbialized ACC, either, as in OCS, a prepositionless ACC of a substantivized

ordinal numeral (|to | npwxov/TTpoxepov, |to| Seuxepov, [xol xptxov) or a

num erical adverb with the suffix - l j (&LS> T p L j) oroHMS ( tid ij Q M S ,

ttoXXqims, eTTTakLS1); or in a prepositional construction with ck + GEN (e*

Seuxepou, ek xpuxou ) : 19

Mt 23:37 ttoctqkcs f|0e\ri

Mk 14:71/7223 npuv aXeKxopa tptovricraL Sls xpus M-e aTTQpi*f)crrj

3.13 To summarize, only a limited number of nouns which have temporal meaning

may occur in the prepositionless ACC in OCS. These include parts of the day (AttNL

'day', Noijj L 'night', KJTpo 'morning' and B&Ycpz 'evening'), parts of the year

(wfeCAijL 'month', /ffeTO 'year'), the nouns YdCZ 'hour' and Bp’fcMeft 'time', and the

noun of repetition, H|>dTZ 'time'. The prepositionless ACC has three different

meanings: it can express a time completely filled by an action (accompanied by an

imperfective verb expressing duration); a time at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place (accompanied by an perfective verb); and how many times an action is repeated (accompanied by an imperfective verb expressing repetition). In the first meaning, the overwhelming majority of examples of the OCS prepositionless

There arc no instances o! ex + GEN being translated by the ACC, only by the INS or an adverb. I 12

ACC correspond lo a Greek prepositionless ACC. In the second meaning, the OCS

prepositionless ACC corresponds to a Greek adverbial form (such as ufm epov,

TrpuiUi otys or Qxjpuov) or a DAT construction. In the phrase Tp&TLM Ah.NL 'on the

third day', we usually see a Greek DAT as the source, with variation in the Slavic

between EZ + ACC and the prepositionless ACC. In the third meaning, that of

repetition, we see the modified noun k p d T Z 'time' corresponding to various Greek

expressions--the adverbialized ACC, adverbial numerals, or the prepositional

construction with e*, + GEN.

It is clear, moreover, that the usage of the prepositionless ACC in OCS in all of

these instances, whether coinciding with a Greek prepositionless ACC or something

else, is not due to a copying of the Greek construction into Slavic; rather the coincidence

of OCS prepositionless ACC ~ Greek prepositionless ACC is due instead to similar

inherent structural features in both languages (namely, that both OCS and Greek used a

prepositionless ACC to express the duration of an action over a period of time). The

evidence offered by the modem Slavic languages and in medieval Slavic manuscripts

(representing earlier stages in the history of the individual languages) as seen in the

examples given earlier in the chapter (see §3.1.4) demonstrate the extent to which the prepositionless ACC was used and continues to be used to express the three temporal frames under consideration. That we see the use of the prepositionless ACC to express

( 1) a time completely filled by an action; or ( 2 ) a time at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place; or (3) how many times an action is repeated in OCS, in early Slavic manuscripts and in the modern Slavic languages gives very convincing evidence in support of the view that the use of the prepositionless ACC to express these meanings in OCS was a native feature of Slavic syntax and not a borrowing from

Greek. CHAPTER IV

THE PREPOSITIONLESS INSTRUMENTAL

4.1 The prepositionless INS in temporal expressions in OCS can express (1) a time

within which an action is completed ; 1 or ( 2 ) a time during a segment or at one point

within the boundaries of which an action takes place; or (3) how many times an action is

repeated. The prepositionless INS phrase resulting from this third meaning became

adverbialized. The verb which expresses the action in the first two meanings is most

often of the perfective aspect (resultative); whereas the verb which expresses the action

in the third meaning is most often of the imperfective aspect (iterative). The preposition­

less INS is the only case attested to express the first meaning, i.e. no other known

construction is used to express the time within which an action is completed. In its other

meanings, however the prepositionless INS expresses the same temporal frame which

may be expressed also by other cases which have already been discussed. The second

meaning of the prepositionless INS—the a time during a segment or at one point within

the boundaries of which an action takes place—may also be expressed by B .2 + ACC or,

in some instances, the prepositionless ACC; and the third meaning of the prepositionless

INS—how many times an action is repeated—may also be expressed by the

1 The meaning of the English preposition within may be ambiguous here; in Ihis meaning of the prepositionless INS within docs not have the meaning "a time during a segment or at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place", but rather "a time over the duration of which an action lasts and at the end of w hich an action is completed". The most common occurrence is in the Gospel quote "I will destroy this temple made with hands, and within three days I w ill build another made w ithout hands". It is not during a segment or at one point within the boundaries of the three days at w hich the new temple will be built; but rather by the end of the three-day period the action of building will have been completed. Thus the Aktionsart here may be defined as resultative, and the semantic class of verbs used in such situations, which themselves may defined as tclic, arc verbs of achievement. 1 13 prepositionless ACC. In addition, both of these meanings may be expressed by other

constructions as well. This chapter deals with only the meanings of the prepositionless

INS; a comparison between the prepositionless INS and other constructions will be

made in the conclusion.

>4.1.1 In the first two meanings a limited number of nouns with temporal meaning are

used; a ln l 'day', NOtgL 'night', and yffcTO 'year'. In the third meaning, adverbial

quantifiers (KO/ib. ’how many' and m zhoto 'many') and numerals with the suffixes

-Ml).<3, -Hi)L, or -iu lah which signify repetition (&ZTOpHI)£lff/AZa

TpGTMyewt/TpGTH I i)H/TpHiiia ah 'three times', YGTaopHL)GW! 'four times', and

c&amhijgk [in many forms and spellings! 'seven times') are used. A form of the

number'one'is used without a specialized suffix: t€AHNOlff 'onetime'.

4.1.2 There is no one single Greek construction to which the OCS prepositionless INS corresponds—this is expected, since the prepositionless INS renders three different meanings, two of which can also be expressed by other constructions. In the first meaning of the prepositionless INS—a time within which an action is completed—we can find a Greek prepositionless GEN, prepositionless DAT, ev + DAT and Slq + GEN.

In the second meaning—a time during a segment or at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place—we find mainly GEN constructions in Greek, but prepositionless DAT constructions also occur. In the third meaning—how many times an action is repeated—as discussed in Chapter 3 (§3.12.1), we find mainly adverbialized

ACC constructions, but we also find adverbs, and the prepositional construction +

GEN. I 15

4.1.3 In spite of the overlapping of meaning between the prepositionless INS and

other constructions in OCS and the various sources for it in Greek, we nonetheless find

great consistency among the OCS texts in its use, at least in the first two meanings. In

fact, of sixteen verses which use various prepositionless INS constructions, only two—

L 3:23 and 8:29, to be discussed later in the chapter (§4.4.2 and 4.4.3)—show variation.

In the third meaning, however, we see great variation with the prepositionless ACC

construction for 'two times' and 'three times' and with the adverbial quantifiers KO/lL

'how many', but none for numerals higher than three and none with the adverbial

quantifier mznoto 'many'.

4.2 In the first meaning of the prepositionless INS—a time within which an action is

completed—one noun occurs regularly —alnl 'day'—and two occur rarely—NOijiL 'night'

and yi'feTO 'year'. In this meaning, the nouns are always modified by either a numeral

or a quantifier (specifically— w znotz 'many').

4.3. ^LNk. 'day' occurs both in the SG (once) and in the PL (eight times) in this first

meaning of the prepositionless INS phrase. The one example of the occurrence of alnl

in the SG is found in Cloz in the phrase teAlNfcML A^MkML 'within one day':

CIoz 8b: 17-18 Mowewz ko ce CTtopiTH . . . £ 4 1wtiMh. ztb.nc.ML

This corresponds to the Greek ev + DAT:

Cloz 8b: 17-18 Suvatov -pap k q l ev ftta f|H.epa t o u t o 'pevecrBQc Note that the main verb here—CTROpHTH—is of perfective aspect; this is the rule with

these constructions. As mentioned in the beginning of this chapter, the Aktionsart here

may be defined as resultative, and the semantic class of verbs used in such situations,

which themselves may defined as telic, are verbs of achievement-thus the perfective

aspect. The emphasis here, perhaps, is the completion of an act which is thought to be

impossible to complete in such a short time—’this we can do (accomplish)...//? one

day!'.

4.3.1 In the Gospels, we find six occurrences of the prepositionless INS phrase

TpLMH 4 L.NLWM 'within three days':

Mk 14:58 , , . H TpLMH 4h.Kh.MH MN3R NR pXKOTROpRNX CZJHWrt* (Ost)

J 2:20 . . . TO TZI AY\ TpLMI 4RNLMI CLJIJMEUJH •* (Asm)

Two of these six occurrences correspond to a phrase in Greek with Sua + GEN, which in temporal constructions in Koine expresses the meaning "eine dazwischen verflossene

Zcit = "nach"... Unklassisch fur die Zeitraum, innerhalb dessen etwas geschieht: Sta

Tpicov f)p.epwv "binnen drei T." " (Blass 1949, §223):

Mt 26:61 . . . kql Slq Tpi-wv rm ep u v ( qxjtov ) otKoSopt?icraL

The other four correspond to the familiar ey + DAT: J 2:20 Kql cru ev tpnTLV fip.epais’ eTePe*-S auTov;

in this particular instance, the meaning of the Greek construction with e v overlaps that

of the Greek prepositionless GEN: W. Bauer (1979, 260) defines this usage of e v +

DAT as denoting a period of time "covered by an occurrence of action in the course of,

within". Although this definition may appear to be ambiguous, Bauer is trying to

describe the two parts of the meaning conveyed by this construction (and the

corresponding OCS construction): first, the action covers the time period, and then it is

completed within it, before the end of it. The fact that the translators) did not choose to

render the Greek e v + DAT with B 2 + ACC—which as we know is the most frequent

correspondence for e v + DAT—suggests that this different meaning forev + DAT

was understood by the translator(s), who chose a form that fit the meaning

(prepositionless INS) rather than the norm (sz + ACC).

4.3.2 Supr has the prepositionless INS of the phrase YfcTZipLMH a b c a t z i a ^ nhh

'within forty days':

Supr 68:24-25 testce noYEytz icch y c t z i o l m h dec^iTZi 4 Lnhh n o c T d ■) Supr 68:25-26 Y£TZIp MH aeCATZI 4LNMH nOCTOMZ tUHM HJHCkdRZ rocnoAd BHAt^z

The latter occurrence seems to be an equivalant of the prepositionless ACC to express duration of time (fasting/or forts' days); however, it is also possible to interpret this as either the first or second meaning of the prepositionless INS. If y e t z i pL m h I 18

4 &CMTZ i 4LNHH nocTOMZ were to be interpreted as 'within forty days of fasting’ in

the sense that after the completion of forty days of fasting, Elisiah saw the Lord, then

this would be an example of the first meaning of the prepositionless INS. If, on the other hand, it were to be interpreted as 'within forty days of fasting’ in the sense that at some point during the forty days of fasting, Elisiah saw the Lord, then this would be an example of the second meaning of the prepositionless INS.

4 .4 .1 The noun /itTO 'year' appears in J 2:20 in the prepositionless INS, expressing the meaning of a time within which an action is completed:

T ^ J 2:20 YETZipZMH d&CtfsTZI H UlECTHMi >fkTZ CZJZ4

CH (Mar)

where it corresponds to a Greek prepositionless DAT:

J 2:20 xetnrepaKOVTa kql eTeaxv OLKoSopriBr) o vadj

o x j t o s 2

Six of the seven examined manuscripts attest this verse, and all six show the prepositionless INS. Robertson categorizes such occurrences of the Greek prepositionless DAT as "associative-instrumental" (1914, 523), a term which he does

The English translation shows an interesting rewording to highlight the length of time required to complete the action: "It has taken lorty-six years to build this temple, and You raise it up in three days?". 1 19

not define exactly (cf. the discussion of the associative-instrumental DAT, 526-527), but

which may be assumed to be the traditional grammatical designation of "association".

4.4.2 The two other occurrences of the prepositionless INS of /ffeTO, however, occur

in only one manuscript each, and neither seem to render the meaning of the Greek text.

In L3:23, the Greek text shows

L3:23 kgl a u x o s f)v ’Iritrous ap x an .ev o s wcret etwv xpuaKOVTQ . .

with a GEN expressing age. In Mar, D, and Mir, we see a prepositionless DAT:

L3:23 I TZ E’b HCZ teXO TpfcMZ dECiftT&MZ ,fkTZ . . . (Mar)

Z, however, has the prepositionless INS here:

L3:23 I TZ Et. HcT feKO TpLUH 4£ClftTZI ... (Z)

which appears to be an unusual use of the prepositionless INS here inasmuch as age is

not one of the meanings generally expressed by this construction elsewhere.

4.4.3 L 8:29 shows two interesting grammatical divergences from the Greek: 120

L8:29 noXXoCs xpovoij truvvipTrdKEt qutov

Note that the temporal expression in the Greek is in the prepositionless DAT—

TToXXolj xp 6 voL£--and also that the verb— 0"\jvr)pTTQK£L--is in the pluperfect tense. The pluperfect is used in Greek to express an action in the past which occurred before another action in the past. This occurrence of the prepositionless DAT ttoXXols xpovoLj is defined by Blass (1949, § 2 0 1 ) as fulfilling the normal function of the prepositionless ACC:

Der temp. Dat. auf die Frage ”wie lartge?" steht unklassisch statt des Akk., doch gesichert nur bei transit. Vb. und vereinzelt beim Passivum, wahrend bei intransit. Vb. der Akk. bleibt... Der Grund des Dat. scheinl zu sein, daB man den Akk. als Objektsakk. empfand u. darum nicht gem neben ein anderes Objekt stellte...

This is an unusual function of the Greek prepositionless DAT; the Modern English translates this part of the verse as ’many times it had seized him', although the sense is

’(over the course of) many years it had seized him (repeatedly)'. Robertson cites this verse as an associative-instrumental DAT (1914, 527), "though here the locative would give a good idea, 'on many occasions'..., whereas the marg. ('of a long time') gives the instrumental idea". For some reason, some OCS manuscripts show here the preposition o t z +GEN:

L8:29 o t z MNorz. so /fbTZ noxBdijjawG. i (Sav)

L 8:29 OTL MNOrh, SO /fhTL BLCXh.HJJ<3<3UI£ H (D) 121

Also note that the tense of the verb has been changed—from pluperfect to imperfect,

since the action of'seizing' has occurred repeatedly—apparently 'since (the beginning

of) many years'. In Asm, the time expression was changed--to a prepositionless INS:

L8:29 MHorzi so ^tTZi noxzlTddiue h (Asm)

This, however, does not seem to express the first meaning of the prepositionless INS—a

time within which an action is completed—unless one thinks of the action of'seizing' as

being completed repeatedly within the time frame of many years. Perhaps the second

meaning cf the prepositionless INS is expressed here—a time during a segment or at one

point within the boundaries of which an action takes place; although this too does not

seem exactly right, unless the action is allowed to occur repeatedly during the time

frame. It is this same repetition which probably caused the change in verbal tense in

OCS from pluperfect to imperfect, as the latter is more expected with a repeated action.

4.5.1 The phrase NOlgHtR 'in one night’ as it occurs in Supr:

Supr 68:2 >C4HNoa now this blcl a tK Z HjM’bNMWZ

expresses a time within which an action is completed—'in one night we will change the entire age'. The noun NOlgb. does not appear in the Gospels in the prepositionless INS in this meaning. However, this phrase may be interpreted in another way: in Supr, the prepositionless INS phrase I€A(h )nokk occurs frequently in the meaning 'one time' (cf.

§4.8.3 below). Numerous occurrences of phrases of the structure "(X) times per 122

(Noun)" (if this phrase is interpreted as 'one time in the night') are found throughout the

OCS texts. A second occurrence, discussed in §4.7, also involves two prepositionless

INS phrases C&AMRkpdTHije.iff 'seven times per day', in which it is possible

that 'day' is in the INS because 'seven times' is. Based on this pattern, it is possible

that this phrase te^HNOKR noljjhkk can indeed be intrepreted as 'one time per night' rather

than ’(with)in one night', with NOipHix being "dragged" into the INS by tc^HNOHR. The

one other occurrence of this pattern is in the phrase te^HNOM A'k.Ta 'one time per

year’. Here, however, we see the prepositionless GEN of the temporal noun, which

might be interpreted as a partitive GEN. It is possible that neither construction

represents the actual means used in OCS to express "(X) times per (Noun)", since other

explanations are so easily found to account for them. In addition, the modern Slavic

languages do not show either pattern for this phrase, as will be discussed in §4.7.

4.5.2 NoigL appears several times in the Gospels, as well as frequently in Supr and

Cloz, in the second meaning of the prepositionless INS--a time during a segment or at

one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place. Here, however, it

occurs without modifiers:

M t2:14 onz r z c t

J 11:10 aipe k z t o xoAHTZ Houma; noTZKN&TZ ca (Sav)

In every attested occurrence in the canonical manuscripts of the seven verses which contain nouihkr , all the texts contain noijjhkk with no variation—i.e. there is no other construction used. However, in L 21:37, where four of five manuscripts show the INS noijjhhr , Mir (a non-canonical manuscript) shows &z + LOC: 123

L 21:37 Ete jkr BL.ALNe oyYA e z ijpKBe a noujthj* BZdEdp-bdiue.

hcxo ^ a e z ropfe . . . (Mar)

L 21:37 Efe oyYR hcl 4 LNHK> e z ijpKBH a e l houjh h c x o ^ g

RLARdpfeuie. ca r z rop-fe . . . (Mir)

No(e also that this verse contains the only instance of the INS form alnhk )—a FEM

form nonetheless—known in the Gospels. Thus Mir switched structures: INS for alnl

where the other manuscripts show r z + LOC, and RZ + LOC for noijjl where the

other manuscripts show INS (this is discussed further in §4.7.1).

Supr also shows several occurences of RZ + LOC with NOtfJL:

Supr 60:17 npH^H oyEO rl noujth

Supr 334:25-26 m r z nduith to e z i c t z

NoipHHR, however, also occurs in Supr, much more frequently than RZ NOtpu:

Supr 11:10 11 . . . otzr& 4 £ cTp-brxiuTAA rohnzi noujthkk

Supr 214:18 . . . H CTpdWLNd xpdNAWTd h noujthw : h alnhik

Supr 392:10 nl noujthbi nr ocfcNkiteTZ c«

as well as Cloz:

Cloz 14a:7-8 nouitzkk x z r z r i t l /)omz pawAdfcTZ cm

Cloz 14a:8-10 NOUJTZHt naxzi rl ciON'k . . . nopdX ddR TZ ca 124

4.5.3 Five of the seven occurrences of NOtyJHffi in the Gospels originate from a Greek

prepositionless GEN:

M t2:14 6 Be e-pepBeLS vxjk,tos

The Greek prepositionless GEN "denotes a time within which, or at a certain point o f

which, an action takes place. As contrasted with the accusative of time, the genitive

denotes a portion of time. Hence the genitive of time is partitive" (Smyth 1984, §1444).

Koine continues this meaning: "Dagegen ist der ktass. Gen. der Zeit, innerhalb deren

etwas geschieht, dem NT nicht fremd..." (Blass 1949, 8 6). This meaning of the Greek

corresponds to the meaning of the OCS prepositionless INS.

4.5.4 One occurrence of the prepositionless INS noijjhkk , in J 11:10, corresponds to a

Greek ev + DAT:

J 11:10 e a v Be t l s TTepuTTaTrj ev xfj vxjktc

The occurrences of NOljlHffi in Cloz also render a Greek prepositionless DAT:

Cloz 14a:7-8 vukxc XpLcrtos ev B^Bee^. ■pevvaTat.

Cloz 14a:840 vuktl ttq X uv ev rrj Elwv e* vekptov qvucttqtql 125

However, Noijjhm; here is not unexpected, because ev T?| VUKTL implies at a

moment (any moment) during the night, a meaning which is expressed by the

prepositionless INS.

4.5.5 The occurrence of NOtjiHiff in L 21:37, however, corresponds to a preposition­

less ACC:

L 21:37 rjv Se t q j v^Epas ev t u tepw Sl&qctkwv , t q s vuktqs

e£epxon.evos tiuXL’seTo euy to opoj . ■ .

where we would expect a corresponding prepositionless ACC in OCS to express time spent; the use of the INS here changes the meaning to the expression of a time during a segment or at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place rather than the duration of a time. This is yet another example of a change made by the translators) which demonstrates their desire to transmit meaning rather than form.

4.6 It would be appropriate at this point to contrast and compare the various constructions in which NOIJIh. can appear. As we have already seen, NOIJJtk is found in constructions with e z + ACC, and with the prepositionless ACC and prepositionless

INS; it is also found with the rare prepositional constructions with okz + ACC and az

+ LOC. However, the usage of each of these different constructions may be distinguished. E z + ACC may only be used when Notpa is modified; in the extant texts, only when it is modified by one of the demonstratives--ck 'this' or TZ 'that'.

The meaning of this construction is a time at one point within which an action occurs.

In the prepositionless INS, NOl|JL only appears unmodified in the Gospels, and carries a 126

similiar meaning to the r z + ACC construction. However, it must be noted that the

prepositionless INS is used to express this meaning only when noijjl is unmodified

(NOtfJHtflt 'in the night'), whereas r z + ACC is used only when MOlgL is modified (rz

t z NOigL 'in that night'). There is a general pattern of correspondence between the

OCS and Greek texts: where OCS has r z + ACC, Greek has the preposition ev +

DAT or the prepositionless DAT case, which is used, according to Smyth (1984,

§1539), to denote a definite point of time (chiefly day, night, month, year, season), at which an action occurred (discussed in §2.1 and 2.8). Where OCS has the prepositionless INS, Greek generally has a prepositionless GEN, which "denotes a time within which, or at a certain point o f which, an action takes place" (Smyth 1984, §1444; discussed in §4.5.3). In Greek too there is a distinction between modified vs. unmodified vu£: vve only see the GEN when vu£ is unmodified, but ev + DAT or prepositionless DAT when vu£ is modified. Finally, in Supr (and in the one instance in Mir discussed above in §4.5.2) we find r z + LOC to express the same meaning as expressed by either the prepositionless INS or r z + ACC:

Supr 60:17 npH^H o ^ eo rl nqujth

However, this is not to say that Supr does not show the other constructions used with noijil to express the time during a segment or at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place—the prepositionless INS and RZ + ACC—indeed we find examples of all three in Supr. As the use of the last construction— r z + ACC—is limited to occurrences of modified HOtgL, it appears that there is free variation in Supr (but only 127

in Supr) to express'in the night'when NOliJL is unmodified: r z noi|ih and noijjhkk both render 'in the night '.1

4.6.1 In the prepositionless ACC, in the Gospels NOIJJL only appears when modified by a number—e.g. TpH N0l|lH 'for three nights'—or in a phrase with 'day and night'. Here the meaning is that of a time completely filled by an action—the duration of the activity. It corresponds to the Greek prepositionless ACC with the same meaning

(discussed in §3.1.1 and 3.1.2)

4.6.2 There are at least three constructions in OCS to express 'all night’—in the

Gospels we find OR(z) RL.CKR noijji corresponding to Greek 8lq oXtis vxjktoj

(cf. §3.2.2) which W. Bauer (1979, 179) defines as denoting extent, "in the case of extension over a whole period of time, to its very end" when used in a temporal construction. In Supr we find both RZ + ACC (Supr 59:11-12, given in §2.8, with r z rrcx noijjr 4) and the prepositionless ACC (§3.3). However, this phrase ('all night1) is found so rarely in any construction (I found only one occurrence each of rrck nciijjr and r z RLCKR noijjl in Supr and none in the Gospels; oe (z ) rlckk noijjr

Whether this represents a dialectal feature of the scribc(s) of Supr is uncertain, as cither form

(eh N0t|tH or NOtpM hk ) or both forms could have been copied from the protograph, or the scribc(s) could hare made changes based upon their native dialect. Even if the latter case is true, we arc unable to determine which was the original form and which form represents a dialectal feature of eleventh-century Eastern Bulgaria.

4 Elsewhere E2 + ACC is used only when NOigh is modified by a demonstrative and renders a phrase 'in a (certain) night'and only when it corresponds to Greek ev + DAT (this distinction will be discussed further in Chapter 4 |cl . (j.4.6|). This could be an instance of a scribal error, where the scribe wrote the same syllabic twice: ez at. Although these arc two different jcrs (and arc represented correctly in this phrase), this docs not exclude the possibility that both represented the same sound lor the scribe (ez is often spelled eh; sometimes the pronominal adjclivc fihC- is found as ezc-). 128

occurs only once in the Gospels) that it is impossible to determine exactly which is the

"true" construction.

4.7 The prepositionless INS of the noun AbNl ’day’ also occurs in the meaning of

a time during a segment or at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes

place; however, it only occurs once in the Gospels, and is governed by the phrase

"seven times":

C€ L 17:4 M dUJTe 4 Mk.Kf>rtTHl±e.w; ALNSMZ cx rp fcw iT Z . . . (Asm)

Here the prepositionless INS corresponds to a Greek GEN, which is a partitive GEN:

L 17:4 kql eqv enxQMS xfjs f)n.epas apiapxricrn . . .

It is possible that AbNh here was "dragged" into the INS by the INS construction of the phrase "seven times" (to be discussed in §4.8.7); however, the meaning expressed by the INS here is the same meaning expressed elsewhere. Since this is the only occurrence of "(X) times per day", it is again here impossible to establish a pattern for its expression. The INS is not used this way in any of the modem Slavic languages.

For example, the Modem Russian text shows ceMb pa 3 b zteHb and the M odem

Bulgarian shows cezteM m>TM H a zieH. Although Bulgarian has developed an analytical nominal system in place of the earlier synthetic system, we might expect a fixed phrase such as this to survive. Indeed, to express 'in the day', 'by day', 129

Bulgarian has the frozen INS phrase AeHeM. Since we see no traces of "(X) times per

day" with 'day' in the INS, it is possible that this construction was not used in this

meaning and that this occurrence is a grammatical error committed by a later scribe and

transmitted from manuscript to manuscript.

4.7.1 The only other occurrence of a lnl in the prepositionless INS in the second

meaning of the construction is found in Mir and perhaps also represents a grammatical

error; or, more likely, a dialectalism. Compare the two examples of L 21:37:

L 21:37 we el 4h.N& oyYA b z i^pKBe ^ noujthh ! BZdBdp-bdwe ca

hc -xoa *?! e z rop-fe. . . . (Mar)

L21:37 Et oyve hcl alnhhi ez ijpkbh a b l noljjh h c x o a e

BLABtfpfeliJB CA b z ropt . . . (Mir)

Note that Mir has switched structures: INS for ALNL where the other manuscripts show

BZ + LOC to render 'in the day', and b z + LOC for N 0l)JL where the other manuscripts

show INS to render 'in the night'. Mir, we recall, is a late twelfth-century manuscript

from the Serbian redaction of Church Slavonic, and this occurrence of alnhh) could

very well be one of the earliest occurrences of the Serbian expression danjU 'in the day'. The fact that in both this instance and in the modem form a ln l has taken the

FEM INS SG ending rather than the MASC (alnhki instead of alnlm M is also very suggestive that we are dealing with an early occurrence of a dialectal form here.

We see a similar phenomenon in Supr, where shows a FEM INS SG ending immediately following the phrase NOljJHMt; it is possible that this occurrence of alnmk ) was caused by a carryover of the -mb ending from the FEM noun NOipHlff: 130

Supr 214:18 . . . H CTpdUJLNd xpdN^UJTa m noujthkk h 4 rnhm;

4.8 Finally, in the third meaning of the prepositionless INS. that of repetition, we

find the nouns k(MHUlkah 'how many times', MZNOWHt^Rix/MZNordiiiLah 'many

times', and the numerals »€AHNOffi one time', RZTOpHiJRHR/AZRdLURAH 'two times',

TpGTHyetK/rpGTH I Lth/TpHUJLah 'three times', various forms of "seven tim es"-

c&AMHlj£ts, c&AWOpHyeuK, CGAMRkpdTHijets, and ceAMHUJb.ah. These preposition­

less INS phrases became adverbialized. As mentioned previously, kO^Hiub. ah,

AZRdlllLAH, and TpHWkAH, etc., compete with the adverbialized prepositionless ACC

to express repetition; the other nouns only occur in the prepositionless INS. Most

examples of the prepositionless INS correspond to a Greek adverbialized prepositionless

ACC ( |to ] TTpWTOv/npoTepov, [ to ] SeuT epov, [ to ] Tpi/cov) or a numeral with

the suffix -L 5 (Sts, tpls) or - d*i,s (nocraMS, TToXXdkus, enTaias); a

few, however, originate from the prepositional construction e* + GEN ( e*

SeuTepou, SK TpLTOu)-

4 .8 .1 Kcuhwrah 'how many times' occurs only one time in one manuscript;

Mt 23:37 KCMHUJH RRCXDTtXL CRKpdTH Y£A<1 T R ot (Mir)

On the other hand, kO/tk RpdTZl 'how many times' (kpdTZ = 'time' in sense of repetition) appears in the other three attestations of this verse (in Asm, Ost and Mar): Mt 23:37 KCMh. KpdTZI EZCXOT’fclXZ CLEZpdTI TRt (Asm)

and also in the two other verses—Mt 18:20 and L l3:34--where TTOuaKLj occurs in the

Greek:

Mt 23:37 ttoctqkls riBe^vricra eTTuruva-fQT e^v t c k v q crou

As mentioned in Chapter3 (§3.12.1), mjcraKLS is a numerical adverb.

4.8.2 M ^ nokhijeix and MZNor^uiL^H 'many times', although in variation with each other, do not compete with the prepositionless ACC. They occur four times in the

Gospels:

Mt 17:15 MNOXHUEKK SO tl^A dC T NO OrNE H MHOrfllUTI E Z E O ^X (Asm)

L 18:30 IXCE NE EECftpHHMETZ MZNOMCHUEfflt E Z EpfeMA ce . . , (Mar)

and also in Supr and Cloz:

Supr 133:4 mzi MNoraiuaH p-fexowz th

Supr 135:13 r/taro/U JxoEt th MNorauidH

Cloz 4a: 1-2 r^xuiE 1 mwoxiuekh B p arzi ceoia Cloz 9a:9-10 MZNOrflUJTH Nfl CEME JKITIH fldKOCTE TBOpUZ EC I 132

They all correspond to Greek tto XX q k l s o r T T o X X a n X a o ’L O va:

M t 1 7 :1 5 tto XX q m s 'f Q p ttltttcl e i 's t o tr u p k q l tto XX q k l s e l ’s t o

u S u p

L 18:30 os o u x l arroXapri TToXXanXaoxova ev t w * a c p w

t o u t w . . L

Cloz 4a: 1-2 ^aC tto XX q k c s o u p .o v o v tcov exSpuv p.ep.vf)p.eBa

Cloz 9a:9-10 tio XX q k l s e i- ’s ^ov tmpovTa pcov efiXatyas

4.8.3 The phrase te^HNOl* 'one time' appears quite frequently in Supr and Cloz, although it never occurs in the Gospels:

Supr 166:21 wxpLijn tcdNOffi AtTd CAdA^Kd EpawNd noA^Mxx nyx 1 *> Supr 409:4-5 RAdAZ. IKXI XpHCTOCd NG (€4 NO IX H A BdUJrtH NX H 1 TpMLU AH icro OTZBpZrX CM

c Cloz 8a:23-24 pGYGNo EXi G 4 N0 HK e x i n k N

There are no instances of tE^HNOHC com peting either with an adverbialized ACC or the prepositionless ACC. Instead, the an adverbialized ACC npEEOte (etc.) is used only to mean 'first' or 'for the first tim e', not 'one time'. 133

4.8.4 K.ZTopHijElx or a z r o iu l a h 'two times', which appear in six Gospel verses

and also Supr and Cloz, competes with an adverbialized ACC RZTOpote. but not the

prepositionless ACC AZRd tipdTd. EzTOpoic, however, only occurs in two texts—

Ost and D, both non-canonical manuscripts. Ost has four occurrences of RZTOpote to

one of RZTOpHijEtx; and D has two occurrences of RZTOpote to two of RZTopHijEiffi.

The other texts show only RZTOpmjEw;:

Mt 26:42 naiizi RZTOpmieiat w e ^ z noytUH ca (Mar)

Mt 26:42 ndKZi RZTOpote uilaz noyO/tH ca (Ost)

J 3:4 £4 d MOJKETZ RZTODHtlEtK RZ XTpQEX RL/Cfe.CTH . . . (Z)

J 3:4 E4

Supr 411:3-4 4RdUJ4H e l NE 4 ,fc/tM 4 &LpLlJ A OTRpZJdA

Supr 444:1-2 h ndxzi RZTopmiEMt . . . czTROptt teyoy czRpzuJEN'fctc

Cloz lb:2-4 h rtdKzi rpA^A . . , RZTopmsw na oE/tfnjfexz rz nece

K.ZTopmjEMt has three different Greek sources—in Mk 14:30, RZTOpHLjEHK

corresponds to Greek Sl j:

Mk 14:30 npuv fi Sls dXeKxopa cpwvficrQL xpts p.e dnapvricn^

while in J 3:4 and 21:26 and Cloz lb:2-4, RZTOpHljEKK corresponds to Greek SeOxepov: 134

J 3:4 n.f| Suvaxat, el’s tk |v koi X uiv . . . Seuxepov eureXBeCv

Cloz lb:2-4 i^aC ttqXlv epxop.evos . . . Seuxepov e£ oupavou

ETTL XWV V E tp eX w V

and in three verses—Mt 26:42, Mk 14:71/2 and J 9:24, RZTOpHijeHK corresponds to

Greek ek , S eu x ep o u :

Mt 26:42 tto X lv e* Seuxepou aneXBtov npocrr|u£axo

The two latter constructions—Seuxepov and e* Seuxepou—carry the meaning of

'for a second time', whereas Sts simply carries the meaning of 'two times'; perhaps this is why Ost and D translate Seuxepov and ek Seuxepou as RZTOpote .5

4.8.4.1 It is interesting to observe that in Mk 14:71/2, the phrase "two times" occurs twice, and each manuscript puts each occurrence in a separate construction—for the first occurrence, Ost and D both show the adverbialized ACC RZTOpote, while Mar and Z have the prepositionless INS KZTOpHtjCHK; in the second occurrence, Ost, Mar and Z (D omits the phrase) have the prepositionless ACC phrase a z r <3 kpdT

However, this distinction corresponds to a structural—and semantic—distinction in

Greek: RZTOpote and RZTopmjEix correspond to Greek ek S euxepou 'for a second time'; while 4ZR4 kpdTd corresponds to Greek Sts 'twice'. This suggests that the Slavic constructions carried similar semantic distinctions as well.

Neither text contains Mk 14:30. 135

4.8.5 We see similar patterns with TpGTHije,ws/TpGTHlUH/TpHUiLAH 'three times’:

Ost has the adverbialized ACC TpGTHt€t€in its place three times in the two attested

verses—Mt 26:44 and J 21:17:

Mt 26:44 ndKZi ujz^z nowtMM CA TpGTHtGtc (Ost)

Sav also shows the adverbialized ACC TpGTH(€l€two times in J 21:17:

J 21:17, r 7 a &Moy tpgthgg (Sav)

J 21:172 mko pe,Y& GMoy tpgthgg (Sav)

However, in Mt 26:44 and J 21:14 it shows the INS:

Mt 2 6 :4 4 naiezi i u z a z nowo>tM c a me.mew: [sic-SF| (Sav)

Asm, Mar, Z, D and Mir only show TpGTHij&l* or TpGTM 114H:

Mk 14:41 1 npHAG Tp&TMHUH (Mar)

L 23:22 ONZ )K& TpGTHI llgh: pGYG KZ MHWZ (Z)

Like RZTOpHi^GHK, TpGTHtjGMt has three different Greek sources: the adverbialized

ACC tpltov (the NTR ACC SG adjective used adverbially) 'for a third time':

L 23:22 o 6 e TptTov ecnav npoj auxouj

the articulated adverbial to tpltov: 136

J 21:17 Xe*fei QUTW TO TpLTOV

and e* tpltou:

Mt 26:44 rraXLV dneX B w v npoaiiu^aTO ek tpltou

There appears to be no distinction for the use of the INS forms TpSTHyEUK vs.

TpETHiyH: for example, in J 21:17 to tpltov occurs two times in the Greek text:

J 21:17 Xe-fEL QUTL) TO TpLTOV - - - ELTTEV QUTOJ TO TpLTOV

In the first occurrence, Asm, D and Mir have TpETHyEHt, while Z has TpETMl yw; the

same is true of the second occurrence, except for Asm, which has TpETHiyH. Thus,

within one verse in one text, both INS variants occur.

4.8.5.1 There is another prepositionless INS variant of 'three times'—TpHUJLAH.

However, this variant occurs only in D (spelled TpHtpw):

Mk 14:71/2 np'fcjKfle a ^ w e nATE^iL ne e l jLr,i

TpHUJH (D) J 13:38 NE ELjr^dCHTL HATE^tL AONLAEWE OTEpDKCIUH CA MENE

TpHUJH (D)

and replace a prepositionless ACC TpH KpdTXi found in all other texts: Mk 14:71/2 npfcwAC 4 aw e Koypz ng R z jr,ta c H T z 4 ZR

OTZRpZ)KGlliH CA MGNG TpH kpflTZt (Z)

J 13:38 . . . OTRpDKGUlH CA MGNG TpH KpdTZ I (Sav)

Supr shows this form too, although it also attests TpGTMtjGW:

Supr 409:4-5 RAaA7z\\iz.\ >^pHCToc

Supr 444:1-2 H tldK ZI . . . TpGTHUGKK CZTROpH tGWOV CZRpZUJGN-fclC

4.8.6 Supr shows a similar usage for the phrase 'four times', a phrase which does not

occur in the Gospels:

Supr 266:8-9 JdKONZ YGTROpO YGTB.OpHU.GtB O^pGYG

Notice that in this instance YGTROpHljGlff is preceded by a numerical adverb YGTROpo.

The combination may be translated as 'four times four' and is followed in the same

passage by the same construction with 'seven', to be discussed below.

4.8.7 The Greek phrase ctttqkls 'seven times', which occurs in various forms in

OCS- cg ^ mhi ^gkr , CG4M0pHi^Gm, CG4MBKpdTmjGMi, and CG4MHWL4H--occurs

three times in two verses. In Mt 18:22, which is only attested in Mar, the Greek shows

a prepositional construction with ews 'until' with a numerical adverb in - qkcj :

Mt 18:22 ou \ i y b i ctol eu>s etttqm -s aX X d e w j efi&on.v)KOVTdKLS

ETTTQ 138

Mar has the corresponding 4 0 'until', and then the prepositionless INS:

Mt 18:22 ne rTt* T t s t 40 CE4 ME KpdTZ n x 40 ce4m u 4 £ C m t z

Kparz. cedMHU&KK (Mar)

In L 17:4. all of the attested Slavic forms occur in the prepositionless INS. The

exact form of the word, however, varies from text to text and even within a text. In Mt

18:22. Mar, with the only attestion, shows C£4 Mhijem;, as w e saw above. But in L

17:4, C&4 MopHijcix occurs twice in this same text:

L 17:4 H dlUTE CEAMODHUEMS 4LNEMZ CXrpfclllHTZ , , . H CE4M0pHUEMI

4KNEMU OEpdTMTX cm rX * cm (Mar)

In this same verse, Asm first has CE 4 MttKpdTHijEKK and then CE4 MHI4 EHR:

C€ L 17:4 M <3 LUTE 4 WEKpdTHIJEW; AKNEMZ C Z rptlU IT Z . . .

. . . M CE4MHUSKB OEpdTITZ CM KE TEEfc (Asm)

Finally, we see one more variant in Ost-CE 4 MHUiL4 H:

L 17:4 H dtgE CE4MHUIU4H 4 LNLML CXrpfellJHTZ . , , H CE.dMHLUb.ilH

OEpdTHTL CM KZ T E S t (Ost)

L 17:4 kql eqv etttokls fmepos apiapTrpj st’s crs KQL

etttolkls (xfis fmspas) STTiaTpEiJtVj npos* cte . . .

As mentioned earlier, Supr also shows usage of this adverbialized phrase: 139

Supr 266:7-8 a tc ^ h ijx a <\ JK^-feAGTZ ce^yopo ce./tMHU&ffi

As with the phrase involving 'four', this combination of ccAMOpo ce. 4 yHLje.Ki; can be

translated as 'seven times seven'. Note that two different forms were chosen within the

one phrase—the first an adverbialized ACC adjective, the second an adverbialized INS

noun. It is possible that two different constructions were chosen for stylistic reasons—

simply to avoid the repetition of the same lexical item.

4.9 In summary, the prepositionless INS occurs with the nouns 4 LNL 'day', noijil

'night', and ^t’fe.TO 'year'; with the adverbial quantifiers kcml 'how many' and y z.n o ro

'many'; and with numerals. The nouns 4 LNL and /it;to in the prepositionless INS occur in the first meaning of this construction—they express a time within which an action is completed. In the second meaning of the prepositionless INS—a time during a segment or at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place—the noun

NOigL occurs frequently; a ln l is found three times, and all three times may be grammatical mistakes ("scribal error") or dialectal forms. The adverbial quantifiers and numerals occur only in the third meaning of this construction—they express frequency of the repetition of an action. The prepositionless INS phrase resulting from this third meaning (e.g. axTOpHljeis 'two times') became adverbialized, and it competes with the prepositionless ACC, both in its adverbialized form (e.g. RZTOpoe 'fora second time') and with the noun KpdTZ (e.g. 4 z a a \tpaTa 'two times').

In usages of the prepositionless INS in its first meaning, we see no variations with other constructions; however, the second meaning of the prepositionless INS 140

overlap with meanings expressed by other prepositionless cases and prepositional

constructions. Each of these constructions, although they share similar meanings,

carries a different nuance of those meanings. An example of this was given for NOipB.

Not only does the prepositionless INS in OCS have three different meanings,

but we have seen that it has different Greek sources: in the first meaning, the

prepositionless INS can render a Greek prepositionless GEN, prepositionless DAT,

ev + DAT and 5lo + GEN; in the second meaning—Greek prepositionless GEN or

prepositionless DAT; in the third meaning—prepositionless ACC constructions

(adverbialized and sometimes articulated) or &K + GEN. But it is not unexpected that

we see different Greek constructions as sources for the OCS prepositionless INS, as

this constmction expresses so many different meanings and nuances of meanings.

4.9.1 It is in its second meaning—a time during a segment or at one point within the

boundaries of which an action takes place—that the prepositionless INS remains most

active in the modern Slavic languages. Perhaps on the basis of the phrase ncujjhkk 'at

night, by night' or 'in the night(time)', the INS spread to the other parts of the day in

Modern Russian. Thus we see yTpoM 'in the morning' instead of tOTp’fe (the

prepositionless LOC; cf. §5.6); BeMepoM 'in the evening' instead of BfcYepz (the prepositionless ACC; cf. §3.10); and ztHeM 'in the day(time)' instead of BZ abne (bz

+ LOC; cf. §9.3). Bulgarian, too, preserves remnants of an earlier synthetic system in phrases such as aeHeM 'by day' and HomeM 'by night'. In Bulgarian we see that the

MASC soft ending -eM was appropriated by the FEM noun Hout. In Serbo-Croatian we see the opposite—the spread of the FEM ending (—j U) to the MASC noun: danjU

'by day' and n0CU 'by night'. Most of these temporal phrases are expressed with other constructions in the

West Slavic languages (for example the adverbialized form of the prepositionless ACC

or R.Z + LOC), but Polish does preserve two fixed phrases for 'in the evening', both of

which are categorized in the dictionary as adverbs: we see both the SG and the PL of

the INS of Wieczor-Wi eczorem and wieczorami. However, these two

adverbs compete with yet a third: WiecZOf, which is a frozen prepositionless ACC of

the same noun. Different constructions are used in Polish for the other parts of the day:

W nocy 'at night, by night' and W dzien 'by day’. The adverb ratio 'early' is found in place of earlier constructions with the noun 'morning' to mean 'in the

morning’. This latter shift occurred in all of the West Slavic languages: jlltXO

'morning' came to mean 'tomorrow' and ratio (or rano) 'early' came to mean

'morning'. It is possible that this semantic shift occurred on the basis of the German model, a language which heavily influenced the West Slavic languages. In German, m orgen means both 'tomorrow' and 'morning'; to express 'tomorrow morning’, however, the phrase morgen fruh'tomorrow early’ is used, thereby jutro rano

'tomorrow early’ came to be used in Polish, Czech and Slovak to express 'tomorrow morning'. Eventually, the adverb ran o acquired the meaning 'morning' independently of the construction jutro rano. Although OCS may have escaped such structural and semantic shifts under the influence of Greek, the other Slavic languages have not always been so immune to outside influence. CHAPTER V

THE PREPOSITIONLESS LOCATIVE

5.1 The prepositionless LOC is a relatively rare construction in OCS for the

expression of temporal concepts. It is found with a limited number of nouns with

temporal meaning: Yacz 'hour', NOlJJL 'night', no,tZ 4 LNL 'mid-day', ntMZNOlpL

'm id-night ' , 1 j n y a 'winter', /tteTO 'year' and K)Tpo ’morning' (J. Bauer in Kurz

1963, 270). In the texts of the canonical manuscripts it only occurs with the nouns

Ytftcz, ncMZNOijJL, jHMd, /ffcTO and tOTpo and is a relatively frequent constructions

with these particular nouns; however, in almost every occurrence it is in competition

with some other construction. This is due to the fact that the meaning of the

prepositionless LOC--a time at which, or a time during one segment or at one point

within the boundaries of which an action takes place—coincides with the meanings of

many other OCS constructions. As H.S. Orenstein writes in his 1978 dissertation.

JWJhen the nonprepositional locative |i.e. the prepositionless LOC| does occur, we have no distincl linguistic environment, syntactic or semantic, where it occurs to the exclusion of any other syntactic construction |italics mine—SF|. Whatever the context in which the nonprepositional locative does occur, we can always find elsewhere a syntactic doublet rendering the same function (51).

' Literally, ik m zalnl ’hall'-day', ncMZhtotjJtL 'half-night'; both arc compounds composed of two dcclincublc nouns. As was discussed in the Introduction, the modern conceptions of lime do not apply here. Thus nOstZNOtgb. is 'middle of the night' rather than 'midnight'. I will refer to it as 'mid-mghl', however, with the understanding that it bears the former rather than the latter meaning. 142 143

He gives examples of five different syntactic constructions "that could fulfill the same

semantic function with regard to expressing a temporal relationship:

TOMk #££/fkT*b (unbound locative)

&Z TOMtk /ttT t. (bound locative)

t o )KE /fbTO (unbound accusative)

BZ TO /fbTO (boundaccusative)

T o r o jkg /ftT<3 (unbound genitive)

The above were at one time all translatable as 'this summer'" (ibid, 78). Although he is referring specifically to Old Russian, the same can be said of OCS as well. And although the prepositionless LOC has disappeared completely from the modem Slavic languages (having been replaced either by the prepositional LOC or other constructions, prepositionless or prepositional), the older Slavic languages (including OCS) give ample evidence to demonstrate that at one time in the early history of Slavic, the prepositional

LOC was indeed an active means of expressing time.

In Old Russian, for example, the prepositionless LOC was actively used in the early historical period, and "occur[s] with about the same frequency in Old Russian manuscripts as [it does| in [OCS1" (Orenstein 1978,74). In Old Russian in general, as in OCS, the LOC of time "expressed the segment during which the action took place, although the action itself did not necessarily occur continually during the expressed time sequence" (ibid, 74). In Old Russian we find the prepositionless LOC in temporal contexts most frequently with the nouns which name the seasons (rgcnh 'spring',

/fbTO 'summer', oc&Nk 'autumn' and 'winter'), the day and its parts (AkNk

'day', o y T p o 'morning', KGYGpz 'evening' and NO Yk 'night'), specific times (Y

'hour/time', ntUZNOYL 'mid-night'. no,4ZAlNL 'mid-day'), and with a few other

nouns (for example N&d&/

seventeenth century, it had become obsolete and was replaced by other constructions:

phrases such as TOMR /t'fe.T'fe. 'in that year’ were first replaced by prepositionless GEN

constructions (T oro A'k.ya 'in that year'), which in turn were replaced by prepositional

constructions ( b t o m rcvty 'in that year’). Others were replaced by the prepositionless

INS construction (jHM’fe. 'in the winter', oyTpte 'in the morning' were replaced by the

(now frozen| adverbials 3MMOH, yTpoM) (Lomtev 1956, §117).

By the fifteenth and especially sixteenth century, the presence of a modifier with

a noun in the prepositionless LOC in Russian had become quite rare, since they had

become by this time purely adverbial forms, which would be disturbed by a the presence

of a modifier (Toporov 1961, 22-23). Indeed, many of the prepositionless LOC forms of OCS as well can be interpreted as adverbs, answering the question "when?" (J. Bauer

in Kurz 1963, 270). Orenstein discusses the extreme view of some linguists who insist that "as a group, these time expressions are already fixed and should no longer be considered inflected forms" (Orenstein 1978, 77). However, the more generally accepted opinion is that "as early as the |OCS| manuscripts...these constructions are already showing at least a partial degree of adverbialization" (ibid, 77 [italics mine—

SFJ).

The prepositionless LOC of time is also attested in Old Czech in the phrases

Zime 'in the winter’, lete 'in the summer', dne 'in the day', nod 'in the night’, j Litre 'tomorrow', (te) hodine 'at (that) hour' (J. Bauer 1950, 41). In Old Polish the prepositionless LOC of place was rare, and has been totally replaced with the LOC with the preposition W ( r z ) . However, the prepositionless LOC of time is found not only in Old Polish, but was also preserved in several adverbs, for example lecie (= W 145

lecie) 'in the summer', Zimie 'in the winter', as, for example, in the proverb kto

Zimie proznuje, lecie gl'Od poCZUje(ibid, 41). In Serbo-Croatian traces of the

prepositionless LOC are also preserved in a few adverbial phrases: lani 'last year',

Zimi 'in the winter', 1 jeti 'in the summer', onomlani 'in that year’, onomadne

(< onoml ALN&) 'on that day', polunoci 'at m id-night'(ibid, 42-43). Examples can

also be found from older stages of the language:

ni zimi ni liti; boja bije tri nedjelje dana, noci. dnevi. svagda bez preslana ma boj biju i dnevi i noci ko 1 ieti gori, zimi godi (Miklosich 1926,650)

Bulgarian, which has lost nominal declension, preserves only a few adverbs

from the prepositionless LOC (e.g. 3 MMe 'in the winter', JieTe 'in the summer').

According to Bauer, the prepositionless LOC of time is well attested in Middle Bulgarian

manuscripts, as seen in the Ochrid Apostle, the Dobromir Gospel, the Vracanskij

Gospel, and the Trojanskd povest'. He cites examples of some phrases which will be

discussed later:

Mt 24:20 £ a ng K'kcTBO sau te . . . (Dob; Skut. 12. 62)

toh moujh Kt, neTpz cn

No list of abbreviations is given in this article; this citation drrcs not appear to come from one of the texts which he has specifically mentioned. 146

However, even in Dobromir (D) already in the two cited places we see s z no^oyNOlgn

'at mid-night 1 (ez + LOC) and in Trojanskd povest' (261) already we see BZ + ACC:

EZ nCMOyNOIJJZ. In place of the prepositionless LOC toml Y

which is seen in the OCS manuscripts Mar and Asm (Mt 17:18), already in Vracanskij £ (51b) we see BZ toh Yd, and a tomz Y dct in D. J/Tp-fc 'tomorrow'is attested

twice (L 2:28 and 13:33; D), which turned into an adverb (J. Bauer 1950,43).

In OCS (and the other older Slavic languages) the use of the prepositionless

LOC competes with the prepositionless ACC, EZ + ACC, e z + LOC, and, in one

instance each, the prepositionless DAT and o t z 'from' + GEN. Often the preposition­

less LOC has as its source a Greek prepositionless GEN, but it can also correspond to

an adverbialized ACC, or, in one instance, qtto 'from' + GEN.

5.2 The prepositionless LOC of YdCZ 'hour' only occurs twice in the Gospels and

in both occurrences YdCZ is modified by the demonstrative t z ’that'. In this instance,

Y d cz can be interpreted in its original meaning (cf. Chapter 2, §2.6.7) of 'time', so

that the action occurred 'at that time' or even 'at that moment'3:

Mt 15:28 M HCIit/ffe AZlgH toml Y flct (Ost)

Mt 17:18 h HCij'fevi'b oTpokz toml Ydch (Ost)

3 When interviewing native speakers of various modern Slavic languages for the information found in the charts in Appendix V, all of them expressed hesitation at saying 'at that hour'. Although they could supply a form, they expressed a desire to say 'at that lime' or 'at that moment' instead. Even in English the phrase 'at that hour’ strikes the car as somewhat odd, unless restricted to a very specific context. Al ter all, if we arc referring to the time at which an action occurs, we expect that time to be shorter than the lime frame of an hour—a moment, perhaps. 147

However, as was discussed in Chapter 2 (§2.6.1.1), neither of these occurrences of

tomb Yiiict have as their source a Greek lev +1 DAT; rather, they have as their

source a Greek qtto + GEN 'from th a t hour':

Mt 15:28 kql ud0ri f) Bu-paTrip autris and xfis iopas e^euvris

Mt 17:18 eOepaneuOri o nats o .tto t % copas eKeuvrjs

In Mt 15:28, Ost is the only one of five manuscripts which attest this verse to

have the prepositionless LOC here— all the other four manuscripts have + ACC:

Mt 15:28 i AZtpu ena bo t z Ydcz (Mar)

It is tempting to view this occurrence of the prepositionless LOC tomb YdC*fc in Ost as a dialectal feature of Russian inserted into a Church Slavonic manuscript; however, in

Mt 17:18, all of the manuscripts except one (Sav) show tomb Yack. This seems to contradict Bauer's claim that "Savvina kniga is the most conservative in the preservation of the plain LOC" (1950, 53-54), so that perhaps the phrase as found in Sav is representing a more archaic form than the others, which would represent innovative forms, replacing the prepositionless LOC. If Sav is supposed to be the most conservative manuscript, then the other manuscripts, which would attest innovative forms regarding the prepositionless LOC, must either represent copies of prototypes which contain the prepositionless LOC forms; or they demonstrate that even in the less 148

"conservative" manuscripts, the prepositionless LOC was still a viable construction to

express the time at which an action occurs.

In Mt 17:18, however, Sav, instead of using the prepositionless LOC, translates

the Greek otto Trfc to p aj ei^etvrij with an exact equivalent— o t z + GEN:

Mt 17:18 m OTpoxz o t z T oro Y

TOMk Yacb also occurs in Supr:

Supr 264:21 tomr Ydc*b. uoj'fe tcyoy oyTRpLrtMRZ

Supr 434:20 toml Y

5.3 Discrepancies—although fewer—also arise in the phrase no^toyNQijjH 'at mid­ night'. This phrase occurs in three Gospel verses:

Mt 25:6 no^oy moiuth 4 we Rzrui szictz (Mar)

Mk 13:35 ng. R*fecTG so nz.r/\a r£T rtowoy npH/jGTZ aw R&YGpz aw

nO^pyNOtllTH AW RZ KOVpOrytdUI&NRG aw oyTpo (Z)

L 11:5 h HflGT kl ngmov nO/toyNOUJTi (Asm)

4 There arc no differences in meaning between the forms ncuoy N 01|1H and ntMOyNOljiH; it is simply a matter of editorial choice (in the modem, published edition) to write this as one word or two; recall that the original mss. show no word divisions. In the modem Slavic languages, the convention is to write n 0/iZN0i|JL (and no^z^LNL) as one word. Recall from the discussion in the Introduction that ncuzuotjiL and no/iZALNt. actually mean ‘middle of the night' and 'middle of the day'. 149

However, in Mk 13:35 and L 11:5, one text for each verse has s z + LOC instead of the

prepositionless LOC:

Mk 13:35 we a-fecTe ko Kor^a rk. aowoy npn^GTZ . . ,

AM B .Z ntMOMNOtUTH (Mar)

L I 1:5 H4 GTL K NGMW Eh. nO/WHOUIH (Mir)

The meaning of e z + LOC as used here, however, coincides with the meaning of the

prepositionless LOC—a time at which an action occurs. And in its form, too, e z + LOC

is quite similar to the prepositionless LOC—they are differentiated only by the

preposition e z . Thus the use of e z + LOC is not problematic here.

5.3.1 n 0 /t0VN0 i|tn corresponds to three different Greek constructions—two with the

prepositionless GEN ([^.eCTtij vuKtos or (^.etrovuKTlou) and one with an

adverbialized ACC 5 (n.eO’OVUKTLOv/1:

Mt25:6 niseis Se vuktoj Kpau-rri y e y o v e v

Robertson (1914) defines this use of the ACC, adverbial in nature, as designating a point of time rather than extent of time (471),

f’ The first Greek phrase (p.ecrt'iS' vuxtoj ) is a two-word phrase; note that the enclitic particle

Se is inserted alter the first word, dividing the phrase. The other two phrases (p.etrovuxTLOXj and

petrovxiKTLOv) arc one-word compounds, and are indivisible. Such ux> is the OCS phrase nojZNOiph.

it is a one-word, indivisible compound. Note that the enclitic particles xcc and ah 'or' cannot be inserted between the parts, and can only fall al ter the entire compound. Although it is an indivisible unit on that sentential level, on another one no^ZMOigk is clearly seen as a compound: in its declension. Both no/tz 'hair and NotgL 'night'are declined: ntMoy andtioigH. 150

LI 1:5 K,aC TTOpeuceTaL npoj qutov necrovuKTLOu

Mk 13:35 ouk, oufcaTe -f^P tto te 6 Kupcos xfij olkios epxexac

>1 o 4 »e H ^ecrovxJKTLOv fi dXeKTOpocpwvuis H ttpojl

5.3.2 ri0/40VN0t|JH also occurs in Supr:

Supr 273:4-5 ncuoyNOtitTH we. EEti/th,* s z ictl

However, EZ no-toyNOijJH also occurs in Supr, much more frequently than no/toy noijjh:

Supr 135:25 sz no^oy nouith jk& W 0 /tAUJT&w<3

Supr 184:20 e z npytovf noujth nprnnzrtzujoy KNAjoy . . .

Supr275:20 s z no^oy noujth jke ELrML k z i c t z

Thus OCS had two active means for rendering Greek ^ ectovuktlov , et al., 'at mid­ night': the prepositionless LOC and e z + LOC, which appear to be in free variation with each other. In fact, these two constructions are not so far apart structurally--they involve the same case (LOC), with the presence of a preposition (ez). The prepositionless LOC was eliminated as an active structure in the history of the Slavic languages; perhaps we see here an early encroachment of the prepositional structure into the domain of the prepositionless one. 151

5.4 The noun J hm a 'winter' also occurs in the prepositionless LOC. but in the

meaning of a time during one segment of which an action takes place. 'in

winter' occurs twice in the Gospels, with only one variation—Sav contains the adverbial

form jhml .no in Mt 24:20. Otherwise:

Mt 24:20 a *a ng escaetz K-tcTuo sauie ?HMt . . (Asm)

Mk 13:18 A

Both correspond to a Greek GEN xem.wvoj:

Mt 24:20 tva n.rj 'rEvtycai f| tpu-prj xj^ wv x e in w v o j |4.r|5e crappaTW

Mk 13:18 lvq n.r| 'pevnTat [f] tpu-pn u|4.wv]7 xet+iwvoj

As mentioned earlier, the Greek GEN of time "denotes a time within which, or at a certain point of which, an action takes place" (Smyth 1984, §1444). The GEN continues to be used to expressed this meaning in Koine: "Dagegen ist der klass. Gen. der Zeit, innerhalb deren etwas geschieht, dem NT nicht fremd: xem.wvoj ...

'wahrend des Winters'..." (Blass 1949, §186). Robertson (1914, 522) states that the difference between the LOO* (i.e. the DAT fulfilling a LOC function) and the genitive:

7 Only a lew Greek mss. have the explicit subject f) cpu-pri upijv in this vcrsc, inc. M; as the

Slavic texts were probably translated from a prototype which did include f) cpu-pf| upioiv, I give the reading containing it. Note that this is once again an instance which demonstrates the likelihood of the Greek prototype being a lectionary rather than a Tctragospcl. ** Although distinct LOC and INS cases had been lost by the time of Ancient Greek, having merged with the DAT, scholars distinguish types of datives according to the function which they fulfill. 152 is not quite so clear... The difference lies in the essential meaning of the two cases. The locative is a point and the genitive is the case of genus. Thus in Mt 24:20 we have tva p.f| yevriTQL f) cpu-pr) upZjv xei+icjvos

H.r)6 e crappaTu. It is not mere hair-splitting to note that winter is here set over against summer (time within which) and that Sabbath is the point of time. In practical result the difference is very slight, but it is hardly just to regard the two usages without difference.

The meaning of the OCS prepositionless LOC here corresponds to the Greek prepositionless GEN.

5.5 We have the same correspondence between the OCS prepositionless LOC and the Greek prepositionless GEN in J 18:13:

J 18:13 . . . Mwe E*fc dpxH&pGi tome /fbrt (Sav)

J 18:13 . . . o j v)v QpxLEpeus tou cvlqutou e*eLvou

where tom e /t'feT'k 'in that year 1 corresponds to the Greek prepositionless GEN tou evtauTou EKetvou- However, Sav is the only manuscript with the prepositionless

LOC here—all the other manuscripts have the prepositionless DAT (Mar lacks the verse):

J 18:13 . . . dkg E t apxHepcH ,cfcToy tomom (Z)

The LOC DAT is used to indicalc locution in space or lime, whereas ihc INS DAT is used lo indicate the means by which an action is accomplished (among other meanings). 153

It is possible to interpret this DAT as a DAT of relation/beneficiary, 'belonging to that

year', hence 'for that year'. Note, too, here the tense of the verb is the imperfect,

whereas almost all of the other verbs which co-occur with the prepositionless LOC of

time are aorists of perfective verbs. As the prepositionless LOC expresses a time at

which, or a time during one segment or at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place, it is usually accompanied by a perfective verb, be it one that is

inceptive, conclusive or resultative. However, this verb—B’b—is a stative imperfect—this person was high priest for more than one moment of the year. As it is stative, why is not the prepositionless ACC used? In a sense, this is a momentary action—this person is high priest in this year—which as viewed from the standpoint of a course of many years is only one moment within them.

5.5.1 T owl zt'feT’k occurs in many other Church Slavonic manuscripts and in secular manuscripts of the early period as well:

npfckpLWH t€ toml /fhT’b (Pentateuchus Mihanovich)

Gen 26:12 oywoy (o v x a ) toml /I'feTt. cto eyhmgnl (same) (Miklosich 1926, 649)

Gen 26:12 eupev ev xu evtauxw ekelvco eKaxocrxeuoucrav «,pL0r|v

✓I'feT'fc also appears in such manuscripts without the modifier TZ. In this usage, it carries its first meaning-'summer'—and corresponds to the use of the prepositionless

LOC with jHWfe 'in the winter': 154

h ■fcxawa /ffeT'fc no conexz . . .a /fkTfc CJAHTH (Borkovskij 1968, 271)

Thus the prepositionless LOC is a common construction in OCS and early Slavic for expressing 'in (that) year’ and ’in the summer’ (as well as ’in the winter’, etc.).

5.6 Finally, in the Gospels we also find a few occurrences of the noun KtTpo

(oy Tpo) 'morning' in the prepositionless LOC. It occurs in four Gospel verses:

M t6:30 . . . a oMTp’k a z orttz RZM'fcTd&MO (Asm)

L 12:28 . . . i tWTpt a z n&iuTL azM ’fc't'dGMx (Z) L 13:32 H4'fe4&NM'fe TROptO ANL M KiTp’b M RL TpGT I ANL. OKDNYOKI (Mir)

In Mt 6:30, four manuscripts have the prepositionless LOC K)Tp*b; two, however, have the prepositionless ACC:

Mt6:30 . . . a QMTpo rl n£t|tz RZ,tor

Mt6:30 . . . a tOTp^H9 rl nGUJR RLM'fcTOGMO (Mir)

The Idrm of K)Tpo found in Mir is one of numerous derived adjectives, here found in Ihc MASC ACC SO form; these forms arc discussed in Chapter 7, §7.4. 155

In L 13:32, Mir is the only manuscript which attests a temporal expression in this verse.

In L 12:28 and L 13:33, all manuscripts which contain these temporal expressions have

tOTpt. Supr also contains numerous examples of tOTp't:

Supr 76:17-18 hwg cxtz a ovTpt Me EXdXTZ

Supr 118:3-4 h np'bMoyjiH&zaje ovTpt.

Supr 442:29 oyTpfc OTZE’kuiTdX e

All occurrences of tOTpt correspond to a Greek adverbial aupiov:

Mt 6:30 kql aupuov el’s k X l^ qvov (JaXXonevov

L 12:28 KaC aupLOv ec’s lOufiavov paXXopievow

L 13:32 kqC LacreLS qttoteX co

(fipiepa) Te\eioun.ae

ttlTp’k itself apparently became adverbialized as well, but not in the meaning of'in the morning’; rather, as its use to translate Greek aupuov shows, it acquired the meaning

'tomorrow' (cf., for ex a m p le , the Modem Bulgarian y T p e 'tomorrow').

5.6.1 It would be appropriate at this time to discuss the various constructions in which the noun KJTpo appears, as was done in Chapter 4 (§4.6) for NOipu. The most common constructions for KJTpo are the prepositionless ACC, the prepositionless LOC, EZ + 156

ACC, and Jd + GEN, There are also occurrences of KJTpo in Nd + ACC and EZ +

LOC.

5.6.2 To render Greek npwc 'in the morning', two constructions are commonly used: the prepositionless ACC and Jd + GEN. These two constructions appear to be in free variation to express the meaning 'in the morning' in OCS; however, as mentioned in Chapter 3 (§3.10.2), both tOTpo and jd oyTpd eventually acquired the sole meaning 'tomorrow' in many modem Slavic languages (e.g. 3aBTpa in Russian,

Z l tr a or j u t r o in Czech, JU tro in Polish, etc.). We see from the usage of WTpo in the prepositionless LOC to mean 'tomorrow' that the lexeme itself bore two different meanings, although in this time period the construction in which it appeared showed its meaning: WTpt 'tomorrow' but tOTpo or jd oyTpd 'in the morning'.

5.6.3 Nd + ACC occurs in four verses, and competes with e z + ACC of the phrase

EZ oyTpLNLH ^b-Nh. in one verse (Mt 27:62). In this verse, EZ oyrpLNLH 4 LNL is the more usual rendering of the Greek Trj enaijpLOV 'on the morrow'. The other three verses each render a different Greek phrase—eus Tr|V QXJpLOV (Mt 6:34), [ ettl to] TTpcot (Mk 15:1), and enC tkjv aupiov (L 10:35). Each Greek preposition carries the nuance of 'towards, into' or 'for', and thus expresses an anticipated time in the (near) future.

5.6.5 There are, again, three constructions for expressing aupcov 'tomorrow'—two of them common: the prepositionless LOC and e z + ACC. Ex + LOC which occurs one time in one manuscript only—(Mk 11:2 in Mir), competes with e z + ACC in the other two manuscripts which attest this verse (Mar and Z). The prepositionless LOC 157

KJTp’fe renders Greek auptov 'tomorrow', whereas & 2 + ACC e z oyTpENLM a r n e

renders Greek tP) enaupLOV, which may be translated as a more explicit 'on the

morrow'. Thus, although auptov and xfj enaupLOV basically both carry the

meaning 'tomorrow', there is a slight semantic and/or stylistic distinction between them,

and OCS maintains this distinction by using two different constructions to translate

them—the prepositionless LOC tOTp'b for aupLOV, and RZ + ACC in e z

OyTpRNRH ARNR forx?) CTTaUpLOV'.

5.7 In summary, the OCS prepositionless LOC has two temporal meanings, both of

which coincide with the meanings of many other OCS temporal constructions—it

expresses a time at which (nO/to^fNoifJH, tome Yack), during one segment or at one

point within the boundaries of which (tOTp'fe, jHWfe, TOME a'feT’t) an action takes

place. Bauer (1950, 53-54) gives the statistics for the occurrence of the prepositionless

LOC:

In the OCS Gospels there are, out of 4533 locatives, only 164 prepositionless locatives (3.6%). Most often...with verbs... 135 examples in 53 Gospel verses...; while the adverbial expression of time |occurs] 25 times in 11 Gospel verses... Of the manuscripts, the lowest percentage of plain |i.e. prepositionless) locatives was in Asm (3.3%), the highest in Sav (4.2%), while Z (3.5%) and Mar (3.7%) are in the middle... Z five times has another case where another manuscript had the plain LOC; Mar seven times, Asm four times; Sav two times. The statistical data testify that Sav is the most conservative in the preservation of the plain LOC.

There are many Greek sources for the prepositionless LOC: tOTp’fe corresponds to the Greek adverbialized ACC aupiov; no/taynoijJH corresponds either to a Greek an adverbialized ACC | 4 .e u o v u k tu 3 v or prepositionless GEN p.ecrris vxjktoj or 158

H.ecrovuKTLOu; Towa Y

and jMM'fe and tom^ ^ ’b T ’b both correspond to a Greek prepositionless GEN:

xei.jj.t*)VOS and x o u e v l q u x o O eKCLVOU, respectively. Although the

prepositionless LOC was an active means of temporal expression for OCS and Slavic in

older periods, it was eventually lost in all Slavic languages and replaced by other (|most

often) prepositional) constructions which we see in competition with it already in this

period—for example, a z + ACC or a z + LOC. According to Orenstein, the reason for

this loss and replacement may have been to "avoid ambiguities and redundancies"

caused by the "various similarities associated with the nonprepositional locative

construction and other syntactic forms, both phonologically and functionally" (1978,

121).

5.7.1 We find traces of frozen adverbs derived from the prepositionless LOC in

several modern Slavic languages. In Bulgarian, for example, as already mentioned

(§5.6), tOTpfc survived as y T p e 'tomorrow'. In addition, we see the frozen LOC

forms for the seasons: jH M ’t survived as 3M M e 'in the winter', and /t ’feT'fe survived

as .neT e 'in the summer'. In other languages, we see instead the prepositionless INS

used to express 'in the winter' or 'in the summer' (for example, Russian 3 m m o m ,

JteTOM; Polish 2 1 m a, 1 ait.em;) or the use of a prepositional construction. For example, in Serbo-Croatian, the U + ACC construction (from s z + ACC) is used to express seasons: U 21 mil 'in the winter’, U 1 j etO 'in the summer' (although equally active variants Zimi and l(j)eti also survive); while in Czech, the V + LOC construction (from a z + LOC) replaces the prepositionless LOC for such expressions:

V zi m e 'in the winter1, V l e t e 'in the summer'. 1 5 9

£ z + ACC or e z + LOC constructions also spread to phrases with ncuzNOijJL

'mid-night' and ntMZAENl 'mid-day'. We can see both in one language, such as

Czech, with V pulflOCi ’at midnight' but V pol0dne 'at noon' and Serbo-Croatian,

with U ponOC 'at midnight' but U podne 'at noon'. Polish chose the LOC, but has

the preposition 0 (also used elsewhere in place of ez) with 'midnight': W pollldnie

'at noon' but 0 poJTlOCy 'at midnight'. Bulgarian.shows a form with ez, but as it has

lost nominal declension, we cannot be certain whether it is ez + ACC or LOC: B

ncwiyHoiu.10

Similarly, the prepositionless LOC TOME VdC*fc. 'at that hour' has been replaced

by constructions with either ez + ACC or LOC. Czech and Polish have ez + LOC: V

te hodine and W tej godzinie. Russian and Serbo-Croatian, on the other hand,

show e z + ACC: b t o t M a c and U taj sat/cas'. Bulgarian shows b t o 3M M a c .

The prepositionless LOC, then, has been replaced in the modern languages by

other constructions which in OCS expressed the same meaning as it—a time at which, or

a time during one segment or at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes

place. Most often it is the descendant of the e z + ACC or e z + LOC constructions which replaced the prepositionless LOC, but we also see examples of the prepositionless

INS replacing it to express 'in (a season)' or 'in (a part of the day)'. It is only in

Bulgarian and Serbo-Croatian that we find remnants of the prepositionless LOC, frozen forms which are now categorized as adverbs: yTpe 'tomorrow', 3MMe/zi mi 'in the winter1, and JieTe/Hj)©ti 'in the summer’.

1(1 The shape of the wordr, w ith nojiy in ihc first half, certainly appears as if it is a frozen LOC form; the LOC ending on the second hall h o i k , however, has been lost. CHAPTER VI

THE PREPOSITIONLESS GENITIVE

6.1 The subject of the prepositionless GEN of temporal expressions in OCS is a difficult one to address. All of the apparent GEN temporal expressions found may be analyzed as either something other than GEN forms or as something other than temporal expressions. For example, &k.Y&pd ’yesterday' was probably already a fossilized adverb, and probably not even a GEN at all. The prepositionless GEN of temporal words does occur, but may be analyzed as genitives of negation, or as objects of verbs.

OCS definitely does not attest the same sorts of temporal genitives as seen in some modem Slavic languages, for example Serbo-Croatian SVakog dana'every day', te godine '(in) that year', ove zim e '(in) this winter', tog(a) momenta ’at that moment'.

6 .1.1 R. Vecerka, who has conducted extensive research on the GEN of time in OCS, specifically on the GEN of dates, writes in J. Kurz's HcczieziQBaHHfl no CHHTaKCHCV

CTapocziaBflHCKoro a3biKa (1963. 219 [translation mine-SF|):

Only as an exception, in individual cases, does the GEN appear in OCS apart from inscriptions of dates, in a normal sentence, expressing the temporal state of the predicate... The lack of a real GEN of time in OCS is sharply revealed in a comparison of the Old Czech Gospel Ctenie zlmnleho casu with the OCS Gospels, for example

160 Mk 16:2 a velmi rano jedne soboty prljldu k hrobu

Mk 16:2 , . . a z eAHNSt c x g o t z (Asm, Mar, Z)

L3:l-2 leta patehonadcte rise liberiase ciesare L3:l-2 SZ RZTOpOE. M a ^‘tTO B^a^ZI YtkCTBd THRepd k&Ctfpd . , . (Asm, Sav, Mar, Z)

His conclusion:

The GEN of time in OCS canonical texts is not attested with the exception of a few—very rare—examples in Supr. However, the GEN of dates is used rather broadly, representing a stable expression, a cliche, the application of which is limited by the given type of expression. The startling lack of a GEN of time in OCS texts testifies, in all certainty, that even the given examples of the GEN of dates are not a real GEN. It seems that expressions of this sort come from original nominal, namely NOM, sentences; after the loss of the character of the independent sentences the original NOM in them was pulled out by the GEN, apparently dependent upon the noun alnl / alnh 'day' (which was either expressed in them literally, or at least existed in them potentially)...

Although I do not agree with this assessment of the GEN of dates—even if OCS had no

other GEN of time, that does not exclude the possibility that this was a GEN of time—

the fact remains that this is the only active use of the GEN in OCS to express any sort of

time.

6 .1.2 Certain occurrences of GEN forms of temporal nouns could be intrepreted as

constructing a sphere, albeit limited, in which the GEN could actively express time.

Each of these occurrences will be discussed and shown to be analyzable as something other than a GEN of time. For example, the noun vfbTO 'year' does occur in the GEN as an expression of age, but even this occurrence could be a LOC form (the GEN and 162

LOC dual endings coincide) or the GEN of negation; the nouns Y

'time' and ALNL 'day' are also found in the GEN. Each of these issues will be

discussed separately below.

6.2 K.LYGpd ’yesterday', which can be interpreted as the GEN of R&Y&pz

'evening' used adverbially, corresponds to Greek adverb as well-- ex0es- It is found

only one time in the Gospels:

J 4:52 RLYGpd E Z T 0 4 HNZ CG-MSCHR OCTtfRH M OTNL (Ost)

J 4:52 ex0e? wpav efS&onriv acpfiKev auxov o mjpexos

E l Y tp d also occurs, although rarely, in Supr and Cloz:

Supr 70:8 CZIH RLY&pd t o n h t g ^ l flLNGCL £\f

Supr 166:21 RLYGpd CZMOTpL^HRZNdM TROpA (used 5 more times in immediate sentences)

Cloz 13a:20-23 RZYGpd )KG CZMOTpL^HRZNdd TROpA a 4LN&CL i YZNtea EZYepa A'b.rzctiaa a aln&cl roctlOALCktf d (continues; in all, occurs 7 times)

Cloz 13a:20-23 x0ej xd xfjj olkovo (4.l q s , crrmepov ta xris e£oucrias,

x0es xa xris dvOpuTTOxrjxos, crf)n.epov xa x?is

0eoxr|xos, . . . 6.2.1 Vecerka. in a footnote (16) in his 1957 article "Genitiv date v staroslovenstine"

discusses the various scholarly interpretations of fiLYCpd. Zubaty. for example, sees

&L Y&pd as the "old prepositionless ablative (ABL) of the substantive ftGYEpz" which

indicates the "separation from evening of the time before evening". However, Vecerka

argues that if this was originally a prepositionless ABL of time, it is a very special case

and "this therefore would have perhaps been the means of a usage which was originally

very restricted", as it is represented by only this one remnant. Also, not ail scholars accept that this form is a GEN one, even though it carries the morphological GEN ending -a. According to Vasmer, its terminal stress (BMepa < Beqep) "excludes the possibility of the old GEN-ABL" because the o-stem GEN SG had falling pitch and could not pull the stress onto itself from the root-vowel. Instead, this -a ending is an o-stem INS SG with rising pitch: -o , 1 which could receive a shifted stress (Vecerka

1957, 39). This latter interpretation of the very common Slavic adverb &L Y£pd is now more commonly accepted than other earlier interpretations. It seems then that this lone potential candidate as a GEN of time was not a GEN expression at all, but rather only appeared superficially to be one due to the concordance of endings with -a.

6.3 There are a handful of examples of a GEN of time in the OCS Gospels which can be attributed to a GEN of negation, already a common phenomenon of Slavic syntax .2 In Mt 26:40 and Mk 14:37, the Greek text has a prepositionless ACC for duration of time spent— \jl(qv topav 'for one hour' (both occurrences are identical):

1 This -o is the INS SG ending inherited by Slavic from Proto Indo-European, the -o/-e of the o-sicm nouns. The ending -ZMZ as seen already in the earliest mss. is a borrowing within Slavic from the short u-stcm class of nouns. 2 For more information on the GEN of negation in OCS, sec A. Mcillet, Rccherches sur I'cmploi du cdncli f-accusati fen vicux-.slavc. Paris: Bibfiolhcquc de I'Ecolc dcs Haulcs Eludes, 1897 and "Sur Ic caracterc dc la phrase ncgaliv cn vtcux slave". Revue dcs eludes slaves. 8 , 1928, pp. 171-177. 164

Mt 26:40 ovjk urxucrate pXav ESpav "rPtlT°P*1craL

ln all attested OCS occurrences, the phrase 'one hour' becomes the GEN t€AHNOro

YdC<3 , apparently being interpreted as the object of the negated verb and not as a

temporal expression:

Mt 26:40 we rzjkm ow e tcdHNoro y a c a noKL^'fe.TH , . . (Sav)

We would expect to see a prepositionless ACC if t€^HNZ Y

of time spent instead of a GEN.

Again in L 12:56, the Greek has a prepositionless ACC expression; here,

however, the temporal expression is the direct object of the verb, even in the Greek text:

L 12:56 tov KQtpov 5e toxjtov ttws ouk ol Sqtb SoKm.a^et,v;

Since the verb is negated, the three Slavic manuscripts which attest this verse—Mar, D and Mir—all show it in the GEN:

L 12:56 . . . a RpfrMEHe ce.ro ng HCKoywddTe (Mar)

6.3.1 Another form which could be a GEN of negation, or a GEN of age, or another case form altogether, is found in J 8:57: 165

J 8:57 nATH A£C^TZ /ttTZ Nt 0^ ' MMd(IU)H . . . (Mar)

This corresponds to a Greek idiomatic expression— exw 'have' + ACC—to express age:

J 8:57 TTevxfiKOVTQ exr) ounto e x e cs ■

And indeed two OCS manuscripts—Asm and Ost—show the ACC with hm ^ th 'have'

here, instead of a negated GEN:

J 8:57 nATL 4&CATZ /tl. N£ oy KM^UiH . . . (Ost)

Regardless of whether the phrase is in the GEN or ACC, it seems to have been a direct

translation from the Greek. When tlATb, a & c a t z . /PfcTZ. appears in the ACC, it is probably because the phrase in Greek has the ACC. When certain manuscripts show

GEN instead, it is probably because of the pull of the negated verb, which demands a

GEN rather than an ACC.

•’ Ol lcn where Greek has a verb negated with ou the OCS mss. show ng oy; clearly the oy here is not functioning as a prefix or preposition. It is possible that this negative marker was copied from the Greek text, but since it occurs so frequently it cannot be attributed to scribal error. Perhaps by using two negative markers, the effect of emphasizing the negativity was striven lor, even if the second was borrowed from the Greek. 166

6.3.2 / I t t o does occur in another potential GEN phrase in L 8:42. This, however,

coresponds to a Greek GEN:

L8:42 etwv SwSeKQ kql autri ane0vr)O‘K,ev

and thus here the OCS could have GEN because the Greek has GEN (a structure to

express age which survived into Modem Greek), or it could be a GEN of age, or even a

LOC form-dZROH) is both the GEN and LOC dual form :

L8:42 ■feko i d Z R O M ua as. c a t s . yffeTov i t a oywHpadute (Z)

6.3.2.1 Based on the data from the extant OCS texts, it is impossible to

determine the exact Slavic idiom for expressing age. In these examples we have seen a

copying of the Greek phrase with the verb 'to have' with either an ACC or a GEN of the

year; we see a prepositionless INS or a prepositionless DAT being used in another verse

(L 3:23), depending on the manuscript (see Chapters 4, §4.4.2 and 8 , §8.4). We also

find an example of the INS with the verb 'to be' to express age in Supr, but we see

other constructions in Supr as well—the NOM with the verb 'to be':

Supr 128:21-22 UJECTL 4£C<9iTZ -tfrT Z c z i m CT

and the NOM with the verb 'to be' with the subject in the DAT—'to her is six months’:

Supr 179:8 H C£ t€H ECTZ M’hCAUb, IUECTZH 167

This latter construction survives in Modem Russian, Czech and Serbo-Croatian, but it is

the only example of an impersonal DAT to express age which I found in the canonical

OCS corpus. The construction with 'to have' with ACC direct object is also found in

Serbo-Croatian (as another means of expressing age) and also in Polish. In Bulgarian we find phrases of the type Ha K C xaK O c m roztMHM 'how old are you?', with the verb

'to be'.

6.3.3 We also find an occurrence of a GEN of time in Supr which can be attributed to negation:

Supr 359:4-6 s t c T d o t l n h x z H^stiiiTd k z t z a l n l ■> NH Tfte.Th.kt TO MCE ALNG flptEZICTG fCJKG pGYG HWX . . .

Here the GEN stands in direct contrast with another construction: &z + ACC. This particular phrase for 'on the third day', which we have seen elsewhere in either the b z

+ ACC or the prepositionless ACC construction, is striking proof that such GEN expressions are not governed by time, but rather by negation.

6.4 TOM CZEOTZI, as it occurs in J 19:31,

J 19:31 E*fe e o R& aiH ^ g n z t o m c z s o t z h (Asm)

is analyzed by Vecerka in "Genitiv date v staroslovenstine" as not a true GEN of tim e-

"the usual GEN did not apply in such conceptions... ( t o m c x k o t z i ) is a translation of the Greek GEN" (1957, 35). Indeed, the Greek here does have a GEN: 168

J 19:31 f|v ^-ap *1 riM-CPa ckelvou tou trapflaTou

A more expected rendering of the meaning of the phrase would have been EZ + ACC to

express'on1: a x t z c s c k o t j e . Indeed, even in Greek this usage of the GEN does

not seem to obey the "rules" as it were for the GEN of time: as mentioned earlier (first

discussed in §3.2.2), the GEN expressed a time within which an action occurs, and

supposedly this "great day" would have lasted the entire Sabbath, and not just a portion

or moment thereof. Neither Blass (1949) nor Robertson (1914) specifically cite this

verse in their explanations of the GEN of time. Perhaps eKCLVOXJ to u cra0pQTO\J

here is something other than a GEN of time, such as an adnominal GEN, for example .4

However, it is more likely a GEN of apposition or definition, as defined by Robertson:

This is a very simple use of the |GEN] case, but is not an extremely common idiom in the N.T., since the two substantives can easily be put in the same case. In the Modem Greek, mere apposition rules. But some interesting examples occur. It is a well known idiom in Homer and certainly needs no appeal to the Hebrew for justification... |Twenty- nine examples are cited, including eopxtj xou ndcrxa (J 13:1 ).| These are by no means all, but they illustrate at least the freedom of the N.T. in the use of the genitive of apposition or definition (498).

Modem versions of the verse in various Slavic languages show the substitution of a

NOM phrase—Russian Church Slavonic has:

J 19:31 h 6 o Ta cv66oTa 6biyia iteHb BejmKHH

4 As defined by Smyth (1984, §1291): "The genitive limns lor the lime being Ihc scope of the substantive on which it depends by refemng it lo a particular class or description, or by regarding it as a pari of a whole. The genitive is akin in meaning to the adjectiv e and may often be translated as an epithet. 16 9

and Bulgarian has:

J 19:31 3 amoTO OHaa C/y,6 oTa 6 tuie rcxntMt /teHb

6.5 The occurrence of tc^HNoro alnhh in L 17:22 in Mar. Z, D and Mir is

designated by Vecerka as the GEN "object of the verb" (1957, 35), and therefore is also

not a true temporal expression:

L 17:22 . . . E Z X rte/fb d T c tcdHNoro 4 lnhh ctTa Y/tECkddro tHrt'feTM (Mar)

The Greek shows an ACC direct object:

L 17:22 . . . ote em,Bun.r|crE,ce ilCav tgjv fmeptov toG uloG tou

dvBpwuou i&eiv

as does the Modem Russian translation:

L 17:22 Korvia noace^aeTe BM/teTb xoTa ozihh m 3 MHePi Cbma MeytoBeMecKoro

Here the word order, too, shows more clearly that the phrase is actually the direct object of the verb and not a temporal expression. Although Vecerka does not explain why the

GEN is used here (there is no negation) for the object of the verb, 1 believe it is a GEN used with a verb of desire or wish. This usage is seen still in Modern Russian, for 170

exam ple, with verbs such as jKe^iaTb 'to wish', xoTeTb 'to want', and JK/taTb 'to wait

fo r’.

6 .6 One other GEN occurs in Supr:

Supr 166:21 wzpbUH tcANQKg /tfrTd cEpatUNd noAdhdxst mmz

This particular phrase--'one time per year' is interesting because other occurrences of phrases of the type "(X) times per (Noun)" show other constructions; for example, in L

17:4 we saw a prepositionless INS in OCS (ccAMbKpdTMijeKK 4LHLML: cf. Chapter 4,

§4.7) corresponding to a Greek GEN, which is a partitive GEN ( etttqkls xris rm.epas). As stated in Chapter 4, it is possible that a ln l here was "dragged" into the

INS by the INS construction of the phrase 'seven times'. In the instance of t€AN 0 M

A"kTa, it is possible that we see a GEN in OCS corresponding to a Greek GEN. As mentioned previously, there are so few examples of such phrases, and each of them shows a different construction, leaving us unable to determine which was the Slavic means to render "(X) times per (Noun)".

6.7 Finally we come to the usage of the prepositionless GEN in OCS to express dates. Vecerka addresses this topic in "Genitiv date v staroslovenstine" as his primary topic. In the text of the Gospels, the need for the GEN of dates does not arise—there are no dates. Dates do occur, however, not infrequently, in Supr:

Supr 10:19-20 EZ YCTRpZTZH AC Mb MdpVfl WfeCAUd HJHAOCTa 171

Supr 47:11-12 CZKONLYdUJA JKE CA CEATM1 . . . M'fcCAUa MapTd RZ J

Supr 61:1 cm p tY b r z K.S (peypoapa

Supr 94:13-15 Mtc^ua uje.cTaaro r alnh NacTaixiuTH cxEOT'fe RC/)Mi)'t.H el

4LNH ELNCr^a CA po^l E/tajKENZIH MStYGNHKZ . . .

Supr 204:15-16 RZ H a ln l enoyapa utcAua rz YRTEpZTOic ^'bTO

MapKMaNM u'tcapLCTRa . . .

And Vecerka counts 350 examples of the GEN of dates in canonical OCS manuscripts;

these, however, overwhelmingly occur in inscriptions or at the headings of new sections

(1957, 31). As this topic is addressed fully in his article, I do not repeat it here, but

rather I provide a very brief summary.

Vecerka divides the GEN of dates into those which do contain the noun 4 LNL

'day' explicity (as in Supr 10:19-20 above) and those which do not (as in Supr 61:1 above); those which use the preposition RZ with the day; those which explicitly name

U, „ the month (M'bCAqa MdpTa) and those which do not (wfe 4 ); those which explicitly contain the noun MfecAijL ’month' (Supr 10:19-20) and those which do not (Supr

61:1). He also discusses the arguments for analyzing such genitives of dates as original nominatives "whose form by the loss of its independent phrasal value turned into the

GEN (where the ordinal number with the noun a ln l remained partly in the NOM, which subsequently could be understood also as the ACC, or took up additionally the preposition r z )" (35).

6 .8 Thus there does not appear to be a true GEN of time in OCS. Occurrences of the prepositionless GEN can be attributed to negation, verbal government, or copying of a

Greek GEN; some apparent genitives may actually be other case forms. The GEN form 172

of a & Y & p z 'evening'--aL Y£p

is very common in the Slavic languages) and is probably already seen as a frozen

adverbial form. As discussed earlier, it is probable that originally this form was not

even a GEN at all. Finally, the GEN of dates occurs almost exclusively in inscriptions

and section headings, and the GEN of months occurs only in Supr, but not in the

Gospel manuscripts.

6.8.1 However, in spite of this lack of an attested GEN of time in OCS, there is

certainly no absence of such in the modem Slavic languages, or even in older periods of

their histories. Examples of the Old Czech GEN of time were given at the beginning of

this chapter. In addition, we see an active GEN of time in many other modem Slavic

languages: Serbo-Croatian shows the GEN to express many different temporal frames:

'every (X)'; 'in this (X)', 'at that (X)’, or 'on that (X)'; and 'this whole (X)’: SVakog

dana 'every day', SVake go dine 'every year'; OVe godine '(in) this year', OVe

sedmice '(in) this week'; prosle zirrte '(in) last winter', prosle sedmice '(in)

last week'; tog(a) momenta'at that moment', tog(a) casa'at that hour; tog(a)

dana 'on that day', Sledeceg dana 'on the next day'; celog dana’all day', cel e

godine 'all year'. Tog(a) danais the unmarked variant to express 'on that day’; U

taj dan is only used for emphasis (on that day, and no other). Similarly, te godi ne

is the unmarked variant to express 'in that year'; U toj godi ni is only used for

emphasis (in that year, and no other).

Polish also shows the GEN to express 'every (X)': kazdego dni a 'every day', kazdego roku 'every year'. Polish and Czech show tego dnia/toho dne

'on that day’, and Russian has c e r o ^ H ^ 'today' f r o m 'on this day'. Ukrainian, too, has an active GEN of time: CBoroztHM, a frozen form for 'today', as in Russian; 173

HacTyriHoro paHKy 'in the next morning’, HacTyrtHoro a hh 'on the next day’;

MHHyyioro TMiKHfl 'last week', MMHyjioro Micflua 'last month'; Toro 'in

that month', Toro poxy 'in that year'; and, like Serbo-Croatian and Polish, Ukrainian,

too, shows the GEN to express 'every (X)': KOiKHoro ziha 'every day'.

Old Russian secular manucripts also given plenty of examples of various usages

of a GEN of time, primarily with parts of the day, seasons and dates:

t o t ate. n o y h

TopiiLi a ropodz toh noyh

toh me oce.NH & a cue oijl rO/Joctl

TpeTLKtdfO 4NH K no>tovrtNMM) n a ^ o r n a CTMJH HrOpERLI (Lomtev 1956, § 117)

Such usages in the Old Russian monuments continued up to the 16th or 17th century.

As mentioned in Chapter 5 (§5.1), an early prepositionless LOC phrase to ia /t'feT'k

'in that year 1 was replaced by a prepositionless GEN phrase Toro A " t r a . In Modem

Russian, however, these particular usages of the prepositionless GEN have been replaced by prepositional constructions (Lomtev 1956, §117), most often with B +

ACC: b T y 3MMy instead of toh jhm u;b Ty homb instead of t o h n o y h ; or b +

LOC b tom ro/ty instead of Torct ,ffeT

GEN of dates, which is quite prevalent in Modern Russian, for example BOMHa

Kohmnyiacb jeBfltoro Mas Tbicsma .aeBsrrbcoT copoK n^Toro ro^a.

Regardless of their origin (cf. Vecerka's discussion of the proposal that these were original NOM phrases), we can see by the very prevalent occurrence of the GEN of dates in the inscriptions of OCS texts and by the modem usage of the GEN of dates 174

in Russian, Czech, Polish, etc., that this construction was a common means in Slavic hy

the time of the historic period to express the date when an event occurred.

However, this does not account for the absence of a GEN of time in the OCS

manuscripts. In the extant texts, we see no seed for expressions such as Svakog

dana 'every day’ or tego dnia'on that day', which were expressed by prepositional constructions (Nd RLCtkZ 4 LNL or no rrca alnh; r z t z A lnl). If the expressions of time expressed by the GEN in the modern Slavic languages are the result of independent developments which occurred later in their history, then why do we see so many similarities between the languages? It is not improbable to postulate Polish influence upon Ukrainian in phrases such as KojKHoro sxHa : kazdego dnia'every day’, but what about phrases such as HacTyriHoro jHfl 'on the next day', MHHyzioro

MicflUfl 'last month', Toro poicy 'in that year'? In Polish, these are expressed with W

+ LOC. And it is unlikely that Serbo-Croatian was influenced by Polish, or vice versa, as they are geographically and linguistically distant from one another. Where did the very prevalent GEN of time in Modern Serbo-Croatian originate? Questions such as these are beyond the scope of this paper, but their very existence is suggestive of the possibility that a GEN of time has always been present in Slavic, even if it did not surface in OCS other than in the expression of dates. Perhaps the GEN of time was a variant (indeed not all languages show this under the same circumstances; for example, only a few show the GEN to express 'every day’ or 'on that day') which simply was not chosen, for whatever reason, to express time by the early translator(s) and/or subsequent scribe(s). CHAPTER VII

THE ACCUSATIVE CASE WITH PREPOSITIONS

7. 1 Many of the uses of prepositions with the accusative (ACC) have been discussed in earlier chapters, in a comparison of these usages with the prepositionless case constructions. The most prevalent preposition used with the ACC— RZ—was discussed in a separate chapter (Chapter 2 ) due to the massive scope of its use. The other prepositions which are used with the ACC do not occur anywhere near as frequently as

RZ. They include: na, no, and oe(z). Their individual meanings will be discussed later, as they cannot be summed up in a simple, one-word translation.

7.2 N<1 + ACC occurs with relative frequency in OCS. In temporal expressions it has a variety of meanings in conjunction with the noun with which it is used and the action to which it relates. In addition, Nit is used to express a variety of Greek prepositions: ei’s- ev, ettu and ^ a t a . E ls and cttl have similiar meanings, expressing an intended time: els, as first discussed in Chapter 2 (§2.7.2), in Classical

Greek temporal expressions had the meaning of "the goal—up to, until or at, by such a time" (Smyth 1984, §1686.l.b), i.e. an intended time in the future—, but had extended meanings in later periods. During the Koine period, eus + ACC had already encroached onto the semantic field of ev + DAT. In temporal expressions, el$ +

ACC bore numerous meanings, one of which was the time ’at which something takes place' (W. Bauer 1979, 228-9); while ent + ACC expresses the meaning of

175 176

extension' (over a period of time) (ibid, 239). In such instances, the time which is expressed is expected to occur after the completion of the action as expressed in the

verb, thus e n t bears the meaning 'for' in the sense of intent or duration. According to

Xodova, in the latter instance Nd + ACC "may express the intention of an action fora known length in the future" (1971, 134). ’Ev + DAT was discussed extensively in

Chapter 2, as most often it'is rendered by r z + ACC. To recapitulate, it expresses a time at which, within which or during which an action takes place. Kqtgi, too, can share this meaning, as first discussed in §2.7.1 (W. Bauer 1979, 406); more frequently in temporal expresions koto + ACC has a repetitive function, for example kq 0 ’

rinepav ’every day’.

7.2.1 Various definitions have been given for OCS Nd + ACC. F. Miklosich defines the meaning of Nd + ACC as indicating "the >^ngth of an action, the beginning point itself, and the time for which the length of something is set" (1926, §42.g). K. I.

Xodova, who has written many articles on the use of cases and prepositions in OCS, states that Nd + ACC expresses "the meaning of time in one of the moments of which an action takes place" (1963, §69), and in this meaning Nd + ACC coincides with RZ +

ACC. In addition, she states that Nd + ACC "can express a period of time which does not coincide with the action; the action is completed prior to the named moment, but this moment serves as a temporal reference point to a slice of the action...the form Nd +

ACC includes a nuance of a goal within it" (1971, §84). This definition seems a little vague; this is due to the fact that it is difficult to determine exactly what meaning Nd +

ACC expresses, and to generalize this meaning over all of the occurrences of it. 177

7.2.2 The construction with N a + ACC is used with the following set of nouns, all

with temporal meaning: a l n l 'day', Y d cz 'hour', ap^M** 'time', and -ttlTO 'year'.

These nouns are almost always found in the PL, and occur almost exclusively with

modifiers, which are also limited to a certain set: &LC*kk:z or fiLCL 'all', d p o y rz

'other', y zM o rz 'many', and yd/to 'few, little'. In addition, the various substantivized

adjective forms from the noun tOTpo 'morning' {in the forms Nd oyTpHM, Nd oyTp’feH

or na oy T p L N H) also occurs frequently with N a + ACC, and the noun ndcxd

'Passover' (later—'Easter') is found as well.

7.3 The use of the noun db.NL 'day' in the construction N a + ACC illustrates the

great variety of meanings and origins of this construction. A ln l occurs both in the SG

and in the PL—in the SG it occurs one time in the Gospels, unmodified, and several

times modified by the pronominal adjective RLCtkZ 'all'; in the PL it does not occur in

the Gospels, but is found frequently in Supr modified by d p o y rz 'other', yzNOTZ

'many', and Md/to 'few, little', and also the adjective a a z .r z 'long'.

7.3.1 The one instance of unmodified a ln l in the SG in the construction Ha + ACC

bears the meaning 'per day' and corresponds to a Greek prepositionless ACC:

Mt20:2 c z a ’feLjidaz we c z A'tAare.AZ. i no n’bN ^joy n a ^ l n l (Mar)

Mt20:2 crufitpwyfiCTas Se H.ETQ tw v epfOToov 8f)vapLou -c^v rmepav

7.3.2 Nd ELCtekz dLNL 'every day' occurs three times in the Gospels: 178

Mt 27: 15 J*b^O NO ELCklKZ iK£ rtLNL RR/tMKZIH OKZIYOH K t MrcuoNoy

. . . (Ost) c < L I 1:3 X /ftE Z NOUJZ ^NCELNZI A4XAZ. NOMX NO RCOKZ. ONL (Sav) L 16:19 , . . RECE^A CA NO RZ.Cfc.KE AENL CR’fe.TX^tO (Asm)

The latter two occurences correspond to a Greek *a0’ fmepav:

L I 1:3 to v apxov fin.wv xov etTLO'uaxv BlBoxj f)H.Cv to k,q0’ Yi|4.epav

L 16:19 eu£ppQLVO|Levos kq 0’ vinepav Xa[4.npais

However, Mt 27:15 has kqtq Be EapxK|v '(at) every festival’:

Mt 27:15 koto Be eopxv|v eub0et o fi'pe^wv . . .

and thus we would expect something like No npojrtb-NiiKZ in OCS.

No RLcfckZ rtb.NL also occurs in Cloz, twice (no Greek is given for either):

Cloz lb:38-39 icnztTONLEML no RLCfcKZ dbML pojrtpfcw dxw TE ■ ■ ■ Cloz 2a: 12-13 npDOyYOTH RLCfcUZ NO RLCfcKZ rtLNL

7.3.2.1 Mir replaces NO RLCfckZ rtLNL w ‘th l^e PC no r l c a rt^NH in L 16:19: 179

L 16:19 . . . s e e t h e ce Nd bce 4nh CEteT,to (Mir)

7.3.2.2 The meaning of Nd BLCtekZ ^ lnl corresponds exactly to another

prepositional ACC construction: no BbCe* AbNH (to be discussed later in this chapter;

cf. §7.10). Both have as their source the Greek *a 0 ’ fyiEpav, but the two never

overlap each other: all the manuscripts which attest the verses above (Mt 27:15, L 11:3,

L 16:19) contain Nd Eb.cte.KZ AbNb with no variation with no EbCft A^nh ; whereas alt the manuscripts which attest the verses containing no EbCifs a lh h have no BbCA AbNH only—there are no variants with Nd EbCteKZ A * ^ - It is interesting that the translators) could apparently sense an inherent semantic difference contained within one structural element: *a 0 ’ ripiepav could be translated as either no b lca a^nh 'on all days’or

Nd EbCtekZ A^tlb '(for) each day'.

7.3.3 Finally, Supr shows the construction Nd + ACC numerous times with a ^ nh

(only representative examples are listed):

Supr 23:17-18 . . . BdpHBZ Nd dpovrzitfs dbNH Jd O^Tpd BZCTdEZ. . . ■> ■> Supr 39:2-3 . . . EZ

Supr 78:27 h ne EpteroutA icro TdKO Nd M N orzi 4 lnh

Supr 431:8 ns AO&k't'kdxs: E0A21I p d j B t Nd Md/to 4NHI

Cloz has the construction Nd + ACC with A^Nb only once, an occurence which corresponds to Greek els + ACC: 180

Cloz 9a: 10-11 cayz eo ce.ec eci CTRopuz , . , na c x a z H Z i 4 e.nl

Cloz 9a:10-ll ctqutov 6 e aau'f'TvwcrT0V' enoirjcras . . . els Trjv

(TeXXoucrav fmepav

Thus (his phrase can be interpreted as meaning 'for the (coming) day', with 'for'

indicating the purpose. Note that Cloz does not translate p.e\Xoutxav as 'about to

be' or 'coming', but rather 'judgement'; the semantic connection between the two ideas

is not apparent to me.

7.4 Phrases such as Na oyTpHM (spelled Nd oyTpffk or Nd oyTpL*fe in some

manuscripts; this is the NTR ACC PL of the noun K)TpHt€1), Nd oyTp'feH (a MASC

ACC SG adjective) or Na oyTpLNM (in which the noun a l n l has undergone ellipsis)

express variations on the phrase 'on the next day' or 'on the morrow'. In one verse (Mt

27:62) only Mir has N a tOTpHki, wheareas all the other manuscripts show the construction with r z + ACC of another adjectival form of K)Tpo (RZ oyTpLNLH

A LN L). This latter construction is more expected, as this verse contains the prepositionless DAT in the Greek (t?j enaupcov), usually rendered by r z + ACC to express the meaning (in this case) 'on'; as opposed to the other verses, which show various prepositional constructions. Nd oyTpMkt only occurs in four Gospel verses:

The differences in spelling are accounted for by phonological and orthographic norms: in some dialccls, a tense je r (one in the environment ClV) remained a j er; in others it became the vowel |i|. In

Glagolitic mss., there was no means of orthographical representing m ; it is spelled with the symbol for •fc. The differences then in spelling or form do not correspond to the different phrases found in the Greek. 181

Mt6:34 ng nLytTG c*> o v s o n a ovfTpHkt (Sav) Mk 15:1 I dKBG Nd OVTptH CZB'feTZ CZTBOpBWE. dpXHGpCH H CTtfpBIJH

. . . (Mar)

L 10:35 H Na ovtTpHki HU 1L4 Z . . . (Ost) 0 Mt 27:62 bz ovTp’fa.ixe gctz n ndpdCKGBbiH . . . (Asm)

Each occurrence of N a oyTpHkt, Nd oyTp'fen or Nd oyTpBNBH has a different Greek

origin:

Mt6:34 ouv (4.ept+ivf)criiTe el’s tkjv aupLOV

Mk 15:1 *au s\J0ius (ent t o ) npw t crmjloGXLOv TTOiricravTSs ot

QpXLepELS piETQ TGJV TTpECTfJUTEpUV . . .

L 10:35 K,at ETTt TK|V QUpLOV £K$aXwV . . .

M t 2 7 :6 2 t ? | 5 e e t t q u p l o v , if c L j e c t t l v (^.e t o t k jv napacrKEuriv . . .

The first occurrence, with eCs> *s defined by W. Bauer as designating the time "for or on which something happens" (1979, 228); thus 'for tomorrow’. In the second occurrence, ent is optional; thus 'in the morning'. The third occurrence, with ettu is defined by Bauer as "answering the question When?"\ thus 'on the next day' (1979,

289). Finally, the last occurrence, with the prepositionless DAT, shows the traditional usage of this construction; thus 'on the next day' again, or 'on the morrow'.

Nd ovfTpMkt also occurs frequently in Supr: Supr 14:23-24 douieazujeyz ^ Hyz Ha pyrpLki . . .

Supr 33:26-27 n a oyTpLkt we npfedzcfedz ydrNZ noee/i'k npHRRCTH

Supr 8 8 :8 Nd OMTpRM n o R e^ t , . ,

(The various expressions involving tOTpo, etc., were discussed in Chapters, §§5.6.1-

5.6.5.)

7.5 The noun Ydcz 'hour 1 does not occur in the Gospels in the construction Nd +

ACC; it does, however, occur in Supr, albeit rarely. It occurs both in the SG:

Supr 319:27-28 h d iu T e h Nd texiHNZ vdcz NdATZ e z i c t z

Supr 451:16-17 . . . Nd UNorz Ydcz rpzycf*

and in the PL:

Supr 35:28-29 yarNZ noee^t w jk v h t h Nd MNorzi Ydczi

Supr 403:1 Nd MNorzi Ydczi e e j raided /tewddtue

All occurrences are modified, and have the meaning of the length of an action.

7.6 The noun Epfey* 'time' does not occur frequently in the Gospels in the construction Nd + ACC—only twice: 183

1.21:36 KLdHTfc oyso Nd BicbkO RpffcMM MoawtuiTe cm (Mar)

J 5:4 a k h j z . e o riTz n a RcfcKo Rp~feMM M Zituie cm r z Kxrvfeai (Asm)

The latter occurrence, however, in J 5:4, occurs in the PL in D:

J 5:4 dNT4L eo nib. Nd Bbc-fe B p t u e ( N d ) M bi'tiuB c m r z K zn-t/tn (D)

and is replaced by the phrase Nd RLCIA / t t T d in all of the remaining attestations (Ost,

Mar, Z and Mir):

J 5:4 a t u z . e o n ib Nd Rbcfc A ' t r a y z itu je c m r z Kxrvfe/tH (Z)

Neither of these phrases renders the actual meaning of the Greek phrase:

J 5:4 axxe-^°S x^P kotq Karpov KQTEpauvev ev t?) KoXunfJriBpa 2

In this instance, KaTQ Kaipov is defined as meaning "from time to time” (Gingrich

1983,98), and thus 'for all time' or 'for all years’ is a change in the translation.

L 21:36 renders a Greek ev ttqvtl Kacpu:

2 The whole of ihc verse of J 5:4 is not included in the preferred reading; of the mss. which do contain this verse, none show any other variant for the time phrase—i.e. only kotqi Kaepov occurs. 184

L 21:36 Q-fpuTTveuTe &e hv ttqvti Kdtpw 6 eon.evoL . . .

so that here Net RLcfcieo RptMi'ri is a more literal translation.

Net RLCtKO RptWift also occurs in Supr and Cloz (for which no Greek is

given):

Supr 289:20-21 n a RLCfcKO Rp'hMA dOEpoh cznetcNO noieeteiNHtc

dpzwettuTHHWz ci* tero

C lo z 2 b :7 -9 ettiiTe. e / t R j t noyw TetTH jkenx crokr Net RRCfckO &p*feu

7.6.1 Supr has a few examples of RpfeMA in the Net + ACC construction, ^p’ku a is

modified by m z n o tz 'many' and can occur both in the SG:

Supr 266:22 . . . ON’feM’b w A Net m znoto R pfcktA

and in the PL:

Supr 141:20-21 Apzwet * £ TetkORetw NEoyT’tWHMdW CKpLEb. Net m no ret

Rp'bMeNei

The phrase Net npLROtc R p t y ^ 'for the first time’ is also found: 185

Supr 304:17-18 r c >ihi <:s: T/IXK mns : pdjoyya Nd npiaotc RptMA

7.7 In addition to the phrase Nd RRCka A t.Ta from J 5:4 given above as a translation

of the Greek Kara KaLpov with a change in meaning, /tfcTO 'year' also occurs in

other phrases with N a + ACC: in the Gospels we have it twice in the phrase N a

MZNOTd 'for many years':

L 12:19 iwauiH MZNoro AOEpo /toKAUJTG, Nd ,fkT d wmord (Z)

L20:9 i oTHde Nd A’b.ra MZNord (Mar)

The former corresponds to a Greek eus + ACC:

L 12:19 exels tto XX q d-faBd kelh .evq els etvj tto XX q

and the latter-to a Greek prepositionless ACC:

L20:9 Kat ane6fm»iaev xpovous iKavous

In L 12:19 Nd, rendering Greek e l ’s + ACC, seems to express the purpose or intent of the action—to store up many good (deeds) ’for many years'. On the other hand, in L

20:9 the Greek prepositionless ACC seems to express the duration of the action. Note that Slavic had no exact equivalent for the verb dTTefifmncrsv, which, based on its roots, may be translated as ’separated himself from the people’. In OCS, the verb is 186

simply OTH^e, 'he wen! away1. A prepositionless ACC would have been unacceptable

in OCS, because of the fact that it expresses duration of time, Instead, N a + ACC was

used, in which Nd implies the intended time--'he went away (apparently with the intent

of staying away)/rv many years'.

7.7.1 The Nd + ACC construction seems to have a different meaning in these verses,

seen both in their rendering of different Greek constructions (ei’s + ACC and the

prepositionless ACC rather than kcltq + ACC) and in their translations into various

modern languages. For example, the modern English Bible shows these phrases

translated as 'for many years' and 'for a long time' respectively. Modern Russian also

shows Ha + ACC, which in temporal constructions bears the meaning of a consequent

time, one which will follow the action of the verb: H a M H o r n e rozibi and Ha ^oyiroe

B p e M J t. Modem Bulgarian shows 3 a : 3 a MHoro ro/tHHM and 3 a O b A r o B p e M e . In

Modern Bulgarian, the preposition 3 a bears the meaning 'for' in a temporal context implying extension over the given time period. In L 12:19, all texts show a present

tense verb: Greek exeLj, OCS and Modem Bulgarian HMdUJH, Modern Russian jie)KHT, Modem English Have. However, the implication is that the action is reserved for the future: 'you have many goods laid up for many years’—i.e., for use in the future. L 20:9 shows a past tense verb—aorist in Greek (dn£&r|p.r|cr£v), OCS and

Modem Bulgarian (O T M ite ), past perfective in Modem Russian (oTJty'-m ./icfl). Here the time is more obviously seen as occurring after the completion of the verb—'he left for a long time'. Thus the meaning of the Nd + ACC construction in these two particular verses with the noun /CkTO does not have the meaning of repetition as seen in other examples, but rather a duration of time which will occur after the action of the main verb. 187

7.7.2 /H'bro also appears with other modifiers in the Nd + ACC construction in Supr:

Supr 41:5-6 & CA boa ceoa oycTpOHEZ Nd d p o y ro e ^ttTO Supr 220:17 Nd /itTO ce c z TpH cm okezi po^M

And the phrase Nd RLCfe /I'fcTd, seen in the Gospels, also appears in Cloz, rendering

Greek Sui + GEN:

c Cloz 8a:23-24 P&YGNO EZI e^NO!* EZ1NX Nd RLCfe A’kT a CMZ Ad&TZ

Cloz 8a:23-24 eppeBri p.ev Slttq^, Slq TTavxos Se to u xpovou

'pLVCTQL ep-ftO . . .

which, as mentioned in Chapter 3 (§3.2.2), carries the meaning of extent, "in the case of

extension over a whole period of time, to its very end" (W. Bauer 1979, 179). Thus

Slq TTdVTOS toxj xpovou means 'throughout the whole year'.

7.8 Finally, the noun ndcxd 'Passover' (later, 'Easter') occurs twice in the Gospels

in the Nd + ACC construction with a temporal meaning:

J 2:23 csttptiH we ee epoycd^Mwbxe Nd ndcxx re npdTNHKL (D)

J 18:39 dd tc^HNoro RdMZ orznoyijjs: Nd n d c x z (Sav) 188

J 2:23 is only attested by three manuscripts; the other two -Marand Z—both show s z +

ACC:

„">r J 2:23 Gfrtd we Kt, a z hw t a z n a c x a a z np

(The problems with n

Chapter 2, §2.11.3.) Both verses correspond to a Greek ev + DAT:

J 2:23 £j s Se riv ev t o l s ' IepocroXupious ev t w ndcrxa ev Ttj

eoptfj

J 18:39 "va eva dno^ujcrw lin.Cv ev tu ttqctxcl

The meaning of ev + DAT is a time during which an event takes place; this is also the

meaning of RZ + ACC, and thus it is used in most manuscripts. It is possible that N a +

ACC was used by the translator(s) and/or scribe(s) of Sav in its meaning 'for'; thus

Jesus was in Jerusalem fo r the Passover' rather than ’during the Passover'.

7.9 Another prepositional construction which shares meaning with N

+ ACC. no + ACC always corresponds to Greek KQTa + ACC, and they both function almost as if they were adjectives: in conjunction with a temporal noun, no + ACC in

OCS and kqtoi + ACC in Greek mean 'every'. In OCS, no + ACC is only used with nouns in the PL (Xodova 1971, 133). Kqtq + ACC, on the other hand, is only used 1 8 9

with nouns in the SG. Thus we see that the OCS syntactic pattern here is definitely

native and not a copy of the structure of the Greek construction.

7.10 In the Gospels, no + ACC occurs most frequently with the noun 4 LNH ’days'

(five total occurrences), always modified explicitly by the pronominal adjective r l c a

'all':

c______Mt 26:55 no r c a ahh cfc^'fexz npn a a c z r z upKRH . . . (Sav) L9:23 H BZJRMRTL KpLCTZ CROH no Rh.CA dLHH (Ost)

L 22:53 no r l c a a l n h e x p o mh cz r a m m a z ypkfa& (Mar)

Every occurrence corresponds to Greek Ka0’ f|p.epav, in which the noun is never

modified explicitly by an adjective:

Mt 26:55 * a0 ’ f||4.epav ev xco Cepco eKQ0e^o|4.riv . . .

L9:23 KOLL QPQTW TOV CTTaUpDV QUTOU KQ0’ f)|4.epQV

L 22:53 * a0 ’ r)|4.epav ovxos |4.ou |4.e0’ u ^ u v ev xu lepto

As mentioned earlier in this chapter (§7.3.2.2), the *a 0 ’ ftyiepav Greek is also rendered in OCS by the phrase n a aackvz arnr, which, however, never overlaps no RICA 4LNH.

In Supr the phrase no Rrca alnh is also common: 190

Supr 190:29 Toro eo no rec^s 4 rnh o>KM 4 <3 Hi;

Supr 294:14-15 h no rlca 4 LNH numh W 4 0 MZtecTZ

Supr 430:15-16 h no rlca 4 Rhh , , . npH xo^dtsxx mnojh k nEmov

7 .1 1 There is one more occurrence of no + ACC in the Gospels—with the noun yffeTd

'years', also modified by the pronominal adjective RLCfe. 'all':

L2:41 i xo>« 4

L2:41 k,ql etropeuovTO oi yoveCj autox) maT 1 e to j ci’s

TepoucraXrm . . .

Supr has other examples of the phrase no RLCte A'k.Ta:

Supr 314:19 nz no Rica afc/to sziRdtgTZ

Supr 329:12 no rlca r^

7.12 Supr also shows this construction with the noun YcJCZ l 'hours':

Supr 102:11 w notz n,t< 3 Yh, teoo aujtg no rrc^ yaczi

Supr 201:6 no rlca y a c zi czwpb.TL nowziut^^A 191

7.13 As slated earlier in this chapter (§7.3.2.2), even though the meaning of the no +

ACC construction coincides with that of the no + ACC construction, and even though

they both render a Greek + ACC, nowhere do they overlap each other: if no

BLCfc ^"bTO occurs in a given verse, then it occurs in all attestations of that verse in all

manuscripts, and if no B^cfe /ffeTO occurs in a given verse, then it occurs in all

attestations of that verse in all manuscripts. Based on this lack of overlap, it can be

inferred that both constructions had a different nuance of meaning: no can be seen as the

more "repetitive" preposition, in the sense that the action is distributed repetitively over

the span of time, whereas no is more "continuous", indicating an action which continues

over the span of time; in addition, NO indicates the intended time which will have its

inception and duration after the completion of the action (seen in a perfective verb).

7.14 There is one more preposition which takes the ACC: oe(x ). This preposition

has been mentioned a few times already in previous chapters in conjunction with the noun N oijJh. 'night' (cf. the discussion on noi(JL. in Chapter 4, §4.6.2). It only occurs one time, and only with this noun, in the Gospels:

L5:5 . . . os NotuTL r c x Tpoy«AxuiE ca . . . (Asm)

and has as its source a Greek phrase with the preposition 5uS 'through':

L 5:5 S l’ o X r is vxjktos KOTTLacravTes 192

Xodova defines oe (Z ) + ACC as designating ''a time completely filled by an action"

(1971, §8 8). Alq, as mentioned earlier (e.g. §3.2.2 and also §7.7.2), also emphasizes

that the time is completely filled by an action. Perhaps these prepositions add emphasis:

one meaning of the prepositionless ACC (in both languages) is that of a time completely

filled by an action; thus it, too, could have served here. However, both Greek and OCS

chose instead this prepositional construction to emphasize the completeness of the time

filled—'throughout'.

7.15 In summary, in OCS we see the use of four prepositions with the ACC to

express temporal meaning: &z, Nd, no, and oe{z). The use of s z with the ACC was

discussed in a separate chapter ( 2 ) due to its being the most prevalent construction for

temporal expressions in OCS. Nd + ACC has many meanings, most of which overlap

with the meanings of other constructions. It has many Greek sources: eij, ev, cttl,

and KOta. When it corresponds to e l ’s or ettl, Nd usually bears the meaning 'for' in

the sense of intent or duration; when Nd corresponds to ev, it bears the meaning 'at' or

'during'; and when it corresponds to k q t q , Nd bears the meaning 'every' in the sense

of expected duration over a period of time, flo + ACC also corresponds to Greek koltq

+ ACC; they both carry the distributive adjectival meaning 'every'. Finally, o e ( z ) -f

ACC corresponds to Greek Sia. + GEN and emphasizes that the time involved is

completely filled by its action.

7.15.1 We see only the usage of az and Nd + ACC in the modern Slavic languages; no and 0E(z) are not used in temporal expressions. Ilo has been replaced by various phrases containing the explicit adjective 'every': Russian KanczibiH aeHb, Czech kazdtj den, Bulgarian BceKM £eH; Polish kazdego dnia, Serbo-Croatian

svakog dana As we can see, some languages have a prepositionless ACC (Russian,

Czech, and possibly Bulgarian), while others have a prepositionless GEN (Polish and

Serbo-Croatian). It is curious that a construction which was as active as was no + ACC

(or Na + ACC) to express 'every 1 in OCS has completely died out.

+ ACC, as discussed in Chapter 2, remains a vital means of expressing the

time at which an action occurred in the modern Slavic languages. N

preserved as well, at least in its meaning of intended duration. For example, Russian

shows Ha + ACC in sentences such as OHa npnexa./ia b MocKBy Ha ( o j h h i ron

'she has come to Moscow for one year1, o h noexazi b Hzrry Ha 3 h m v 'he has gone to

Yalta for the winter*, coSpaHHe Ha3HaneHo Ha neTBepr 'the meeting has been set for Thursday', or ypox Ha 3aBTPa 'the lesson for tomorrow'. CH APTER VIII

THE INSTRUMENTAL AND DATIVE CASE WITH PREPOSITIONS

AND THE PREPOSITIONLESS DATIVE

8.1 Although the prepositionless INS is a common construction for the syntactic

expression of time in OCS, there are very few prepositions which take the INS to form a

temporal construction. Most occurrences are disputable. Since the discussion of the

INS with prepositions is very brief, I also discuss in this chapter the use of prepositions

with the DAT and also the prepositionless DAT, which are both short topics also.

8.2 Two prepositions can be said to take the INS in OCS for the syntactic expression

of time: 'between', np'fcwde 'before'; however, in temporal expressions they

are rare. llp'bJtc is much more commonly found with the GEN case (and sometimes

also with the ACC) in temporal expressions, and M&Kdoy only occurs once.

8.2.1 CMMtk’between this, in the meantime’occurs in J 4:31:

J 4:31: ME.3K4K) MCC. CHMfa. MCM'fedXX I OyYGNHIJH &T0 . . . (Z)

The Slavic chmi ». corresponds to a Greek phrase with ev + a substantivized adverb- ev tw ^.eTa£u:

194 195

J 4:31: ev t u n.eT a£u kipljtojv qijtov ol p_q 0K]Tql . . .

M ew ^oy CHWL is probably an idiomatic expression, as we would expect two events to

be named for something to occur 'between' them, perhaps here MCWAoy CHMH.

However, since CMML is the (INS) SG, not the PL, this is probably a fixed expression

equivalent to the English 'in the meantime', for example.

8.2.2 In J 12:1, the phrase np'tWAE w&CTHtiR 4LNL tldcxzi occurs in one manuscript:

J 12:1 iccl we. no'few ae tuecTHHt a e m n d c x e i npw ^e b e BH-frHNts; (D)

This is probably a scribal error, since only the ordinal number is in the INS, and it shows the FEM ending; the noun remains in the expected MASC ACC. Indeed, all the other manuscripts have np'bwde + ACC here:

J 12:1 np'fewde tnecTi 4 .e n l n a c x z i n p t ^ e ic x e x Et-frdNHi* (Asm)

rip,bw 4 e here corresponds to a Greek phrase with TTpo, for which we usually see nptw ae + GEN (see Chapter 1 0 , §§10.33 and 10.34): 196

J 12:1 o ouv ’ itia o u s npo e£ vip.epiov tou nacrxa r)\0ev etj BnSavuav

In the modem Slavic languages which preserve tlpfexcAG to express 'before' (such as

Russian, Czech and Polish), the syntactic variant of nptDKAG + INS has replaced the

more prevalent variant (at least as found in OCS) of np'bKAe + GEN . 1

8.3 .1 The preposition kz is found in a construction with the DAT case, although it is

not a common construction. In the Gospels, we find kz + DAT only in the phrase kz

Toyoy, in conjunction with a negated verb in the meaning 'no longer':

Mk 11:14 KZ TOMOV OTZ TGEG KZ RbKZ NHKTOJKG NG CZNtCTZ (Mar) J 8:11 i o t z CG/tt ng czrpfcujdi k z tomov (Z)

J 17:11 H KL TOMOy N bcyz KZ KKCGMZ WMpfc (Asm)

K z Towoy + negation corresponds to a Greek adverbial otiKeTL or |j.r|KeTC

Mk 11:14 n.rjKETU eus tov auova e* ctou puiSeCy Kapnov tpa-fOt

J 8:1 1 K.QL QTTO TOU VUV pH'lKe'CL QptQpTQVe

J 17:11 *at oukctl ei^c ev tu k 6cth .u

1 However, in the mixlcrn languages, it is not the derived comparative Ibrm which wc sec, but rather a form descended from the "plain" form np'fe^z (Proto-Slavic *perd-). In canonical OCS, npK^Z is rare. Because of this, occurrences of np'K^z + ACC or INS arc also rare. With the derived form n p tx rte, wc sec the noun in the GEN because it is governed by a comparative. 197

Kz. TOMOV also occurs in Supr, although it is rare:

Supr 143:12 TO KZ TOMOV JKMRO NG HJ/ffejJCTZ

In such phrases, KZ TOMOy is probably an idiomatic expression for expressing 'no

longer'. This idiom not preserved in the modem Slavic languages.

8.3.2 Kz also occurs in Supr with the DAT in the meaning of 'towards'. It is found

with nouns such as RGYGpz 'evening':

Supr 57:2-3 KZ RGYGpOV EO E'fe<3lU& 4LNH

and Y d c z 'hour':

Supr 56:15-16 no mounts It. kz uiGCToyoMMoy Yacoy noujth h rAacz.

EZICTZ KZ NHMZ

Supr 328:3-4 npHxoflHTZ ko n^ m z c,ioro k z dccMToyoyfMoy Y

Supr 328:21-22 H k z t€4 HHoyovM(oy) na 4 & c a tg Y acoy npHtuz4ZtUHHMZ

These phrases may be translated as 'towards the evening' and 'towards the (Nth) hour'. 198

8.4 The prepositionless DAT occurs in OCS with the noun /fbTO 'year', as

mentioned in Chapter 5 (§5.5). In J 18:13, we recall, Sav had a prepositionless LOC

TOML /I'fcT'k,corresponding to a Greek prepositionless GEN:

J 18:13 . . . H)KX E t. dpXHEpe .1 to u l /I'hT'fe (Sav)

J 18:13 . . . o j f)V d p x c e p e u s toxj evlqutou ekelvou

However, the other manuscripts which contain this verse (all but Mar) all have a

prepositionless DAT /fkToy Towoy:

J 18:13 . . . DKG E t, dpXHEpEH yfbTOM TOMOM (Z)

This seems to be the only occurrence of a temporal prepositionless DAT in OCS; 1

myself have found no others, nor have I found any discussions about the preposition-

less DAT of time in any of my research. Since it is the only example, and since t o m l

-ffeT t. on the other hand is a relatively frequent phrase (as discussed in Chapter 5, the prepositionless LOC tom l - t t T t occurs in many other Church Slavonic manuscripts and in secular manuscripts of the early period as well; see especially §5.1), we might be able to categorize /ft Toy TOMoy as an aberration. However, the fact that so many different manuscripts and redactions show the prepositionless DAT here prevents us from doing so. We cannot think of this as an example of a syntactic copying of the

Greek, because as stated above the Greek does not show the prepositionless DAT here; rather, it shows the prepositionless GEN. It is possible that this example shows a 199

phonetic copying--Slavic /u/ for Greek /u/, both spelled < ou> ~ but this does not

account for its spread among so many manuscripts and redactions.

As was discussed in Chapter 5 (§5.5), it is possible to interpret this DAT as a

DAT of relation/beneficiary, 'belonging to that year', hence 'for that year'. Because of this, this occurrence of /ttToy Toyoy,regardless of how many manuscripts attest it, may not even be considered a time expression.

8.4.1 There is one other occurrence of the prepositionless DAT of /ffeTO, however, this seems to be an unusual translation to render the meaning of the Greek text. In L

3:23, the Greek text shows:

L3:23 K,aC auxos r)v ’Ivicrous apxonevos w c t e l e t c o v

TpLQKOVTQ . . .

with a GEN expressing age. In Mar, D, and Mir, we see a prepositionless DAT:

L3:23 I t z E t h c z tlio Tp&MZ 4£C«ftTEMZ ^ tT Z . . . (Mar)

Z, however, has the prepositionless INS here, as discussed in Chapter 4, §4.4.2:

L3:23 I TZ E t HC tKO TpLMH 4ECATZI /itT (Z) 200

Two canonical mansucripts, then, show very different constructions to express AGE.

This is one of many discrepancies which arise in such expressions.

8.5 In summary, both the prepositionless DAT and the DAT with prepositions are

quite rare in OCS, as is the INS with prepositions. Kz + DAT bears the meaning

'towards' and is also used in the phrase KZ TOMoy, in conjunction with a negated verb

in the meaning 'no longer, corresponding to a Greek adverbial ouketl (or nyiKexL).

The occurrence of a prepositionless DAT of time is disputable, as are the occurrences of

the INS with prepositions in temporal expressions. However, these constructions were discussed here because a few examples do occur, no matter how rare, and thus a study of the syntactic expression of time in OCS would be incomplete without mention of them.

8.5.1 What is more interesting, however, is what does not occur. If the syntax of

OCS were merely a translation syntax, we would expect to find numerous examples of the prepositionless DAT in OCS manuscripts, since it is so prevalent for expressing time in Greek. Most likely we would have sporadic "mistakes" occurring in only one manuscript—manuscript A might have them in a few verses where Greek has the prepositionless DAT, manuscript B might have them in a few different verses, and so on. Such "mistakes" could indicate that the translators/scribes was merely repeating the structure which they found in the (Greek) manuscript in front of them. However, we have no such "mistakes". The phrase -ffcToy TOMOy, as discussed earlier (§8.4), is the only such phrase in the prepositionless DAT in the OCS manuscripts, and it translates a

Greek prepositionless GEN. 201

8.5.2 In addtion, we would expect to see usage of the OCS preposition KZ + DAT to

render the Greek n pos + ACC in its meaning 'towards'. In the Gospels, n p o s +

ACC with this meaning only occurs once:

L 24:29 . . . otl npos eanepav ecttlv . . .

This occurrence, however, is translated by npi + LOC: -

L24:29 . . . ■feKO npi RSYCpt ecrz . . . (Asm)

As will be discussed in Chapter 9 (§9.30), tlpH + LOC bears numerous meanings, one of which is 'towards'. We might, however, expect to find other examples of npos +

ACC (two examples) erroneously translated with kz + DAT:

L8:13' . . . ot npoj Kaipov nuxxeuoucrLv . . .

J 5:35 u^eCs Se tiBeXrjcraxe d-paXXLaS rival npos wpav ev xw

CptOXL QUXOXJ

These examples were both discussed in Chapter 2 (§§2.7.3 and 2.6.6), as both were rendered by OCS RZ + ACC2:

.1 5:35, however, was rendered wilh B Z + LOC in Sav: . . . ixte a z t a c t atpoystTZ h az vacb HanacTH OTzc-rxriATX. 202 A L8:I3' . . . Iwe. b z Rf>'bMA B t p z e u x t e . . . (Asm) H J 5:35 BZ we XOTtCTE BZJdpddOBdTI CA BZ TQ4IMZ CBLTtWHt e ro (Asm)

As was discussed in Chapter 2, not only was a syntactic change made in the text, but

also a semantic change—in these examples, npos has the meaning of "the duration of a

period of tim e/or" (W. Bauer 1979, 710). In the OCS texts, the events are no longer

occurring 'for' the given time, but rather 'at' it. And in L 24:29, we see the same sort of

semantic change concommitant with the syntactic change. Regardless, the translators) did not choose one of the primary meanings of npoj, 'towards', to express in these two verses. Although the actual renderings show a meaning which is different from that of the Greek, the fact that they are not copies of the Greek are further evidence that OCS syntax is independent of Greek.

8.5.3 Thus two things that we do not see with the DAT case—"mistakes" in copying

Greek prepositionless DAT phrases and the non-usage of the prepositional structure KZ

+ DAT to render the Greek npoj + ACC in its meaning 'towards'—give us as much information about the syntactic structure of OCS as do all the structures which we do see with the various prepositional structures and prepositionless cases. The lack of occurrence of these two phenomena give strong support to the theory that OCS syntax of OCS as seen in the extant texts is native Slavic, and not merely translation syntax from the Greek. CHAPTER IX

THE LOCATIVE CASE WITH PREPOSITIONS

9.1 In contrast to the DAT or INS, the LOC case is used quite frequently with

prepositions to express time in OCS. Kz and n a + LOC are quite similar in meaning

and usage to RZ and Nd + ACC, as already mentioned (cf. Chapters 2 and 7), and as

expected are often in competition with them. There are two other prepositions which take the LOC which have not been mentioned: no 'after' and npH 'at; around; during the time of. no is by far the most commonly used preposition with the LOC, and npw, the least common.

9.2 Kz + LOC indicates "the time in which an action takes place" (Miklosich 1926,

659). Since it coincides with the meaning of and often overlaps r z + ACC, it too most often corresponds to Greek [ ev +] DAT. However, there are a few instances where r z + LOC corresponds to a Greek prepositionless GEN, as well as a few other constructions. Almost every occurrence of r z + LOC in one manuscript has r z + ACC in another one. Kz + LOC is used mainly with the same set of nouns as r z + ACC, including those words with temporal meaning-the parts of the day: ALNl 'day', NOtpL

'night', and HJTpo 'morning'; hourly designations such as riCMZNOipL 'mid-night', and

Y d c z 'hour, time'; as well as RpfeMift 'time', /ifcTO 'year' and N&Afestfci 'week'—and also those words which take on temporal meaning according to context—m

203 204

(and other variants) 'cockcrow', nptCR/tGNHC 'movement, migration', j k h r o t z /

)KH jNik/JKHTHtG 'life' and NdYeh/to 'beginning'. Although this list of nouns appears to

be lengthy, each noun only occurs a handful of times in the r z + LOC construction.

9.3 Aini 'day' is found in the RZ + LOC construction both in the SG and in the

PL. It is the only noun which does not compete with any other construction in this

particular meaning. In the SG, we find both r z dLNH and r z 'in the daytime'

—the former is the ending expected for the LOC of MASC i-stem nouns, while the latter

is the ending expected for the LOC of MASC consonant-stem nouns1:

J 11:9, NR d L R t AI N4 ^R C A T R rO ^M N t RCTG R Z xlLNH (Asm)

J 11:9 2

L 21:37 E t )t£G RL 4LNG OyYA RZ 4pKRG <3 NOIUTHW:RZ ^ R d p tdUJG

HCX0 4 A r z r o p t . . . (Mar)

The first corresponds to a Greek GEN SG:

J 1 L 9 ! OUXL SwBeKQ GJpQL CLCTLV TV1S flUCpQS

1 Although ALNL is originally from the consonanl-stcm class, it eventually merges with sott- stcm nttun classes, especially the i-stcm class. Recall from Chapter 2 that the expected GEN PL ALNZ

is not attested in the phrase r z o ^ hnz o t z AL,n z ; instead, wc sec some form of the i-slcm GEN PL:

r z ra h n z o t z aungm or alnhm . As wc will sec in §9.20.1, w ith no + numeral + ALfti. there arc attested occurrences of a l n z (cl., e.g., Mk 9:2 in Z). 205

and the second to a Greek ev + DAT:

J 11:9 2 eav tls neptTTaTfj ev t?| v^epa ou npocn^OTrteL

The difference in the Greek is due to the fact that the first occurrence is governed by the

nominal noun phrase SwSei^a topat euxuv 'there are twelve hours' and is a partitive

GEN (and thus is not a true time expression in Greek); the second, however, is simply

the phrase 'in the day(time)', and thus we expect the ev + DAT construction. It is

interesting that none of the OCS manuscripts chose to translate this GEN as a GEN, as they did with tows c z e o t z i in J 19:31— every manuscript shows a z + LOC here. Kz rtENG seems to be the construction used for expressing 'in the day(time)' as opposed to

'on (a certain) day', which is expressed by r z + ACC (as discussed in Chapter 2,

§2.3).

In this meaning, r z 4RNH occurs once in Supr:

Supr 387:6 NOWTh. r z 4HH cZTROpH

This occurrence may be translated as 'to create night in the day(time)'.

The third occurrence of r z a l n e in L 21:37 corresponds to a prepositionless

ACC:

L 21:37 f^v Se xas rmepas ev tw Lepw SlSoqtkcjv, tqs vu*tas

e£epxon.evos els to opoj . . . 206

where we might expect a corresponding prepositionless ACC in OCS to express "time

spent"; instead the Greek was interpreted as expressing 'in the day...in the night' and

rendered with e z dBNG . . , NOtjiHis.

9.3.1 b z ^ l n e x z —the PL—also occurs, but with modifiers:

L 1:7 I OEd JtfMdTOp'fcBZlUd BE j4LNeXZ CBOHXZ KtdWBTE, (Mar)

L 1:18 I WE-Nd w o t JdMdTOptBZUJH BZ 4ENh.XZ c b o ix z (Z)

L2:36 CH JdW dTOp’fcBLUJH BL 4ENLXZ M N 0?tX Z (Sav)

All of these phrases correspond to a Greek ev + DAT:

L 2 : 3 6 q \j t >i npo|le{Ji'|KuCa ev rmepacs rroXXaCs

L 1:7 Kat QpicpOTepou Trpo|iej}r]K,6T£s ev t q l s r)p.epaLS auTWv ficrav

L l : 1 8 k,q l r) puvf] M-ou TTpofJefltiKuCa ev tolls ' r]p.epaLs auTr)s

In Greek, these phrases can be interpreted as idiomatic expressions used with the perfect active participles of the verb rrpoPQLVW 'to advance', thus 'having advanced in many days/one's days'—i.e. 'being old'. Since they bear this abstract meaning instead of a concrete meaning of "day", these phrases are not really time expressions; the reference time for an action is not expressed, only the way in which someone is "advanced". It is possible that the phrases with BZ 4EWLXZ are simply copied word-for-word from the

Greek; it is more probable, however, that they were idiomatic expressions in OCS as well. Phrases with 'in' + (time word) are found elsewhere in Slavic to express 207

agedness; for example, Russian has the phrase b JieTax (lit. 'in years') meaning 'old',

as does Polish (W 1 attach). Polish has another phrase with W + LOC: (bye) W

takim Wieku (lit. '(to be| in such an age (century(') '(to be) old enough'. Note also the English idiom 'up in years'.

9.3.2 There are other occurrences of AENE in the a z + LOC construction in Supr:

Supr 333:29 a Z TpEXZ ovso ^lnexz XTpE tlOAOEd EZITH

Supr 430:13-14 az 4ENCXZ T~fcXZ NdYiftUlift CTptfNMH npHXOrtMTM

These phrases are unusual in that we do not see being used in the BZ + LOC construction in this way elsewhere. For the first, we might expect a prepositionless

ACC to express duration of time; for the second-BZ + ACC, as with the familiar a z t z (o rP L a z Tift AENH) phrase. T h u s a z + LOCPL o 1'a e n e appears to be a syntactic peculiarity of Supr, not seen elsewhere. We do not see a similar usage preserved in any of the modern Slavic languages.

9.4 K z N0I|IH 'in the night', corresponding to a z a e n c 'in the day', occurs in

Supr:

Supr 60:17 np«AH oyEO be holuth

Supr 66:16-17 noujte b e n &h >k £ nayc /ttoTOCTE Ezia

Supr 334:25-26 H a z noujth t o e z i c t z 208

However, it does not occur in any of the Gospels, except as discussed in Chapter 4

(§4.5.2), where we see Mir (a twelfth-century Serbian manuscript) with two

occurrences of L 21:37 with a z noljjh:

L 21:37 at hcl o^yg 4 lnhkj rz ijpkrh a rl Nomi hcxoag

RL^a^p'buiG c& kl |sic-SF| ropt. . . . (Mir)

where the other four manuscripts which attest this verse (Ost, Mar, Z and D) show the expected INS:

L 2 L 3 7 E*fc )KG RE 4LNG O^YA s . 2 . ljpi

HCX0 4 A rz rop*b . , . (Mar)

Otherwise, Mir also shows the INS of noijjl to express 'in the night', and this one instance can be viewed as an aberration. Elsewhere, to express 'in the night', as mentioned in Chapter 4 (§4.6), we find either RZ + ACC (if noijjl is modified, e.g. r z

TZ NOIJJL), or the prepositionless INS (if noijjl is unm odified, e.g. noijjhkr)—both o f which are also found in Supr. Thus r z + LOC of noijjl appears to be a syntactic peculiarity of Supr,2 which is in free variation with the prepositionless INS.

The phrases RZ noijjh 'in the night' and r z a l n g 'in the day' are preserved in several modem Slavic languages; however, literary Bulgarian is not one of them (recall

2 Supr contains many apparent syntactic peculiarities, which may be dialectal, or perhaps stylistic, variants of forms found in the Gospel texts. However, wc are unable to ascertain whether these "peculiarities" arc due to the scribc(s) making conscious changes, or whether they simply copied whatever they saw in their protograph, or whether they just made some mistakes. 209

that Supr is a manuscript from eleventh-century Eastern Bulgaria^, nor is Serbo-

Croatian. We see the variant with R Z + LOC preserved in West Slavic: Polish W

HOCy, Czech/Slovak V flOCi; Czech/Slovak V dne 'in the day'. This suggests that rz

n o rjh was a variant, perhaps dialectal, perhaps stylistic, perhaps equivalent to NOtgHMt,

which has been available to Slavic for some time.

9.5 We also find one example of r z tOTpte 'tomorrow' (or 'on the morrow'), but

only in one non-canoncial manuscript:

T Mk 11:12 H RL tOTp’fa HlULALUiHML CO RH’frdNHR R L Jd /tL k a (Mir)

The other two manuscripts which attest this verse-M ar and Z —show r z + ACC of the

adjective oyTpLNLH (the noun ALNL is implicit):

Mk 11:12 I R Z OVTpLNHH HlURrtZlURMZ HMZ OTZ RMTdNHWl (Mar)

The various constructions in which the noun toT po or its derived adjectives are used

was discussed in Chapter 5 (§§5.6.1-5.6.5). This occurrence of r z tOTp'fc in Mir

corresponds to the Greek xfj etTaOpLOV (i.e. the prepositionless DAT):

As just noted, it is possible that these lorms were copied from the protograph of Supr, whose prow nance is unknown. 210

Mk 11:12 kql xri eTTQupuov e^eXBovxtov auT tov a n o B>n0avLas

eneuvQcrev

The usual OCS construction for xfj enaOpUJV is kz: tcTptH except in Mir,

which only shows it for two verses out of the six which it attests (It occurs seven times T? in the Gospels). In two verses Mir substitutes RZ 00 (J 1:29 and 1:35); one verse

shows + LOC (Mt 27:62); and this verse— rz + LOC.

9.6 £z no/toy N0t|iH 'at m id-night ’4 competes with the much more common

nO/toyNOiJJM—the prepositionless LOC. It occurs in one manuscript in Mk 13:35:

Mk 13:35 mg RtcTe eo KorA

and in one manuscript in L 11:5:

L I 1:5 HA&Tb. K NGWK) rl. nO/toyNOiuH (Mir)

As mentioned in Chapter 5 (§5.3), n0/40yN0i)iH corresponds to three different

Greek constructions—two with the prepositionless GEN (| 4 .ecrr|S vxjkxos or

[LecrovuKXLOXj) and one with an adverbialized ACC (p.etrovuKXLOv):

4 See the discussion on no,iiSNOl|ni in Chapter 5 (§5.3) lor mailers ol spelling and word divisions. 21 I

Mt 25:6 n e a ris &e v\jk.xos K p au ^ y\ •Y>£Tovev

L 11:5 *aC nopeucrexai npos auxov pietro vukxujxj

Mk 13:35 o Ok ac&axe Ttoxe o Kupioj xfis o lku is epxexaL

H otpe fj necrovxjKXLOV f) dXeKXopocpcovuis ri npwii!

Elsewhere they are always rendered by the prepositionless LOC:

Mt25:6 ncMOV nouith we Bzn^te e z i c t z (Mar)

Mk 13:35 n e b ^ c t e so K z r d d r e Aouoy n p n A E T Z ah b e Y e p z ah

ntM OyNOtUTH AH BZ KOypOrydUJENBE AH oyxpo (Z) L I 1:5 h «4 BT kb NEMoy no>toy NomTi (Asm)

However, EZ nO/toyttOipH also occurs frequently in Supr:

Supr 139:5-6 no GEZiYdto wcuAWToy c a tcw oy b z n o ^o y nowth

Supr 184:20 b z no/toy noiuth npmuzAZUtoy KNAjoy , . ,

Supr 275:20 b z no>toy noiuth w e Bennie e z i c t z

Thus OCS had two active means for rendering Greek necrovuKXLOV, et al.: the prepositionless LOC and b z + LOC, which appear to be in free variation with each other. In fact, these two constructions are not so far apart structurally—they involve the same case (LOC), with the presence of a preposition ( b z ). The prepositionless LOC was eliminated as an active structure in the history of the Slavic languages; perhaps we 212

see already in OCS an encroachment of the prepositional structure into the domain of the

prepositionless one.

Note that the difference between the use of these two constructions (the

prepositionless LOC and BZ + LOC) to express 'at mid-night' cannot be attributed to a

different reference in Greek: each of the three Greek phrases could be rendered with

either OCS phrase.

9.7 The phrase BZ YdC"fe 'at the hour, at the time’ renders not Greek ev + DAT,

but TTpOj + ACC:

L S: 13, . . . ol" TTpOJ KQlpOV TTLCTTeUOUCTLV . . .

It occurs in one manuscript in one verse:

L8:13 . . . dkg a z Y

Elsewhere we see BZ BpfeMi9i:

a L8:13] ... ijke a z ap'fauift afcpst ewffltTZ . . . (Asm)

It is likely that YdCZ here carries its original general meaning of 'time'. This usage of a z + LOC perhaps may be an early example of the variant found in many Slavic languages to express phrases such as'at that time': a z TOMfc. Y

9 .7 .1 In L 4:5 we have we have a Greek temporal expression with ev + DAT:

L4:5 eSei^ev aurto ndcras xds fiacrOveuas xfjs ol’kou[4.ev>is

EV (TTLfK^ XpOVOXJ

which can be translated as 'in a moment of time'. Only three manuscripts attest this

verse—Mar, D and Mir—and, as is known, the latter two are non-canonical. Mar and

Mir translate the phrase as BZ Y

’time', which may be translated (quite akwardly) as 'in a timely time' or 'at a timely

hour':

L4.5 n o K d j a &mk) RCdKd upcTit. Bct/teNLie r l Y a c k Bp'kM&NRN'k (Mir)

w hereas D translates it as RZ Md/lfc RptMENH, with a nominal form of Rptycft 'time',

which may be translated as 'in a short time':

L4:5 nok a ja &yoy RRck ijpLCTRa r r c r ^ g n l i a r l mfk Rptu&NH (D)

Thus all three use the R Z + LOC construction, but choose different phraseological elements to do so. As with the example above with RZ Y a c k , it is possible that this 214

usage is an early example of the variant found in many Slavic languages to express

phrases such as 'at (a certain) time' with a z + LOC.

9.8 'time' also occurs in other phrases in the e z +■ LOC construction, but

only in the PL and only in Supr:

Supr 17:19 rl R p tM C N ex z c e m t z i h x z

Supr 100:18-19 rocnojKAd eo ich e z RpfeM&N&xz rop4HMMa tffccapa

This seems to be yet another syntactic peculiarity of Supr, another using RZ + LOC

(with the PL form of a noun) where we would expect a different construction. Usually we see either the R Z + ACC ( e z RpfeMe^) or a tlpH + LOC construction (to be discussed later in this chapter; cf. §9.30) to express 'in the time of. In addition to the phrases shown above, Supr also uses the phrase e z . i t T t x z to express 'in the time of (literally, 'in the years of):

S u p r 50:1 e z a 'b T 'b x z /Ihkhnhm ufecapd E'fcdiUR roNCNHtc r g ^ hko . . .

It is not as if other constructions are unknown in Supr—on the contrary, we find many examples of RZ Rp’bMife and we also see npH + LOC:

Supr 1 0 8:10 -1 2 m x y e h z jkg ezictz cratzih Hmcommm , , . npH NaN'fc ufccapH 215

Since Snpr uses all of these constructions actively, they could all have been equally viable means for expressing 'in the time of in the early history of Slavic.

9.9 Supr shows the s z + LOC construction with words not found in the Gospels, including /ffeTO 'year':

Supr 212:29-213:1 twe. e z n o y c T Z iN H . . . e z y s t z i p &x z a e c A T E x

y ftT 'b X Z

As with the phrases with EZ TpLXZ dLNexz and e z a l n e x z T ’fc x z . E Z

YETZipexz ^gcm texz /ttT txz seems out of place because we would expect a prepositionless ACC to express duration of time in its place.

9.10 'week' also is found in the e z + LOC construction in Supr:

Supr 209:5-6 fl ATL EL NCdfe/tH dLNMM N& MELM Cft Y/tORfcKOy . . .

Supr 411:3-4 4E

N&d*fe/tkl has another meaning--'Sunday':

Supr 209:7-8 e z c x e o t x jke. h el NEdfc/tz npLEtc r l c e x z *> BZX0>KdddLlie B.L IJpZK &£ 216

The semantics may be distinguished by the construction in which the word appears: e z

+ ACC when means 'Sunday', but r z + LOC when it means 'week'.

9.1 1 Finally, we have words which have temporal meaning according to context

when used in the R Z + LOC construction. The most common of these is the quantifier

yd/to 'little,.few’--the phrase r z occurs eight times in five verses in the

Gospels:

J 16:16 r z mout, h kz Toyoy he r h a h t e mene h ttdKzi r z maAt.

OyjLpHTE MA (Ost)

J 16:19 RZ Mfl.H’b H NE OyjLpHTE MENE H ndKZI RZ iJjLpMTE MA (Sav)

It corresponds to the Greek adverbialized ACC HLKpov:

J 16:16 [iiKpov k,ql o uketl 0ew p£iT £ h e kql ttqX lv HUKpov *aC

Otp£CT0£ He

In Mk 14:70, D has RZ Md/fb, whereas the other manuscripts with this verse (Ost, Mar and Z) all have ne no MZNoroy:

Mk 14:70 m r e uaAt. ndKU ctowiiijh . . . (D)

Mk 14:70 i ne no MNoroy naitzi ctowsuutei (2) 217

Although ne no M^Noroy is the more exact translation of the Greek ^exa n.iKpov

'after a little':

Mk 14:70 *aL nexd | 4LKpov ndXtv ot napEcrxcoxss eXeyov . . .

this verse shows that the phrase r z was possibly an idiom for expressing 'after

a while', or, more literally, 'in a short time'.

E z mAA't is also found in Supr and Cloz:

Supr 344:12-13 M KZiRddTZ Isic-SFl r z Mfl.-t'b KEJ a o y x a

Cloz 3a: 19-20 RZ Md/ite. m e z i c t z Rfep&NZ

Cloz 12b:7-8 e z r z oycznei cznAUJTAka o t z RfcKtf

No Greek is given for the first example in Cloz; the latter, however, corresponds

to npds $paxu which may be translated as 'in a short time'.

Cloz 12b:7-8 o 8sds npos Ppaxu unvwcrev *au xouy a n ’

a lto vos unvouvxas e k xoO Savaxou

9 .1 1 . 1 E z Md/Cfc then seems to be an adverbialized idiom for expressing 'in a short time'; the RZ + LOC construction is also used for another idiomatic expression: r z CKOp’k. E z c k o p t corresponds to the Greek ev x d x e t 'soon': 218 t L 18:8 . . . tKO CZTROpHTZ MLCTL HXZ RCKOpfr (Asm)

L 18:8 . . . o tl nouricreL xriv e^SiKrioxv qutcjv ev T axei

It also appears in Supr:

Supr 14:29-30 to r z CKOpt. c z wpLTHis noroyehth I

Supr 142:25 dd r z CKOpfe czTROpHTZ noyoiUTL

9.11.2 The nouns CTdpocTh. 'old age', RZjZdpdCTR 'a g e ',

Koypor^dUieNHe (and other variants) 'cockcrow', np'bCR/tcNHe 'movement, migration' and jkhrotz/jkhjnr/jkhthic 'life' all occur only one time each in the

Gospels. Except for j k h r o t z , which only occurs in the RZ + LOC construction, they all can appear in either the r z + ACC or the r z + LOC construction, depending upon the manuscript. However, there are too few examples to be sure, and not each manuscript attests all of the necessary verses:

Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir

CTdpOCTL ACC ACC ACCACC ACC LOC ACC

Koypor/tdtu&NHR — ACC — ACCACC LOC ACC nptce/teNHe LOC ACC ACC — — — —

JKHROTZ LOC LOC LOC LOC LOC LOC LOC 219

9.11.3 E z CTdpocTH c e o e h occurs one time—in L 1:36-, and is only in the

E Z + LOC construction in D:

L 1:36 h r a poahtr cnl el cTdpocTH crorh (D)

Elsewhere it is in the R Z + ACC construction:

L l:3 6 t r a j a y a t z CNa a z c T d p o c T L crom : (Mar)

It has as its source a Greek ev + DAT:

L 1:36 kol autri cruveLXricpev u lo v ev "f^lPeL

It also occurs in Supr, in which it is always modified, most often by the adjective

AOEpz 'good':

Supr 37:22 3KHRZ 4R*t yffeTt. RZ dO E pt CTdftOCTH

Supr 152:24-25 czcTdpfcRZ jkg ca oyEO r z dORpfe CTapocTH

Supr 407:14 T ty H RZ CTdpOCTH MOt€H J t/to CZTROpHRZ

9.11.4 Supr shows one example of another phrase expressing a stage of life in

the r z + LOC construction: RZjZ4p<3CTR k j n z 'young age':

Supr 404:25 r z RzydpacT'fc tQMfc noE'fcdHRwa

9.11.5 E z Koypor/tauiGNHH only occurs in D and Mir: 220

Mk 13:35 Ne B-fecTe so n o r ^ a tnb aomk> npH^eTL

h^m ov Kropuir^^meNHt .5 (Mir)

Elsewhere it is in the B Z + ACC construction:

Mk 13:35 Ne B'fecTe eo k z t a<* rtT Aoyoy npH^eTZ ay\ a e y c p z ah

no/tovNotiJTH ah b z Kovpor/i

and corresponds, as mentioned in Chapter 2 (§2.12.3), to a Greek prepositionless GEN:

Mk 13:35 ouk ol^qte -pap noxe o KupLoj xfis olklqs epxexat

H otye >1 p.ecrov\JKTLov vi dXeictopocpwvLas r\ TTptou

9.11 .6 £ z np’bce^eNH i only occurs one time in one manuscript:

Mt 1:11 HOCHd Jtte pOAi MOxoNitat h EpaTHUK ero b z np’bce^eNiH

BdBMONCTfcdML |sic-SF| (Asm)

Elsewhere it, too, is in the b z + ACC construction:

Recall that Mir is an early ms. in the Serbian recension of Church Slavonic; in Serbo-Croatian the consonant v in initial, prc-consonanlal position vocalized to u; eventually, this u became the only form for the preposition. The word-formaiion suffix with z i instead of o may also have been a dialectal feature; more likely, however, it was simply a scribal error. 221

Mt 1:11 HOCMM we po^H hoxonmi* h EptaTHW e r o e l npfece^ENHt RdEH^ONLCKoe (Sav)

This phrase corresponds to a Greek cttl + GEN:

Mt 1:11 ’Iwctlqs Se tyevvr\(Tev xav ’Iexovuav *aC touj

dSeXcpous

When ettl is used in Greek with the GEN of a person, in the meaning 'in the time of,

it is usually rendered by OCS npw + LOC (as will be discussed in §9.30). However,

this is not a person, but an event, and thus either EZ + ACC or a z + LOC is used to

render the meaning of the Greek—the time during which an action takes place.

9.11.7 Finally, the phrase s z WMBOT'tl, which is attested by all of the Gospels manuscripts, occurs in EZ + LOC in all of them:

L 16:25 . . . azcnpHKuz &ch t z i K A a r a a Tao'b e z WHBOTt. t b o s m l (Mar)

It originates from a Greek ev + DAT:

L 16:25 QTTe\apes xd d-paGd trou ev xfj omi Supr shows numerous occurrences of other nouns meaning 'life'— jnl or

xtMTHtc—in the RZ + LOC construction; it, too, never exhibits 'life' in the r z + ACC

construction:

Supr 184:6-7 T 2 . r A a Rb.ce. tew G r l c g m l k h th h np'kOEHd'fcRZ . . .

Supr 407:13-14 MMHMtG RZ XH 7 NH MOtEH T pL ntR Z nOK’brtHXZ Supr 429:22-24 no MNOjtxz we ^ tT tx z nptiEziR^MLM HMd RZ Koynfe

H CHMNRM RZ WHTHft . . . A CA E,1

9.1 1 ,8 Supr also has one instance of the noun 'beginning' in the RZ +

LOC construction; elsewhere, it too is always in the RZ + ACC construction:

Supr 426:13-14 . . . EziRzwoyoyMoy r h n o r z n o v r z HdYieut.

Supr 7:27 r z NdYtfuo E*fe c ^ oro

Supr 212:8-9 r z n a y a t z k z t o t o sow ecTR Z N ddro xowrtGNHM mg oy HCKOyCRNZ EZIRZ TO A flOyCTZINrfi

Supr 426:16-17 RZ HIO RZJdpdC Td RZ OE/tdWb.CT’tMZ OEpdjfe CZI

9.12 Thus r z + LOC corresponds to many Greek structures: e v + DAT, en£ +

GEN, and + GEN, rrpos + ACC, the prepositionless DAT, GEN, and ACC. In almost every occurrence, r z + LOC competes with r z + ACC ( r z CTtSpocTH c r o g h vs. r z CTdpoCTR CROts); in some occurrences, r z + LOC also competes with the prepositionless LOC (R Z noyioyNOifiH vs. nO/ioyNOljJH). It bears the meaning of a time 223

in which an action takes place and occurs with numerous words, both with and without

temporal meaning.

It is not difficult to understand why s z + LOC might compete with these two

other constructions. In the case of overlaps with a z + ACC, which expresses the same

meaning, the preposition is held in common. In the case of overlaps with the

prepositionless LOC, the case is held in common, and the only difference between the

two constructions is the presence or absence of a preposition. Each of the individual

modem Slavic languages resolved this overlap in its own way, and sometimes within one language we see the use of b z + LOC for a certain set of nouns but a z + ACC (or something else) for another. Sometimes we still see free variation as well. For example, OCS had two ways to express 'at mid-night’ and 'at mid-day': the prepositionless LOC or a z + LOC of ntMZNOljJL and n t u z Ab.NL, which appear to have been in free variation. In the modem Slavic languages, which do not have a prepositionless LOC, we see only the survival of a prepositional construction, either with a z + LOC or, now, a z + ACC. The languages with remnants of a z + LOC include Czech with V pulnoci 'at midnight' and V poledn© 'at noon’, and Serbo-

Croatian with U podne 'at noon’. Polish chose the LOC, but substituted the preposition 0 (also used elsewhere in place of a z ) with 'midnight': W poludnle 'at noon', but 0 potnocy 'at midnight'. Bulgarian shows a form with a z , but as it has lost nominal declension, we cannot know whether it is a z + ACC or LOC, although the ending -U on the first part (no-ny) shows a remnant LOC: b noyiyHcm Russian and

Serbo-Croatian show an innovative form (from the stand point of OCS) with a z +

ACC: Russian B no/i/teHb, b noytHOMb; Serbo-Croatian U ponoc'at midnight'

(which, unlike its counterpart U podne, does not show any remnants of a LOC form in either part). 224

9.13 Nil + LOC has a much more limited usage. It only occurs with a few nouns—

'time', Y d C Z ’hour, time', r o ^ z 'hour, time', jk h t m ic 'life' and R C Y c p k i

'supper'. Nd + LOC renders one of three Greek constructions: eJj + ACC. ev +

DAT or eiTL + ACC. It has numerous meanings: Nd + LOC indicates "a time in which,

during which, less often after which, something happens" (Miklosich 1926, 655).

9.14 The phrase Nd ^ /tz j'b Bp'bM&NH Tor a long time'occurs in L 18:4:

L 18:4 h Ne xoTtdw e Nd d - tz s t. ep-kM eNi (Asm)

All of the manuscripts have Nd + LOC here. It corresponds to Greek enu xpovov. It

is quite interesting that although the Greek text shows no adjective modifiying

xpovov/’ OCS "adds" the adjective &Az r z 'long', which changes the meaning of the

Greek:

L 18:4 *ac ou* f)0e\ev enc xpovov

As was first mentioned in Chapter 3 (§3.5), this construction, when used in a temporal context, has the meaning of "extension over a period of time for, over a period of'; thus enC xpovov 'for a long time' (W. Bauer 1979, 239). Therefore it is possible

Only one ms. (D) shows a modifier with xpovov --Ihc indefinite pronoun xej ( tcvq ) 'some*, which for obvious reasons could not have been the source of the Slavic A ^zrz. 225

that the information of "length of time" was born within the preposition in Greek, but

could only be transmitted in Slavic by the addition of an adjective meaning 'long'.

Although this particular phrase does not appear in the prepositionless ACC, there

are numerous examples of the noun 'time' in the prepositionless ACC with

other quantifiers:

J 12:35 CUJ& Md/tO Ep-fcUA CB t T Z B Z BdCZ tCCTL (O st-lst)

J 14:9 TCMHKO AH B p'kM A CZ BdMH ECMB (Sav)

However, all of these correspond to Greek prepositionless ACC:

J 12:35 e t c jiLKpov xpovov t o tpus ev UfrCv ECTTLV

J 14:9 t o o ’o O to v x p o v o v |reB ’ u p tw v ecp.c7

Thus when the Greek has a preposition, as in L 18:4, OCS maintained the structural difference between the Greek prepositionless ACC and errt + ACC by rendering the latter with Nd -f LOC. Also, the prepositional constructions appear to be distinguished by intent: when they are used, the time expressed is one which is intended to follow the action of the verb. The prepositionless constructions, on the other hand, are cocurrent with the action of the verb.

Nd A /tzj*h BpfeM&NH also occurs in Supr:

7 The preferred reading shows the prepositionless DAT here: however, many mss., inc. M, show the prepositionless ACC. 226

Supr 128:9-10 na Rp'fe.MC.MH we c z c £Aa NdrtpdCNO R Z w eA Z b z 4 0 u z

It also occurs with the ellipsis of the noun Rp'kMA:

Supr 13:22 mo^htrx czTBOpi Nd AAZ.Z'b.

Supr 399:17 MdWH MM cph.4b.l*e Nd

In phrases such as this, the adjective a az r z is functioning as a substantive. Such substantivizations of adjectives are fairly common in Slavic.

9.15 The nouns Y d c z and r o ^ z 'hour, time’ appear in the Nd + LOC construction only in Supr:

Supr 81:26-27 KpHYZ R&/tKkz czTROpkiueMZ Nd m n o Ydcfc

Supr 29:25 . , . npfeK/tONHRZ c a r b j a Nd r o / f t

Here it is probable that we are seeing constructions parallel with the phrase Nd A-tZ jfe

RpfeM&NH.

9.16 Cloz shows one example of the noun WHTHte 'life' in the Nd + LOC construction. In this instance, Nd + LOC corresponds to Greek e c s + ACC, whose meaning had merged with that of ev + DAT: 227

Cloz 9a:9-l0 MZNordtUTH Nd ceMfa. jk it ih ndKocTt. T R o p u z t o

Cloz 9a:9-IO ttoXX q ^ls e c j xov trapovxa fluov efiXatl>as

However, the choice of Cloz to use Nd + LOC rather than e z + LOC, which wc sec with all other examples of the noun 'life1, is curious.

9.17 Nd R&Y&pM 'at supper' occurs in J 21:20 and corresponds to Greek ev

SetTTVw: L.

J 21:20 i azj/ie)K£ Nd R£YEpi Nd npzci ero (Asm)

J 21:20 o j k,ql avenecrev ev t u Selttvco cttl to crxrjOos auxou

9.18 Nd + LOC then is a fairly rare construction in OCS for expressing time. Its most common occurrence is in the phrase Nd d d z j ’fc (Rp'fcUENH) to express intended duration or extension of time. It also occurs with the nouns Y dcz, r o ^ z , whthic and

B.C YCpkt on a very limited basis. It has many different Greek constructions to which it corresponds.

9.19 The LOC appears most frequently with the preposition no 'after'. It corresponds almost always to Greek ^.exa + ACC. However, in a very few instances, no corresponds to something else in Greek. These will be discussed as they arise. The construction no + LOC designates "the time after which something begins. The noun in the LOC expresses the point in time either directly or indirectly by means of the event 228

which has fallen in the time" (Miklosieh 1926, 676). Ilo + LOC is used with the noun

dLNL 'day', YdCZ/rodMNd ’hour, time', /ffcTO 'year', and Bp'bMA 'time', as well as

with many nouns which do not have temporal meaning. It is also used in adverbial

phrases with the quantifiers M ZN orz 'many' and M ^ z 'few', with the demonstratives

CL 'this' and T Z 'that', and with the pronominal adjective BLCL 'all'.

9.20 The noun a ln l 'day' appears in the no + LOC construction with many

numerals, the quantifiers maA'Z. 'few' and m z n o t z 'many', with the demonstrative c l

'this', and also once without a modifier. In every instance except the last, the n o +

LOC construction corresponds to pietd + ACC.

9.20.1 no + LOC of alnl occurs with many numerals:

’i ■> Supr 443:3-4 no igd nomz a nh npM^e cz mnojklctbomz boicbo^z

M t26:2 no h b q k ) 4LUHK> n a c x a ez^&tz (Sav)

Supr 142:26-7 no a z b o h ) 3ic& jcllwhm ) o v y h n h r z q te c d p L b o a c b o a

Supr 212:3-5 no 4B 0K ) u l n h h i fMH no TpLxz , . . Hcxowrtdaiue hc neiuTepzi Mk8:31 M no TpLXZ ALHLXZ RZCKpLCNStTH (Ost)

Mk9:2 i no ujbcth 4 nzk nowiTz mg' nerpa i . . . (Z)

Supr 5:9-10 no CCA^MH ALNHI HJHrtt dyptUHWNZ

J 20:26 h no ocmi 4 &nl naxzi K taxst oyveNMyH ero h -froMd cl

NtMl (Asm)

" From this point on (numbers six and higher), the noun alnl is in the GEN PL rather than the LOC PL, This is due to the government of numbers over nouns: with the numbers five and higher, nouns arc always in the GEN PL. The number itself, however, is in the LOC form (e.g. u i c c t h from tuecTL;Tpexz 4 c c a t c x z from TpM ^ c c a t l ). Cloz l4a:28-29 x z no k a l n z rljm a e . b z RZicnpLNH iw z

Supr 341:2-4 . . . XpHCTOC no Tpexz a r c a t e x z arnr rlnh ^ g. r z JRMZNZIH HepOyCd/tMMZ

Cloz 14a:24-26 . . . xz . . . no YETZip&xz jIECMTRxr R ZN iae

. . . RZ UpKRL

As was mentioned in Chapter 3 (§3.9.1), in Mk 8:31, four manuscripts (Sav, Mar, Z

and Mir) show the prepositionless ACC TpRTMl ALNL instead of no TpLXZ a r n r x z :

C Mk8:31 H Tp&THI 4 NL RLCKpRCNXTH (Sav)

However, since the Greek has n_Exd + ACC, Asm, Ost and D show the more exact translation:

Mk8:31 K.QL JJ.ETQ TpELS fylEpaS QVQtJT^VQL

All other occurrences correspond to Greek (j.£xd + ACC:

Mt 26:2 otfcaxe o x l p.Exd Suo fj^Epas xo ndtrxa -p,-veTaL

Mk9:2 *aC ^.exq f|(4.£pQS TTapaXapifJavECo ’Ir)cro\JS xov

IlExpov . . .

/jv J 2 0 :2 6 k q l p.E0’ fip.£pas o k x c j ndX tv r itr a v ectio o l n .a 0 n x a C

auxou . . . Cloz 14a:24-26 ev x?) npwxr) 'Y'evv^ 0‘eL Xpurxos piexd

xeacTQpQKOVTa fij4.epas eurfp\.0ev . . e l ’s t ov v a o v

Cloz I4a:28-29 xpurxos fiexd xecrcrapdKOVXa f]|4.epas avf)\0ev e l ’s xriv avto * IspoucraXrjn

9.20.2 We find the use of the quantifiers Md/iz’few 1 and mznotz 'many'in

the no + LOC construction with ^ l n l in Supr:

Supr 414:1-3 no Mfl/ttxz dLNCXZ czk 0 Nh.Y

Supr 146:11-12 OyCTpdUtHRZ )K£ CA no MNOXfeXZ 4LN E X Z . . .

9.20.3 The phrase (N£) no M Z N O J'kxz ^ ln lx z '(not) after many days'

occurs in L 15:13:

L 15:13 h Ne no u z N o x fe x z ^ l n l x z c zK L p a a z Rh.ce wlnhh czinz (Ost)

It also occurs in Mir in Mt 25:19:

M t25:l9 no M No^txe x e iiNXh. npH^e rile pdKh. r t x h (Mir) 231

However, all the other manuscripts show here no M Z N O jt B.p'fcME.NH (or the PL no

MZNOjfexz Rfj’fe.MtNh.xz), which is lexically more equivalent to the Greek i^sxd

ttoX uv xpovov: the SG no MZNDj'b apteMENH is structurally more equivalent:

C ^ M t 2 5 :1 9 no MMO.S"b ik o a p ,feM&HH n p i ^ e r a paEz T txz . . , (Asm)

Mt 25:19 p.exd &e tto X uv xpovov epxexau o K,upuos xuv SouXcov

BKELVCOV . . .

9.20.4 A similar phenomenon occurs with the phrase no c h x z JKG. ^ l h l x z

'after these days': we see it in L 1:24 translating Greek ^.Exd &E xauxaj xdj

nM .epas:

L 1:24 no c h x z /il n c x z . . . jdYATZ E/tHCdBETZ (Mar)

L 1:24 p t.ex d Se xauxas xas riM.£pas ctuveX qP ev ’E X urapE T

And in L 9:28 in D:

L 9 : 2 8 ELICTL WE no 4 LW£XL CHXL -bKO 4RNM tf I H0 EWL nETpd . . . (D)

However, in L 9:28, all the other manuscripts show here no c^o ecclx z chxz 'after these words' for Greek | 4 .exq xotuj Xo-pous xouxouj: 232

L9:28 e z i c t z we no c^OB& cexz c h x z *bKo db.Nm ocwt>. i noiMZ n e rp d . . . (Z)

L9:28 e^eveTO 6e ucca Touy \oyous t o u t o u s waeC finepaL

OK.TW K.QL TTQpaXaPwV IlETpOV . . .

9.20.5 Finally, the phrase no ^ ^ N k x z appears once in Mk 2:1 in Mar and Z TT (Mir has a z w; no other manuscript attests this verse):

M k2:l i r ln h j HE n a x z i h c z r z KaneozNdovMZ no jfliNexz (Mar)

This occurrence of no + LOC, however, corresponds not to Greek n e t a + ACC, but rather to Slq + GEN:

M k 2 :l Kai eJcreXStow ttolX lv cl’s Kacpapvaoun S l ’ fm e p u v

In this particular passage, however, Sid + GEN also serves "to denote an interval after"

(Gingrich 1983, 44). This phrase no ALNLXZ is also unusual because it is the only instance of a rk l in the no + LOC construction without a modifier of any sort.

9.21 The no + LOC construction is also used with the noun Y

Supr 144:6-7 no md-tfe Y

To denote 'after a short time1, we usually expect the more common phrase (mg ) no

MXNOJ’fe/fNC) no yzNorovf, found in the Gospels. This is discussed below (§9.26).

9.22 no ^ g &ATtH ro^HN*b 'after the ninth hour' is found one time in one

manuscript:

Mt 27:46 no d G E G T tl x g rodHN'fe e l jLnu nek (Mir-2nd time‘s

All other manuscripts show here npH + LOC:

Mt27:46 npi AGaATtH x g rojUN-h. E L juni ncz. (Asm)

npH + LOC is the more exact rendering of the Greek nepi + ACC, as they both denote

approximation:

Mt 2 7 :4 6 nepC S e xriv evartiv capav aveporjo-ev o ’Iticrouj

The use of npH is discussed in §9.30.

9.23 The noun ^*bT 0 ’year’ is also used in the no + LOC construction. It occurs modified by a numeral to express ’after X year(s)’:

The first occurrence of this verse in Mir shows the expected npH /(esA TtH 234 ■) Supr 413:24 no /4’feT‘b x e tea noml oTzrNdnt. ezirlujh , . .

Supr 7:13-14 kongijl nptttewwoy no 4&Ri9>th c z t z h TpHaecATH /ifef-kxz

In this usage it is not found in the Gospels. The phrase no /it Toy, however, does

occur in Mt 2:16:

Mt2:16 . . . no /ttT o y e)tce. HcnzMTd o r z r j z x r z (Asm)

But Ost and Sav show it as no RptMRNH:

Mt2:16 ... no RpfcMGNH totte HcnziTd o t z r ^z x r z (Ost)

which is a more exact lexical rendering of the Greek:

Mt2:l6 . . . koto tow xpovov ov riKpifJwcrev napd xwv n.a-y'tov

The meaning of kqtq + ACC here, however, is "to introduce the norm that governs something according to, in accordance with" (Gingrich 1983, 101). Thus, no here probably does not mean ’after’, but rather ’according to’ (cf., e.g., Modern Russian no-MoeMy ’in my opinion’, i.e. ’according to me’) Thus this is not a true time expression, as it does not refer to the time of an action, but rather expresses ’according to the time (which he had determined from the wise men)’. 235

Supr shows /(tTO in the no + LOC construction in the PL modified by

MZNorz 'many’:

Supr 429:22-24 no MH 0 ?,bxz xe /itT tx z npteEZiRdNLM mm <3 r z Koyn'k

H CHMNLW KZ)tCHTHH . . . rfi CA E/taJKGNZIH f^NHNd

9.24 ELpfcMA 'time' also occurs in Mt 25:19 in the no + LOC construction, as mentioned earlier (§9.20.3). It renders Greek piexa ttoXuv xpovov:

f ^ Mt25:19 no m NOTfe jkg ap'tu&NH npi^RrhT pdKZ T t x z , . . (Asm)

Mt 25:19 piexa Se tto X u v xpovov epxetau o Ktipuos xuv SouXuv

eKeuvwv . . .

Three manuscripts—Sav, Mar and Z—show the phrase in the PL no MZNoj'fexz epteWGNLXZ, which appears to be an unusual structural divergence, both from the

Greek original and from what OCS has elsewhere:

Mt25:19 no MLNO^frXZ )K£ Rp’fcMS.N&XZ npMrtE rtT pdEZ T t x z , . . (Sav)

Supr shows RpfcMife in the no + LOC construction, but with different modifiers: 236

Supr 142:26-27 no BptMBNH xe, 4 / ) L 4ZUJTH . . . MXYHMd BkNHktwe

Supr 433:9 no T t x z x e BpfeMCNEXZ OyBt.d’bBZ IldTpHliMH , . .

9.25 Many nouns which do not have temporal meaning are also used in the no + LOC

construction. One is the word nupdCKBBLfiH, which was borrowed from the Greek

napaCTKcxjr). Its original meaning was 'preparation', and eventually it came to mean

’preparation for the Sabbath', or 'day before the Sabbath', i.e. 'Friday'. In Modem

Greek, ttq.pq

napacKBBLfiH, but others use the native Slavic word n a t z k z 'fifth day 1,10 which

does have temporal meaning, flo nATZlj'fe or no ntfpdCKBBLftn occurs in Mt 27:62:

Mt 27:62 n a KJTpH'fe hjkb a c t b no n&TU'fa . . . (M ir-1st time) 0 ? Mt 27:62 BZ OyTp’blWe. |sic-SF] eCTZ n ndpflCKBB FiI H . , . (Asm)

Mt 27:62 t?) Se en o u p to v , rjTus eo'Ttv i^E-cd Tr]v TTapacrKeuriv . . .

The other nouns without temporal meaning which are used in the no + LOC

construction are too numerous to name here. For a complete list, see Appendix K. A

few examples can serve to illustrate the scope of this construction:

Supr 332:4-5 h no oyupZTRHH am x o T t a x x j a nb apzjO BdTH

Supr 407:1-2 h no clkowly^hhh E^

10 It is worth mentioning that the structure ol' the week itself is distinguished between the Greek and Slavic cultures—in the Slav ic world, the week is counted from Monday and thus Friday is 'the fifth day'; however, in Greece, the week is counted from Sunday and thus 'the fifth day’ (tq nepjTTtq) is Thursday. 237

Mk 13:24 m z & z t z i a^mm no ckozeh Tot c,«z n l i ) g nowpdYMTZ c a (Z)

Mk 13:24 a W o . ev eKCLvatj tolls finepaLs ^.exa tv|v oXCtpLv

e*eLvrjv o rpaos £TKOTU70r|creTaL

L 12:5 o^ eo h t g c a MMXtpaaro R jdC TL no ovsHtenHH (Ost)

L 12:5 cpopri0r)Te xov n.exa to QTTOKTeCvat exovxa e^oucaav

9.26 The quantifiers m z n o t z 'many' and yd-tz 'few', are also found in the no +

LOC construction, with the ellipsis of the head noun. Ilo (MASC o-stem vs. u-stem ending) 'after a short time' occurs in Supr:

Supr 201:3-4 n z no Ud/toy jt/io . . .

Supr 232:21 *€ro :«e no Md/Pfc xoT-fe rlctcSrmth

M z n o t z also has two LOC forms: some manuscripts have the MASC o-stem

( mg ) no m z n o j t , while others have a MASC u-stem (n g ) no MZNoroy:

M t26:73 ng no MN0 ?,k *g npHCTxnLwe ctoaijjgi p’feuiA. . . (Sav)

Mk 14:70 i ng no MNoroy nanzi ctowiujtgi . . . (Z)

L 22:58 m ng no MNOTt ApoyrMH RHA’kKL ero p&YG. . . (D)

Regardless of the ending, ( n g ) no MZNoroy corresponds to either Greek |4.e x a

[4 .LKpov or | 4 .eTQ ppaxu, which have the same meaning, 'after (not) a long time'.

Both phrases, as with the Slavic phrase, show the ellipsis of the head noun 'time': 238

Mt 26:73 ^ e x a n.L*pov £>e TTpocreXeovxes ol. ecrxwxes elttov . . .

Mk 14:70 * q l n.exa ^LKpdv ttqX lv o l TTapecrxuxej eXe-fOv . . .

L 22:58 kaC ^.exa (ipaxu exepos lSwv a u x o v ecpri . . .

9.27 Finally, we come to the use of the no + LOC construction with the

demonstratives ce (PL ca) ’this’ and TZ 'that': no c&MR, no cmxz (PL), and no

tom e. These phrases are used to render Greek ^.exa xouxo 'after this' and ^.exa

xau x a 'after these'. They are interchangeable with each other. The distinction

between the SG and the PL as seen in the Greek text—which appears to be purely a

stylistic and not semantic distinction—is not maintained in the Slavic manuscripts. For

example, J 21:1, the Greek has the PL:

J 2 1 : 1 n_exa xauxa ecpavepuo-ev sauxov ttoX lv o ’Iricrous x o lj

H.a0r|xaCs

but two of the five Slavic manuscripts have the SG:

J21:l no C&ML feEM c a n a k z i wcf oyyeNHKOMZ ceohm z (Mar)

7T TT The other three—Asm, Ost, and Mir— substitute a z to. In fact, r z to is often found in the Aprakoi to replace various phrases with no c&MR, etc. 239

The no CGME, etc., phrases are quite frequent in the Gospels, and in Supr as

well:

L 18:4 . . . no c i x z x g pGYG r z CGEb, . . . (Asm)

J 11:11 h no cgme r 7 a hmz . . . (Ost)

Supr 8:17 no tom e nptirRdXAaiETZ c a na Ap’bR'b

Supr 10:1-2 no to m l no recgm ov Tfe/toy npHWHjaTH

Supr 111:4-7 no tom )kg aenhh nhuithh , . . npHUJGAZ . . .

We do see some variation in some manuscripts: for example, in L 18:4, four

manuscripts substitute the adverbial noC/fbAH—Sav, Mar, Z and Mir:

L 18:4 . . . n o c /ttd u jkg pG y g r CGEb (Sav)

noC/tbrtM is what we usually find to render the Greek adverbial ucrxepOV, as in

Mt4:2 . . . noc/ttdi jkg r z jh.aA \ia (Asm)

M t4:2 . . . UcTTepov eiTeLvauev

InJ 13:5, D substitutes T o r z r t <3 for no t o m e :

J 13:5 H TOrEAd RE/tHt ROA* RE OtfMEIRd^ENHIJ* (D) 240

In addition, D substitutes no tom l in Mk 9:2, where the other manuscripts have no

U1CCTH

Mk9:2 h no to m l nowiTZ ic c z ne.Tp

Mk9:2 t no ui &c t h a h z now iTZ wcf n e T p a . . . (Z)

Other than these examples, the only variation we see among the manuscripts is among the usages of no c&m l, no c h x z , and no t o m l .

9.27.1 In almost all occurrences, OCS no c c m l , etc., renders Greek i^ s t q + A C C :

L 18:4 M.ETQ Se tqutq elttev hv eauxw . . .

J 11:11 KaC |4.eta xouxo qutolj . . .

However, three verses with no t o m l (and only no t o m l ) have as their source Greek T s l t q 'then', an adverb:

L 8 :1 2 ELTQ SpXEXQL O Slq Po X o S' . . .

J 13:5 six a pa W e i u&cop e l ’s x o v v in x f jp a

J 19:27 elxq ^ e - p e i t w na8>rct1 • •

As we saw above, in J 13:5 D does show the more literal T orzfld; all of the other manuscripts, however, have no t o m l : 241

J 13:5 no to m l we, R 0 4 * rl oywzHRd/thNHtjx (Asm)

9.28 A variant of no--no c ,jt W 4 e—is found in Supr in the phrase noC/fh)K 4 £. r l c r x z 'after everything’:

Supr6:23 noc,cfc)tc 4 e we Rhcfcxz c z jz 4

9.29 As we have seen, the construction no + LOC in the meaning of ’after’ is used very frequently in OCS to render temporal expressions. Most often it corresponds to

Greek j4 .e*cq + ACC. Many parts of speech can be found in the no + LOC construction—in addition to nouns, we also find the adverbial quantifiers m zn o tz

’many’ and Md/tz. ’few’, with the demonstratives Ch. ’this’ and t z /t z i ’that’, and with the pronominal adjective RhCh. ’all’. The nouns which are found with no + LOC include those with temporal meaning (4 LNL/4 L.NH ’day’, Y < a c z /r o 4 MNd ’hour, time’,

,ffeTO ’year’, and RpfcMA ’time’), as well as with many nouns which do not (such as the noun [phrasefs X/tfc&z ’bread’, RzjMXip&NHG. R 0 4 Z 1 ’stirring of the water’,

MOa h tr .4 ’prayer’, and many others). Do + LOC is one of the most active temporal constructions in OCS.

9.30 By contrast, npn + LOC is a very rare temporal construction. It occurs only five times in the Gospels; it also occurs in Supr. Xodova defines npH + LOC as indicating

"a temporal reference point around which an action takes place" (1971, §83). In other 242

words, npH indicates an approximate time. When it is used with a person, npH + LOC

indicates that the given event occurred in that person's lifetime. In the latter usage, npH

+ LOC corresponds to Greek £ ttl + GEN, which designates "in the time of, under

(kings or other rulers)" (W. Bauer 1979, 286). Elsewhere, with explicit expressions of

time, the usual correspondence for npH + LOC is nepL + ACC, which designates of

time "about, near" (W. Bauer 1979, 645). One instance, which corresponds to Ttpos +

ACC, demonstrates that the meaning of npH could also be 'towards, near' (discussed in

§9.33).

9.3 1 In the Gospels we find two examples of npw + LOC of a person:

L3:2 npn apxHepe .1 an wb i Kdi'fc-fr'fa k z i c t z . r /tz ejkih (Z)

L4:27 I MZNOSH K t d * * tlpOKdJKeMH B.AH flpH CxtHCCH npOpOU'b (Mar)

Both correspond to Greek ent + GEN:

L3:2 cttl apxtepetios "A v v q k q l KaCatpa e-feveTO prifia 0eoO

L4:27 KpQL ttoX X ol XenpoC ncrav ev xu ’Icrpar|X ent ’EXigtqlou

tou npotpr)xou

This construction is also found in Supr: 243

Supr 108:10-12 m x y g n z jkg e z i c t z c e a t z i h Hhonhh . . . npH N

ufccapH

9.32 When npH + LOC corresponds to nepL + ACC, it usually involves an hour or another specific time:

M t27:46 npi a g e ^ t ^ h * g roAiH'fc EL7L.ni hcz (Asm) Mk6:48 I non YGT&pZT'tM CTfttfDKH NOUiTZN'fe.H npMAG KZ MHMZ . . . (Mar)

Mt 27:46 nepu 6 e xfiv evonriv copav ave^oricrev o ’Irjcrous

M k6:48 nepC TexdpTViv tpuXa^yjv tvjs vxjktos ep x e T at TTpos

q u to u s . .

9.33 flpH + LOC occurs with one other noun in the Gospels: eg YG pz 'evening':

L24:29 . , , *bt;o npi E&YGp-fc g c t z . . . (Asm)

This instance corresponds to npoj + ACC:

L 24:29 oti irpos ecrTTepav GCTTLV 244

This demonstrates the polyscmicity of the npH + LOC construction: here it is used to

express a times tow ards which.

9.34 To summarize, the LOC occurs with four prepositions in OCS: R Z , Na, no and

npH. &z and Nd are quite similar in meaning and usage to B 2 and Nfl + ACC, and often

compete with them. They both have many different Greek constructions to which they

correspond, rio bears the meaning 'after' and corresponds to Greek p.£Ta + ACC. It

is a very frequent construction in OCS. npH, on the other hand, is quite rare and

renders either Greek nepc + ACC if a temporal noun is used or ettl + GEN if the noun

represents a person. In the last example given, npH translated npoj + ACC, 'towards'.

9.34.1 Kz + LOC is the only one of these constructions which survives in

active usage in the modern Slavic languages; indeed, it rivals even the RZ + ACC

construction. As mentioned in §9.4, the West Slavic languages preserve RZ + LOC to

express 'in the night’ and 'in the day': Polish W nocy, Czech/Slovak V DO Cl;

Czech/Slovak V dne. Also, some languages preserve the variant RZ + LOC to express

'at midnight' and 'at noon': Czech V pulnoci 'at midnight' and V poledne 'at

noon'; Serbo-Croatian U podne11 'at noon'. Polish chose the LOC, but substituted the preposition 0 (also used elsewhere in place of RZ) with 'midnight': W poludflie

'at noon' but 0 po tn o cy 'at midnight'. Bulgarian shows a form with RZ, with a remnant of a LOC ending in its first part: b noTiyHOtu.

11 ll is difficult lo be certain as to the source of this phrase: noaz has been shortened to pO; dne, however, resembles the LOC SG ending of as seen in the OCS phrase (e z ) ncuoyflLNe. 245

In some instances, the RZ + LOC construction has replaced an older

prepositionless LOC construction, for example TOML 'in that year' was replaced

by phrases such as Polish W ty m TOkU, Russian b t o m rozty. And in Czech, the RZ

+ LOC construction has replaced an older prepositionless LOC construction in

expressions involving seasons: V Zime 'in the winter', V 1 ete 'in the summer'.

Polish shows this as well, with W Zimie and W lecle being variants of

prepositionless INS adverbials Zim a and latem. One of the most important

innovations was the replacement in some languages of RZ +ACCRZ TZ YrtCZ or the

prepositionless LOC TOMR Y

tym czasle, Czech v tom case.

The RZ + LOC construction is found in place of other constructions as well: to

express 'in (a certain) year', it is found in place of the prepositionless LOC; to express

'in (a certain) month', it is found in place of the prepositionless GEN: Modem Russian

b M H B a p e , b 1 9 9 5 -o m rozty 'in January', 'in 1 9 95', Polish W StyczniU, W

1995-ym roku, and Czech v lednu, v roce 1995.

Often words which have temporal meaning only in context and could be used either in the r z + LOC or in the r z + ACC construction in OCS now occur only in the

RZ + LOC: Russian b H a > a a / i e 'in the beginning', b zjeTCTBe 'in childhood'; Serbo-

Croatian U pocetku 'in the beginning', U mladOSti 'in youth'; Polish W d z i e c i n s t w i e 'in childhood’.

N

no + LOC is preserved to varying degrees in the modem languages. Polish preserves the original construction as seen in OCS: po pracy 'after work', po

WSZystkiCh 'after everything', as does Czech, no + LOC is preserved elsewhere, 246

but only as a variant means of expressing 'after'. In the 17-volumc Modern Russian

dictionary CflOBapb coBpeMeHHoro pyccKoro JiHTepaTVPHoro fl3bixa (Axa,qe-

MHJi HayK CCCP, 1950), examples of no + LOC are given, but only with deverbal

nouns + GEN phrase:

3 t o t 3anax . 0cTaBa.acfl eiue HecxoflbKo BpeMeHH no v x o n e .aoKTopa 3aB T pa. no OKOHmaHMM poMaHa. o h /tyMaeT BbiexaTb b ropo/t n p n e x a fl o h no no./ivMeHHn q t MeHfl rrncbMa

Otherwise in Russian, however, now posle12 + GEN predominates: nocfle t o t o

Kax 'after' (conjunction), nocfle ypoxa 'after class'. 13 Serbo-Croatian shows a

similar pattern, with posle + GEN being the more common preposition (e.g. posl e

rata 'after the war'), coexisting with po14 in phrases such as U prvi pGtak po

Cistoj sridi 'on the first Friday after Holy Wednesday' and also:

Oni ga po novom 1 jetu odvedu u Biograd. Pred obedom i 1 i po obedu...mora prijati.

Bulgarian, which has lost nominal declension, preserves the preposition no to mean

'after' (no HoBa ro,qnHa 'after New Year's'), but also preserves the "second half" of

the longer form noC/FbH

BOMHaTa 'after the war'):

12 Recall the adverb n o c (§9.27) and the variant ol no seen in Supr: (§9.28).

13 Examples ol no + LOC are found in Old Russian manuscripts as well, a time during w hich the construction was more widely used than today. For example, the Mstislav Gramola (113(h) has no MOiCML KNHWtNHH 'after my (being prince)’. 14 In Serbo-Croatian, the DAT and LOC have merged in the SG, and the DAT, LOC and INS have merged in the PL; although this preposition traditionally lcx>k the LOC, it is now said to take the DAT, as the LOC no longer exists as a separate case. 247

n o TOBa BpeM e a3 6 j i x S e m e n life /jon/la cneix o 6 e,a

noc^ie in Bulgarian is an adverb which means 'after'. Therefore two different words are found in Bulgarian which are descendants of the longer form of the preposition

'after' noC/CtMCde, in addition to the "short" form no.

npH + LOC is preserved only in Modem Russian in the meaning 'in the lifetime of, with phrases such as ripn rierpe nepBOM 'in the time of/under Peter the First', npM Cra/iMHe 'in the time of/under Stalin', and Bulgarian. Elsewhere, we see j

GEN, as in Polish 23l PlOtrai I 'in the time of/under Peter the First'. In its other meaning, used to express a time tow ards which, the npH + LOC construction is not found in the modem languages, although it is attested from earlier times. For example,

Old Russian documents show frequent usage of the phrase npH CMRpTH, which may be translated as 'on the brink of death': npH czMRpTM i c c t l (K o p M M a s KHwra

EtfcpeMOBCKaa; c. 1100); cm ye w e jN a y e N ie n a ^ r o a e x z : npH czwRpTH flRHTC^ w e^teja, npeEMRZ Tpn ^nh, o^Mpc (First Novgorod Chronicle, 6898i). CHAPTER X

THE GENITIVE CASE WITH PREPOSITIONS

10.1 Unlike the prepositionless GEN, which is represented in time expressions by

rare and highly disputable examples, the GEN case with prepositions often occurs in

numerous different temporal expressions, with various meanings. Otz, cz and M JZ

are quite similar in meaning ('from, since') and function, and sometimes overlap each

other. The GEN is also used with 4 0 ’until', or np*fedz 'before', and the

rare jd 'during', and even rarer &z , which, as we know, usually takes the ACC or

LOC. Each preposition has its own Greek correspondence which will be discussed

separately below.

10.2 The prepositions otz, CZ and HJZ, as mentioned above, all bear the meaning

'from, since' in a temporal sense. Of them, OTZ is by far the most prevalent—it occurs

with numerous nouns, and also in phrases with forms of the demonstrative pronouns CL

'this' and tz 'that' to form conjunctions. Cz, on the other hand, only occurs one time

(Xodova 1971, §89). And finally, in temporal expressions, Hjz (an otherwise highly

productive preposition) only occurs with a few nouns which have temporal meaning only in context, and also in a few phrases such as hckonh, HCtlpL&d 'from the

beginning', and H jdd&LNd 'for a long time, from a long time ago', all of which

became adverbialized (lexicalized). Almost all the occurrences of otz, cz and Hjz correspond to Greek e* ordno + GEN, which themselves also have the

248 249

meaning of'from, since; after'. The verb which occurs with such prepositions usually

expresses either the inception of the action, or its inception and consequent duration.

10.3 Ot z occurs with numerous nouns of inherent temporal meaning: arnl 'day',

R£Y£pz 'evening', Yacz/rodHNd 'hour, time', Rp’fcMifc ’time’, /itTO 'year' and

G*kxz 'century, age'; however, the occurrences of each noun in the GEN with o t z are

few.

10.4 'day' only occurs either when modified (primarily by the demonstrative

pronoun t z 'that');

Supr 92:23 h a & oyfc'fecH kiko o t z 4LN& Toro o t z nort^ MH Supr 210:14-15 NZ OTZ A£N£tUh.NkirO 4LNE A<* kUb-YHTZ

Mt22:46 . . . nm c z i ) t kto otz 4Zne T oro aznpociTi ero k tom ov (Asm) J 11:53 NO OTZ TOTO 3K£ 4LNC CZRtlgdUJA . . , (Ost)

or when followed by a GEN phrase:

N Mt 11:12 OTZ ANHI X£ HCOd KpLCT I T£>ffa 40 C£/ffe IJpCTRO NKCKOG N^rtHTZ CA (Sav)

Thus o t z A£N£ only occurs three times in the Gospels and only a few times in Supr.

All instances correspond to Greek qtto + GEN: 250

M t 2 2 :4 6 . . . ou&e EXoXpncrsv xl $ fltr’ EKEivris xris r^spas

STTEpwxrjcraL auxov o u * exl

J 11:53 a n ’ EKEcvris ouv xfjj fjHEpas EfiouXEucravxo . . .

M t 11:12 duo 8e xwv f)u.epwv ’ Iwdvvou x o u fiaTTTuxxou e w s apxt

ft PqctlX elq xaiv oupavwv Pl.q^exql

10.5 The noun R E Y E p z 'evening' in the o t z + GEN construction only occurs in

Supr:

Supr 431:28 NdYLNZ MOCHTH OTZ RSY&pd dOJKHM 40 JOpL

As will be discussed later (§10.14), R E Y E p z also occurs in Supr in the c z + GEN

construction with the same meaning.

10.6 The noun Ydcz 'hour, time' occurs in three verses in the Gospels. As with the

phrase RZ TZ y

noun Ydcz is preferred over roAHNd when 'hour' is modified by the demonstrative

pronoun T Z 'that':

Mt9:22 i cricNd e z i c t z x&Nd o t z r a c a Toro (Mar)

Mt 17:18 h Hcyfe/it OTpoKz o t z T o ro raca (Sav)

J 19:27 i o t z T o ro Y dca now»TZ hr o^ygnhkz rz cRo-fe ch (Z) 251

All of these correspond to Greek qtto + GEN:

Ml 9:22 * ql ecrtbSr) r) yuvr) dtro ty\s u p a s EKELvris

Mt 17:18 E0EpaTTexj0ri o ttqls qtto Tfjs upas ekslvvjj

J 19:27 *aC a n ’ ekclv >is xris copas eXafiev o ^.aOriTris avrrriv

els lSlq

As mentioned in Chapter 2 under the discussion o fb z T Z Y

Chapter 5 under the discussion of to m l Y

T o r o \a ca —in Mt 15:28 all the manuscripts show b z t z Ydcz, except Ost, which has the prepositionless LOC:

Mt 15:28 *aL lq0ki f] 0U"fQTrip a u x ris a n d ty\s u p a s eK,£LVK|s

Mt 15:28 h M cykvCk a z ijih t€A bo t z Y acz (Mar)

Mt 15:28 h rtZijJM ten t o m l Y ack (Ost)

In Mt 17:18, Sav is the only manuscript with o t z T o r o YdCd. All others have the prepositionless LOC t o m l Y ack:

Mt 17:18 h Hcyb/fk OTpoKZ t o m l Y a c k (Ost) 252

10.6.1 The two other occurrences of dno xfjs upas e^euvris--in Mt 9:22

and J 19:27—are rendered by OTZ Toro YdCd in all the manuscripts which attest these

verses. Thus it is very odd that there is such vacillation between 0T 2 Toro YdCd, B.Z.

T Z Yis u p a s eKeuvris- As

discussed in previous chapters, this semantic change demonstrates the freedom which

the Slavic translators) apparently felt in making changes to best express the meaning

behind the constructions. This change was probably felt to be necessary due to the

semantics of the verb involved—verbs of ’healing' denote a state (here, of being healthy)

which begins at the moment designated by the time expression. Since these verbs are

perfective and indicate the inception of a state, a time phrase which expresses the

moment of inception ('at') combines better with them in Slavic.

10.6.2 Y a c z also occurs in Supr, but with an ordinal numeral:

Supr 43:26-28 cztrojimiua we. tuLCTfiHte . . . o t z YT

4 0 c a tT d

10.6.3 In the Gospels, when 'hour' is modified by an ordinal numeral, the noun ro^HNd is generally preferred to Y d C Z . This is what we see in the O T Z + GEN construction as well. It only occurs one time:

M t27:45 o tz ui&cTzitft xe, toiihnzi Tzya kzi no bcgh (Z)

Mt 27:45 and 6e ekt>is upas o’KQ'tos e-pevexo ent Tratrav xf)v -priv 253

10.7 The noun & p'fe.MA ’time' only occurs one time in the Gospels in the o t z +

GEN construction, and it is modified by the quantifier m z h o t z ’much':

L 23:8 E t so JKG/fbwi o t z MZNorz ap’bM&wz s h a ^ t h . . . (Mar)

This occurrence of o t z + GEN corresponds to a Greek phrase with e*, not qtto , +

GEN:

L23:8 f)v -f^P ^ il^avwv xpovwv uSetv . . .

W. Bauer defines this usage of e* in temporal expressions as designating "the time when something beginsy>r;m"; he specifically defines e* LK,avwv xpavuiv a s meaning "for a long time" (1979, 236). The fact that the time frame is lasting 'a long time' is seen in the aspect of the verb: imperfective. O tz is not limited to just the inception of the action, but also expresses its continuation once it has begun. Thus the

Aktionsart of the verb is durative. This is seen again in the next example.

10.8 ✓I'fcTO 'year' also occurs in this phrase ( o t z /ffeTZ MZNorz)—two times in the

Gospels:

L8:27 DKG HWfe KtCZI OTZ /ffeTZ MZHOTZ (Mar)

L8:29 OTZ MZNOrZ SO xffcTZ RZCXZ IW TddUie M (Mar) 254

Asm shows the prepositionless INS in 1,8:29:

L8:29 MNorzi so ^fcTzi noxziTddiue h (Asm)

This latter verse corresponds to a Greek prepositionless DAT:

L8:29 ttoWoCs -pap xpovois cruvripTTQKEi q u t o v

10.8.1 As was discussed in Chapter 4 (§4.4.3), the verb—(juvKipnaKEL—is in the pluperfect tense. The pluperfect is used in Greek to express an action in the past which occurred before another action in the past. It carries the same meaning in OCS.

However, in OCS the tense of the verb has been changed, from pluperfect to imperfect.

This change was probably made due to the repetitive nature of the action—'(over the course of) many years it had seized him (repeatedly)’. As was also discussed in §4.4.3, the temporal expression in the Greek is in the prepositionless DAT—ttoX X olj xpovoij. This occurrence of the prepositionless DAT is defined by Blass (1949,

§201) as fulfilling the normal function of the prepositionless ACC answering the question 'how long?', whereas Robertson (1914, 527) cites this verse as an associative- instrumental DAT, "though here the locative would give a good idea, 'on many occasions’..., whereas the marg. ('of a long time1) gives the instrumental idea". As was just discussed in §10.7, when o t z + GEN means 'since, from', o t z is not limited to just the inception of the action, but also expresses its continuation once it has 255

begun. The continuation or repetition of the action is expressed by the aspect of the

verb-i mperfcct i ve.

10.8.2 L 8:27 has a variety of possible Greek sources—the preferred reading contains the DAT (SG) xpovu lkqvco :

L8:27 . . . sxtov Sam.6via kqu xpovw lkqvw

which Robertson again defines as an associative-instrumental DAT (1914, 523). Not all manuscripts have the DAT here: one manuscript shows dno + GEN; many, however, show c k li^qvcov xpovcov, including the majority of the Aprakoi. W. Bauer defines this usage of ek >n temporal expressions as designating "the time when something begins from". As was mentioned in §10.7, he specifically defines ek LKdVtov x p o v to v as meaning "for a long time" (1979, 236). One is tempted to see ek

LK.QVC0 V x p o v to v as the Greek source for OCS o t z / i t T Z m z n o t z because the structure of Greek ek + GEN would logically result in OCS o tz + GEN. However, two verses later (L 8:29), a prepositionless DAT gives OCS o t z + GEN, so it is just as possible that o t z ^ f t T Z w z n o t z in L8:27 also arose from a Greek prepositionless

DAT. Both phrases were used in the Greek to express 'for a long time’; the inclusion of a preposition 'from' (Greek ek. OCS o t z ) emphasizes the beginning of the action. As wasjust mentioned in §§10.7 and 10.8.1, when used with the imperfective aspect (here seen in the imperfect tense) o t z + GEN expresses not just the inception of the action, 256

hut also its continuation once it has begun, and thus may be interpreted as 'for' rather

than 'from'.

10.8.3 ✓I'feTO also occurs with numerals in the o t z + GEN construction in the

Gospels:

M t2:16 h bz s c tx z np’bA'k/t’bxz o j t z dBoto >cbTov h nmtkb (Asm)

L8:43 H C£ )K£Ntf CStlJJH BZ KpZBOTO Y£NH I OTZ jdBOK) Nd 4£CiftT£

/ttTOM (Sav)

And it occurs unmodified in Supr:

Supr 31:9-10 H5KB . . . npHNOCATZ OTZ N a CBATStffl: H C/tdBLNXffi naMATb.

The Gospel phrases both correspond to Greek phrases with qtto + GEN to express 'since1:

M t2:16 h q l ev natTL t o u j opuouj auTrjs ano Sletous kql

K.QTWT epco

L8:43 j^q l ouctq ev pucret am atos qtto ctcov SwSckol 257

10.9 The noun RfekZ 'century, age’ does not occur in the o t z + GEN construction in the Gospels; it does, however, occur in Supr and Cloz:

Supr 63:12 npH,tO>K&NHt€ REaHKO C/tdRAUJTIHXZ OTZ RfeKd rocncmta

Cloz 12b:7-8 ez rz oyczriEi czniftUJTAKt otz R~bKd

Cloz 12b:7-8 o Be6 j TTpoj fipaxu Uttvgoctev kql to u s a n ’

QLCOVOS XJTTVOUVTQS EK TOU 0QVQTOU

Cloz 13a:3-4 czn^tuTEH o t z r ^ ka

Cloz 13a:3-4 ol a n ’ qlcjvoj kekolh.>i|4.evol

The Greek a n ’ QUOVOJ is interpreted as 'from ages past, a long time ago' (W. Bauer

1979, 27).

10.10 There are many nouns which do not always carry temporal meaning which are used in the o t z + GEN construction. The most common of these nouns designate stages of life, such as 'youth' or 'childhood'— m jn o c t r or waddENLCTRO, for example.

Other such nouns include R Z j d p d C T Z 'age', 4*kRtkCTR0 'maidenhood', and pO)K4LCTRO/pOAZ 'birth'. The nouns NdYrisao 'beginning', and n p ’fcCEaENH'fe

'migration' are also found with the o t z + GEN construction, as are personal names.

10.10.1 'From birth'is rendered in OCS by o t z powARCTRit or o t z pOA

^ * J9:l RiA't "fKd c,cfcn

Supr238:10 C A ' t n a a r o o t z p o ^ ia . . .

All of these phrases involving stages of life (except 4 ’feKkCTto) have as their source

G r e e k e k + GEN instead of qtto + G E N :

J 9 :1 ' e l &e v avBpWTTOV TUtpXov EK, -Y^eveTfis

10.10.2 The Greek phrase 'from childhood' e k nQufitoBev, however, is

rendered not by o t z , b u t b y h j z (discussed below; cf. §10.16). 'From youth' e k

veoxK|TOS occurs in three verses:

M t 1 9 :2 0 t t q v t q t q u t q e c p u X a & a e k veotriToj n.ou‘

M k 1 0 :2 0 t q u t q tt q v t q etpu^a^otfoiv e k v e o t t i t o s |j.o u

L 18:21 TQUTQ TTQVTQ ECpuXa^Q EK VEOTriTOS M-OU

The first two occurrences are rendered by o tz kjnocth in all manuscripts which attest these verses:

n o M t 1 9:20 BLCd CM c zx p d N H X z OTZ tocTH UQEM ( S a v )

1 Although only a fciv mss. arc lacking the time expression here, it is not included in the preferred reading; it docs occur in M. 2 5 9

Mk 10:20 RLcfe ch czxptfNHxz o t z kwocth Moe.ua (Mar)

L 18:21, however, shows variation among the manuscripts: four show o t z w n o c t h

(Asm, Sav, Z and D):

L 18:21 Ruck. ci c z x p d M H x z o t z k)hqcth Moe.ua (Asm)

while two show h j z kjnocth (Ost and Mar; Mir is lacking this verse):

L 18:21 RLCfe CH CZXpdNHXZ H ?L tONOCTH mocks (Mar)

10.10.3 Thus there is a variation between the use of o t z and HJZ with nouns which express stages of life (these are the only types of nouns used with h j z in temporal expressions). Notice that there is not even consistency within one manuscript: as seen above, Mar shows both o t z kjnocth (Mk 10:20) and Hjb. kjnocth (L

18:21). Since the Greek text shows e* for both occurrences, we cannot look for a distinction here; apparently these prepositions were still in free variation, at least to a small degree, with certain types of nouns.

10.10.4 We see this variation also in Supr, which shows both o t z and h j z with nouns such as KH4A&NLCT&0 'youth' and R Z jA pacT Z 'age': 260

Supr 163:24 <5IJZ OTZ kMddENLCTBfl KpLCTMMNZ KTCMZ

Supr 428:9 OTZ KUaAa SO RZXdpflCTd KpoTOCTL. EL nemz K)RH ca

S u p r23:10 czTROpH TdMNX t r q m h ? 4*bTZCK

Supr 184:23-185:1 tcrowe H? kudazi RpzcTZi yhcth N d R Z ik o x z

10.10.5 A'k&^CTRo 'maidenhood'only occurs with o t z :

L2:36 JKHEZU1H CZ MSOK&MZ if( /fbTZ OTZ d ’bRZCTRfl CRoero (Asm)

O t z corresponds here to qtto , not e*:

L2:36 ^ricQcrQ p.exd avSpoj exr) enxd an d xrjs TTapBevLas 1 a u x rij

10.10.6 The other nouns with o t z + GEN also correspond to qtto + GEN, and also show no variation with H j z :

Mt 24:21 . . . ’bKdJKE N-bCTZ EZI Ad COTZ NdY A A d RCEfO MI pel ^ 0 CE^eb (Asm)

Mk 13:19 . . . tkO NE BZICTZ TdK0R<3 OTZ H dY A A a 7Z 4dN H K ) (Mar)

Mt 24:21 . . . otd ou 'i'^Tovev ^n’ ^PX^S Kocppu euj xou vuv

Mk 13:19 . . . olq od -j'^Tovev 'coiauxvi oltt ’ dpxFjs KXLtrews . . . 261

1 0 . 10.7 O tz also occurs with personal names, meaning 'since the time of X':

T „ T Mt 1:17m £LCbxz xce P040RZ co aRpaaua 40 AA& P040RZ n te, h «

a a toNctfddro p040RZ F T tg . . . (Asm)

And here too it corresponds here to ano:

Mt 1:17 j_j nQcrQL ou v ql -peveaC qtto ’Appaa^i ews AafJuS T-eveaC

SeKaxecrcrapes Kat and AapuS ewj xtis nexoLKecrLas

BafJuXuvos -reveai SeKfliTecrtrapes . . .

1 0 . 1 1 O tz is also used with the demonstrative pronouns cl'this'and tz'th a t'(o tz

cero, o t z Toro), as well as in phrases with adverbs derived from them to form

conjunctions (o tz cC/fb, o tz toah or o t z T0 /t*b, and also o t z N G /tM w e). The form C£/tM does not occur independently, but only in the phrases o t z ce-ft and4 0

CG^fb. Since TOylH independently bears the meaning 'then', C£,tM theoretically would mean 'then', specifically 'this time', to correspond to TO/IH 'that time'. Ng^h also does not occur independently, but is the relative form, 'from which time', corresponding to

T0 /tn and CG/tH. O t z c e r o 'from this (time)'and o t z t o t o 'from that (time)'both render Greek e* xouxou:

J 6 : 6 6 otz csro mrnosh otz ovycnhkz ero H4 *t RZcn^TL . , . (Mar) 262

J 19:11/12 o e z isic-sn T o r o iMAarz. ickdiuG noycTHTH i (Z)

J 6 :6 6 e * t d u t o u tto XX ol ( e k ) t u v n.a8r)Tuv q u t o u qttti XB ov

J 19:11/12 ck , t o u t o u o II lX q t o s e ^ r|T E L qtto X uctqi , q u t o v

The latter verse has OTZ T o ro only in three manuscripts—Mar, Z and Mir. The other

four—Asm, Ost, Sav and D—all show o t z TO/tH/TO/Pb:

J 19:11/12 o t z TO/Pb ntWdiTZ HCkauie noycTHTH i (Sav)

The other phrases render many different Greek phrases with either qtto o re * with substantivized adverbs or relative pronouns: qtto t o u vuv, qtt ’ o p T L , and, in one verse, e £ q u t o u :

Mt 26:64 gotz CG/Pb o v ^LpiTe. cM

L 1:48 CO GO OTZ CG-Pb GyttUKATZ MA BECH pOdH (Mar)

L 22:16 ■bKO OTZ CG/Pb NG IWdUL ’bCTM OTZ NGTO (Z)

Mt 26:64 a n ’ QpTt, otlTeaBe tov ulov tou QvBpamou

L 1:48 L&OU -pap QTTO TO\J VtJV HQKQPLOUOXV |4.e TTQCraL a t 'peveQL

L 22:16 ou pit) tpa-pto quto e£ qutou otou TTXtpcoBrj ev

pQCTLXeca to u Beou2

2 This is not ihc preferred reading; it docs, however,

Ot z TO/IH/t o /I'fe is nol as frequent as o t z it occurs in only three

Gospel verses:

M t4;17 o t z t o ^ h N^tYATZ wcf nponoffcrtdTH (Sav)

In alt three verses it corresponds to Greek dno tote :

Mt 4:17 an d tote rjp^aTO o ’IntroG j KtipucrcrELv

As mentioned above (§10.11), some manuscripts show o t z TO/tH/TO/tte instead of o t z T o ro to render Greek e* to G tou in J 19:11/12.

Ot z Toro occurs in Supr:

Supr 143:3 e z i c t z we o t z Toro n/tHUiTZ

Supr 314:21-22 pEYENZ . . . otz toto 40 4LNECL . . .

as does o t z TO/tH:

Supr 33:22-23 o t z TO/tH noycTH e e j u^TGJKd. . .

and the variant OTZ CEsffe: 2 64

Supr 12:22-23 o t z CG/W ng r h ^ m te, wgng

Supr 30:26-27 N d K d jd R Z icro mg n ^ ym n ^ th o t z c &/U

Ot z CG^rfe. is also found once in Cloz:

Cloz 2b:4-5 lxce. o v so o t z CG/fb KpztUT&NZ c z i (no Greek given)

10.12 O tz nG/IHWG 'from which time'renders a Greek relative phrase: dcp’ ou (< and ou). It occurs four times in the Gospels:

M k9:21 KO/iHko -rfeTZ igctl o t z n (€^h >k & cg e z i c t l tcyoy . . . (Ost)

L 13:7 CG TpGTHG /ttTO OTZ NG/IHiKG npHXOSK^Z (Z)

Three of the four occurrences correspond to Greek dtp’ ou:

L 13:7 t!Sou xpta exr) atp’ ou epxonat,

iji However, in Mk 9:21 we see dtp’ ou in only a few Greek manuscripts; e£ ou (< e* ou) occurs in many manuscripts. The preferred reading, however, (as found in the oldest manuscripts as well as the Aprakoi) shows no relative phrase at all, but rather the conjunction w j 'until': 265

Mk9:2l nouos xpovos ecttlv cjj touto 'Y'^Tovev alutu

10.13 Thus the preposition OTZ is of great frequency in OCS. It occurs with

numerous nouns—both with temporal meaning (4LNL. 'day1, tt&Y&pz 'evening',

YdCZ/rortHNd 'hour, time', apteM^* 'time', /fbTO 'year' and a'bkZ 'century, age')

and temporal meaning in context (those representing stages of life; NdYA^o

'beginning', np'bCG/iGNH'b 'migration'; as well as personal names), with

demonstratives (o t z cero , o t z Toro), and in phrases such as o t z ce-fb, o t z

TO/tH or o t z TO^'b, and also o t z HG/iH)KG. Ot z + GEN can correspond to either

Greek qtto ore* + GEN. These prepositions all bear the meaning 'from, since', or,

more loosely, 'after'.

10.14 A synonym of o t z is cz, 'from, since; after'. It is found only one time in

OCS, as was mentioned earlier. It occurs with the noun a&Yepz 'evening' in Supr:

Supr 25:22 cz RSYepa H 4 ZUJTG , . .

Ot z is also used with aGYGpz, as seen earlier:

Supr 431:28 NdYGNZ nochth o t z aGY&pa 4 0 WHH 40 jo p a

Both can be translated as 'since evening'. 266

Since this is the only occurrence of cz in the canonical corpus in a temporal

expression, it is possible that this preposition was marginal in such expressions.

However, the lively presence of this preposition in Modem Russian, for example, to

express time is suggestive of at least its strong development in later periods, if not of its

original prevalance. In Modern Russian we have c Toro qaca 'since that

hour/moment' (replacing otz T o ro vaca as seen in Ost), c Toro BpeMeHH 'since

that time'; c rurm macoB) 'since five o’clock1; c npotuyioro ro/ta ‘since last year';

c flHBapfl 'since January'; c Ha^ajia 'from the beginning'; and the conjunction c T e x

nop. Kax 'since', based on the adverbial phrase c T e x nop 'since'.

10.15 Yet another preposition is used to mean 'from, since; after' in OCS, rendering

Greek an o or e* + GEN: HJZ. However, its usage in OCS is quite limited as compared to that of o t z : it occurs with only three nouns representing stages of life-

OTpo y h n

'from a long time (ago)'.

10.16 The phrase h jz OTpOYMNZi 'from childhood'occurs only once in the Gospels and corresponds to a Greek phrase with e*:

Mk9:21 KO/tHKO zltTZ t€CTL OTZ NtG/tH)KG CE EZICTL t€M0y ONZ i*f£ pEYE H 7Z OTpOYHNZ I (Ost)

Mk9:21 ttoctoj x p o v o s ecTTtv u s t o u t o je-fo v ev QUTtO; 0 Se

eunev ek naL&LoQev 2 6 7

10.16.1 Hjz tONOCTH 'from youth' occurs only in L 18:21 and competes wilh

o t z + GEN:

L 18:21 Rb.Cfe CM CZXp^NHXZ tONOCTH MOEW) (Mar) L 18:21 ERCt Ct CZXpdNMXZ OTZ tONOCTH MOChft (Asm)

This corresponds to a Greek e* + GEN:

L 18:21 tq u tq navTQ ecpuXa^a £K vsotkitoj p.ou

The examples of variation between o t z ma&A<* RZjApdCTtf (and also o t z

W/t

10.16.2 Since both o t z and h j z are used interchangeably to render both Greek e* and o tto + GEN, we cannot look for their difference in the Greek text. They do show a different range of usage (except with nouns representing stages of life, which permit some variation), but OTZ is preferred overwhelmingly to h j z (which only occurs in three adverbial phrases and with three nouns representing stages of life; o t z occurs with all other nouns, as well as with demonstratives, adverbs, etc.). It is therefore possible that they may have different meanings, however slight. K. I. Xodova defines o t z as "designating the moment from which the action begins" (1971, §89), and h j z as "also designating the moment of the beginning of the activity, but, in 268

distinction to |otz + GEN and c z + GEN|, the moment of time designated by it already

contains within it the beginning of the action" (ibid, §90). She continues: "The

difference between the meaning of the forms otz + GEN and c z + GEN and the

meaning of the form HJZ + GEN leads to a distinction between the internal and external:

if otz + GEN and cz + GEN indicate a time outside of which an action begins, then

hjz + GEN |indicates| a time within the boundaries of which it begins..." (ibid, §90).

10.17 Mckonh and HcnpLRd 'from the beginning', often in competition with each

other, render Greek qtt’ apxris, CK, apxns, and, in one instance, ev dpxrj:

Mt 19:4 CZTROpH H 1CKONH MXHt&CKZ HO/tZ H JKCNRCKZ (Mar)

J 1:1 Ickonh Efedtue. OORO (Z) J 6:64 . . . R'brt'kaLUE eo hckohi hcz (Asm)

Mt 19:4 o k t l c t q s qtt ’ dpxrjj apcrev k q l Brftai eTTOuicrev q u t o u j

J 1:1 ’Ev dpxfj r)V o Xo-pos

J 6:64 . . . fffiei -pop dpxriS ° ’Iricnjuj

There are patterns of usage; some manuscripts seem to prefer one phrase over the other: 2 6 9

K = HCKONH

P = MCnpLftd

Asm Ost Sav Mar ZD Mir

Mt 19:4 d n ’ PPP K ...... K

Mt 19:8 d n ’ P P P K ...... K

L 1:2 a n ’ P P — K KK K

J 1:1 ev K K ... K K K K

J 1:2/3 d n ’ K K , K KK K

J 6:64 e* K P — K KPK

J 8:44 d n ’ KP ... K K K K

J 15:27 d n ’ K KKK KKK

J 16:4 PPPP P P P(2x)

There are Five verses in which hckonh appears in some manuscripts, while HCtlpL&d appears in the other manuscripts. Mar, Z, and Mir always have h cko n h (except in J

16:4) and D has HCnpL&tf only two times out of seven; and whereas Asm has four instances of HCrtpL&d to five of hckonh , Ost shows six instances of HcnpL&d and only three of hckonh , and Sav has ncnpi&d in the three of the four verses which it contains.

On the other hand, there are three verses (J 1:1, 1:2/3 and 15:27) where all manuscripts show only hckonh , and one (J 16:4) where all manuscripts show HcnpLBd only. There is no correspond ence between the usage of one or the other and the usage of e* or qtto-J 1:1 has ev dpxfj, 1:2/3 and 15:27-an* apxrjj, and 16:4-eK apxifc. But e* dpxfts also occurs in 6:64, as seen above, where four out of six manuscripts have 2 70

hckonh , and the other two HenpRRd-- including D. which "prefers" hckonh . Supr also

shows both phrases, although HCtlpRRtf clearly dominates:

Supr 12:28-29 HCKONH NdpHIJdtGMZ HnGTdCZ

Supr 27:11-12 t€WG Na YaoRtKZH k z i t h HenpLRa

Supr 254:16 HCnpLRa E t C/tOEO

Supr 288:25-26 t z i n e npZ R afla.au o y r z nopo4t RzjaRH^t

Supr 364:10 HenpLRd czTROpH/tz eo rz ngeo h jgmri*

Cloz only has HenpLRa, which occurs twice:

Cloz 1 a: 18-19 Kano n e n p z R a K T g t z npOTHRaGNRG Raiuc

Cloz 10b:33-34 n e n p z R a KpGCTZ ocz*4G N Ziw z n s i y a t z CROE04X

4atTH

The question may arise as to the difference between the two phrases, if any. L'vov

(1966) discusses this very issue. He first mentions the work of Jagic on the use of these words, according to whom: "Mckonh ( dtr’ apxrij, sv dpxfj) ... was the first word recorded in the translation of the Gospels for the Slavs. In the older texts this word remained unchanged..." (125). On the basis of this, fora long time the opinion was firmly held, as claimed by Jagic, that "hckonh was original and HenpLR a was a secondary word..." (126). However, based on an analysis of the Gospel text, L'vov comes to a different conclusion: he finds "a difference in semantics of hckonh and HCtlpL&d. The former characterizes an action completed long ago |the result of| which

is without break, while the second—the beginning of an action which later changes"

(127); "hckonh designated 'from olden times', 'long since', and HcnpLR <3--'from the

beginning1. In addition HcnpL&tf was used to designate any early action which, being

discontinued or broken up, was replaced by another one later" (134). He cites the

example of the usage of HcnpL&d in Cloz, which renders Greek e * TTpoot|^.uuv, as

an example of this meaning;

Cloz Ia:18-I9 KdKo n c n p z s a npoTHEyt&Nke EtdujE,

Cloz la: 18-19 nws ck Trpoot+uiov QLOXUvriv {jh.lv *r|p{jcrcreL

Cloz 10b:33-34 HCnpZBd KpGCTX OCXJKAGNZI M2. MiJYiftTZ CROEOrtSt

4 < fb T H

Cloz 10b:33-34 e* TTpoom.LQJV o Setntox^s kql Kuplos

KaxdK,pLTOS a y e x a u . . .

However in Supr there are examples in which Hcnph.Rd is used instead of the expected hckonh , for example;

Supr 112:1 HCflpZRd HUtTGM2IH OTZ BdtUGA ZAaCTH

L'vov attributes such "mistakes" to the fact that by later periods, the meaning of the two words had already begun to merge and certain speakers of certain dialects could no longer distinguish between them. He states: "Only in late manuscripts do we find 2 7 2

instances when one word is used in place of the other, and preference is given to one or

the other word. In particular, in the texts of the East Bulgarian recension a clear

preference is given to HCnplBH, as Sav, Ost and Supr testify" (128). On the other

hand, "in texts of the so-called Macedonian recension, such as Asm for example, a

correct usage of both words is still observed" (128). Therefore,

On the basis of this data the established opinion that, in the original texts

appeared only h c k o n h , and that HcnpLaa entered into the text of the monuments of OCS literacy in later returns of the scribe to the Greek text or was introduced by later scribes, must be considered mistaken. Another opinion is more probable: both words were already in the first texts and as such each was used in its own meaning... (128) These semantic

differences between h c ko n h and HcnpLso could have been only ancient, therefore both words could enter into the text of the first translations. The correct distinction...is reflected in Asm. In other monuments only traces of the semantic distinction...remains... (134)

10.18 Supr exhibits another usage of H jz not seen in the Gospels—with the

substantivized adjective A d & L N Z 'ancient' in the phrase HJZ AdELNtf 'from a long

time ago' which functions adverbially:

Supr 13:26 t h so h h ? x id K Z N d c o y x z

At some time, the phrase became iexicalized, resulting, for example, in the Russian adverb ti3ZtaBHa meaning also 'from a long time ago'.

10.19 Thus the preposition H jz occurs in OCS on a very limited basis. Most of the examples of it are in substantivized adverbial phrases, or with a handful of nouns 273

representing stages of life. In the latter, h j z is in open competition with o t z , but

occurs much less frequently than OTZ.

10.20 The preposition 40 expresses a meaning opposite to that of o t z , C Z and H J Z :

it expresses the "final moment of a continuing action" (Xodova 1971, §91), and as such

occurs with (most frequently) imperfective verbs which express the continuity of the

action until the inception of the time frame. It corresponds to various Greek

prepositions with identical meaning, all of which require the GEN: ew j, Qxpt, and

|j.expt. Smyth calls these "improper prepositions"—they are "adverbial words used as prepositions". He defines them as meaning 'as far as, until’ (1984, §1700). One usage of 4 0 , in the phrase 40 K0 Nh.ita 'until the end', corresponds to Greek euj + ACC: c lj TeXoj. In a separate semantic category, there are a few occurrences in Supr in which 40 + GEN corresponds to Greek ent + ACC in the meaning of 'extension'

(over a period of time) (W. Bauer 1979, 239). According to Xodova, all of these occurrences have nouns modified by numerals "which give the quantitative characteristic of the continuation of the length of the action" (1971, 134-5).

10.21 In its first meaning, 'up to, until', the 4 0 + GEN construction occurs with many nouns, substantivized adjectives and adverbs, and in phrases equivalent to but opposite of the conjunctions OTZ C E /it,0 T Z TO/tH/TOyfk, and o t z N&/tH5KG: 4 0 CG/ffc, 4 0

KO/ffe, and the relative 4 0 NL4 G)KG. The nouns which have temporal meaning and are used in the construction with 4 0 + GEN in OCS are: 4 1 NL 'day', Y acz/ro 4 HNd

'hour, time', nO/iZMOl|JK 'mid-night', a p tM A 'time', and /tfcTO 'year'. 2 7 4

10.22 The noun 4 LNL 'day' occurs both in the SG and the PL with 4 0 . It is always

modified: by a demonstrative, an adjective, a numeral, a genitive phrase, or a relative

pronoun. Here 4 0 usually corresponds to Greek eu)£, but there are also instances of

4 0 corresponding to axpL or [j.expu.

10.22.1 In the construction with 4 0 + GEN, we see both 4 0 T o ro 4 LMe and

4 0 c e ro 4LNE,, as well as 4 0 c h x z 4 LNHI. There is a difference in meaning, however, between which is greater than the difference between T2 and cl 'that' and

'this': 4 0 T o ro 4 LN& renders Greek e q j eKeivru T?js f][4.epas 'until that day', whereas 4 0 cero 4 LNe renders Greek e w j (or ^.expt) tris’ crf)|j.epov 'until today'. Compare:

Mt 26:29 ... He HMdML. toxte nHTH o t z c e r o n ^ 0 4

Mk 14:25 . . . oy>t

a l n £ e r 4 d nets; 1 noel el ypckn ejkih (Z)

Mt 26:29 ou n.r| nuo an’ apxc e* t o u t o u t o u x e v ^IM.

apineXou ews finepaj eKELVtis o t q v q u t o nLVto n.e0’

U(4.wv k q l v o v sv xfj paaxXELa . . .

M k 14:25 o u k e t l o u n u o e k t o u Yev%fQT0S ifis dmTeXou etos

fyiepas ekeLvrij orav q u t o n lvw kqivov e v Trj

PqctlXeui tou 0eou

and: 275

Mt 27:8 TfcML we Ndpeye c a ce,to t o ce^o Kpzee h 40 cero 4kue (Asm)

Mt 28:15 m npoNece ca c^obo ce bz H oyA enxz 40 c e ro 4 kNe (Ost)

Mt 27:8 &lo eKXf) 0r) o d-ypos ekclvos QL^taTos eios x?is crf|n.epov

Mt 28:15 k q l 5uetpr)|Awr0r) o Xo-pos ouxos napa ’IouScilols n.expe

•cfis crf|n.epov

10.22.2 The phrase 4 0 AkNeckN'fcdro ALNe also renders Greek ^.expt TT|S trf|p.epov:

^ *> M il 1:23 np-bKZtytzi b z iu ia 40 jiLneczMt.ro 4 we (Z)

Mt 11:23 e|4.SLvev qv ^.expL xrjs cf)nepov

In Supr this phrase is found without the noun ALNe (i.e. the adjective is substantivized):

Supr 25:19-21 chh we r>t

Supr 38:22-23 cXTk 40 A ^etitkN'bro

10.22.3 The phrase 40 AkNeck occurs in Supr, with AkNece being a frozen adverbialized ACC:

Supr 314:21-22 . . . p e y e n z . . . o t z T oro 40 4kNeck 2 7 6

W c also sec 4 0 c m x z alnhi in Supr

Supr 13:27 (€CTZ we H ao c h x z alnhi

10.22.4 4° with ALNG modified by an ordinal numeral occurs once in the

Gospels corresponding to Greek etoj + GEN:

Mt 27:64 noRG^M o^eo oyTRpzAHTH rpocz 40 TpGTHfcro a u n g (Z)

Mt 2 7 : 6 4 Ke\eucrov ouv ao-(pa\Ltr0r|VQL xov xacpov e u s x f i s TpLT^s rin.epas

This same phrase is found in Supr:

Supr 338:18-19 h ao TpSTHkiro alng noRe^-fewA oyTpLAHTH

Elsewhere, 4 0 A^NG with a cardinal numeral (in Supr only) corresponds to Greek ettC

+ ACC and will be discussed later (§10.32).

10.21.5 flo 4 LNG + GEN phrase occurs only once in the Gospels:

L 1:80 H Efc RZ noyCTZNH'bXZ AO ARNG ’bR^GNH’b c r o g t o (Asm) 2 7 7

Here too it corresponds to Greek ew j + GEN:

L l:8 0 k c l riv ev xaCs epfippLS ew s f)H-£Pa S avaSeL^scos auxoxi

10.22.6 Ao N eroxte ^ lng (with NerotKe. being the GEN of the relative

pronoun mjkc ) 'until that day which/when’ occurs three times in the Gospels:

Mt 24:38 . . . 40 NtgroxtG 4 l n g r x n h 4 g Note r x k o r l Y&rz. (Ost)

L 1:20 h ce ex^cium kuzya m ne. MorzH nporvJdTM 40 netojke 4ENE

KStflSITZ CUM (Asm)

L 17:27 . . . 40 NeroMte 4LNE rlnmae noe bz korlygtz. (Mar)

Note the perfective verb in the first and third examples: rzn h a e . Here the verb is

perfective because the action is not one of continuation, but rather a resultative action.

Because these are relative clauses, we can infer that the action expressed in the perfective

verb will occur on that day, rather than until it.

All three instances correspond to Greek axpL rjs ( r|p.Epas):

Mt 24:38 a x p u ris rp.epas E u x f p v S o v Hwe e ls xvjv KLjlcoxov

L l:2 0 k q l t & o u scrri tJLtontov kql p.rj Sxjp.dn.Evos X a X fitra t

a x p L ris n H .e p Q S -fevrixaL xauxa.

L 17:27 ^O'Bi'OV, e t t l v o v , e-fdp.ouv, axpL f i s n p .ep as

sccrr|X0Ev Nue s t ’s t?iv Ktfiwcov 2 7 8

10.23 4° + GEN of YdCZ/roAHNd 'hour, time' (the former in Supr, the latter in the

Gospels) occurs only when 'hour' is modified by an ordinal numeral. In the Gospels this numeral is 4&BATZ 'ninth'. The phrase occurs three times in the Gospels, but each occurrence is identical:

c ~ < M t 2 7 :4 5 t z m <3 k z i no b c c h yeu-w do A&Rtf»Tz iw» i- q a h h z i (Z )

Ao a c r a t z i roAHNZi corresponds to Greek eus upas evaTr|s:

M t 2 7 : 4 5 c t k o t o s e - f e v e T o ettl naaav triv -priv eus upas evaTris

Ao luecTddro YdCd 'until six o'clock' occurs in Supr:

Supr 326:29-327:1 c e a o w&CTddro Ydc a TR O ph c a

10.24 An no^oyNOtjiH 'until mid-night' occurs only in Supr:

Supr 51:20 notdxx a o no/ioyNouiTH

10.25 An RpfeMCNG + GEN phrase 'until the time o f is found in Supr: 2 7 9

Supr 19:16 4 0 Sp'te.M&HE. kjBbXNHM CMOy CZXpdNL

while ^ 0 Bp’fcu&NG unmodified, corresponding to Greek axpL KaLpoG, is found

once in the Gospels:

L4:13 oth^g otz Nero 4 0 Bp’kMGHG (Mar)

L4:13 Qnetrxri an’ auTOU axpu KaipoG

This verse is only attested in one canonical manuscript—Mar. It is also attested in D and

Mir. One Greek manuscript substitutes axpu xpovou for axpt. KQLpou The use of unmodified EtpfeMA as corresponding to Greek KaLpos was discussed earlier (cf.

Chapter 2, §2.7.3).

10.26 The noun /ffeTO ’year’ is also used in the 4 ° + GEN construction. It occurs only once in correspondence to Greek etoj + GEN:

L 2:37 M T4 BZ40B4 40 0CMH4GCATZ H Y&TZIpL ^fbTZ (Ost)

L2-.37 kql q u t ^i xripa etos c tu v 6'p8of|KOVTQ Teaxrapcov

Other instances of 4 0 >ffeTZ (in Supr only) corresponds to Greek cttl + ACC and will be discussed later (§10.32). 2 8 0

10.27 There are numerous occurrences of 40 + GEN of nouns which have temporal meaning due to context (as there arc too many to cite all examples, see Appendix L for a complete list). Almost all occurrences correspond to Greek eu)j. flo + GEN can be used with people, meaning 'until the time of X':

Mt 1:17m ELctxz jke po^ORZ co a&paaua 40 4 4

M t 1 :1 7 1 ttqctql ouv ql -pEvsaC ano ’Afipadpi sojs AapCS 'revEQI'

Se^QTecra'Qpej . . .

V 7T Mt 11:13 rch ko npo m jdiiONH 40 Hcoa npoptewA c a (Sav)

Mt 11:13 t t q v t e s -p^P npotpfycaL k q l 0 voptoy ecos ’Iwavvou

enpotpriTeucrav

as well as with events:

Mt 1:17|_4. R L C bxz p o a o tz . . . h

R

Mtl:17M TTQcmL ouv at! 'pevea1' Aapufi e w j tfis

piETOLi^Ecruij BafiuXwvos Yeveat' S ekqtecto 'qpes ' . . .

Mt2:15 M Efe TOVf 40 O’M’UpZTRH’h HpOAORd (Asm)

Mt 2:15 kcil nv ek.eC ew s xrjs TE^EUxfis 'HpwSou

Mt 28:20 I CE 4 J Z CZ &4MH ECMZ RRCA ^LNH 40 CZKOMRYdMH'fc R*hk4 (Mar)

Mt 28:20 k q l l’S o u s-pto pis0’ uj^cov el'pll natjay xas fjpiEpas e w s

xris c t u v x s X e u i s xou a u o v o s Supr 126:29-127:1 403KHH 40 RZCKpZCRNHkt

Supr 191:14-15 , . . ocTdRHRzwe m Toy 40 CR'fcTa

Supr 314:21-22 . . . pRYCMZ r z hnsc TpRtie^x r z yph.KZRdxz , . .

H AO npHIUZCTRHM ICMOV

10.28 4° als° occurs with the noun of repetition. KpdTZ 'time'. However, this occurs only three times, once in Mt 18:21 and twice in Mt 18:22, and is attested only in

Mar

Mt 18:22 NR r7« TREt 40 CG4MG KpdTZ NZ 40 CG4MR 4RCATZ KpdTZ CRAMHi^Gtx (Mar)

Here, too, 40 + GEN corresponds to Greek euy + GEN:

Mt 18:22 ou Xe-ptj crou ew s ettxqklj q XX q ecoj efJSopuiKovxdKLS

ETTTQ

This occurrence of 40 + GEN, however, can be seen as an expression of degree rather than of time.

10.29 One occurrence of 40 + GEN corresponds not to Greek £105 + GEN, but rather to eCy + ACC: the OCS phrase 40 KONLLta 'until the end' renders Greek eiy x e X o s -3 Usually, the phrase eJy xeXoy has the meaning 'to the end', as in:

3 It is interesting to note that for the Greek the usual prepositions which express 'up to, until'—

euj, a x p u and p .e x p L — arc not found with the noun teXos in the Gospels. However, in I Cor 1:8 wc do sec ew£ TeXouj: 2 8 2

Mk 13:13 o Se u n o n e iv a s eCs t e X os outos crtoBricreTQL

Sometimes it can mean 'in the end’, as in L 18:5:

L 18:5 lvq | 4 .vi eu’s teX os epxon.ev>n UTTunLd^rj p.e

In one occurrence it means both 'to the end' and 'to the utmost' (W. Bauer 1979, 229):

J 13:1 els' t e X os ri'r^TTr)a'ev auTOUS

Since 'to the end' can also be interpreted as 'until the end', the OCS translation 4 0

K0NLl)d was used to render this meaning:

Mk 13:13 n p fcT p zn tK Z i we 4 0 KONLtid t z. cncNZ kx^etz (Mar) J 13:1 40 KONLUd RLJ/UOKH Mt (Z)

I C or 1:8 0 5 *ql PePqluctel upay eus teX ouj QVEfKXf|TOUS ev tij f)p.epa

TOU KUpLOU u p u v 'Icro u [XpLCTTOu]

T hus e u s ^ axpL t e X o u s were available lo the Greek to express 'until the end1, but were not employed by the authors of the Gospels, 283

Ft is likely that the occurrence of e l’s te \o s in L 18:5 was interpreted in the same way

as all other occurrences of the phrase, and here too 40 KONeqa was used:

L 18:5 n g 40 konlu<3 npHX 04

flo kONkLjd was also used in Supr and Cloz, in which it also renders Greek

te X o j:

Supr 86:9 h noRt^x 40>khm 40 K O N itid

Supr 151:4-5 40WHH 4 0 KONGUfl MtHTHH MOtCift

Supr 198:26 403KHH 40 KONLlld

Cloz 3b:25-26 n o c T i w c * e rz nixz rwfe.RZ 40 K O H m a

Cloz 3b:25-26 etpBaae 5e ett’ qutoG f) oppG tou 0eou els teXoj

10.30 flo + substantivized adjective or adverb does not occur frequently. We see the phrase 40 c ero 'until this' once in the Gospels, corresponding to Greek eojj

TOUTOU, and once in Cloz, corresponding to Greek |4.EXpl, TOUTWV:

L 22:51 ocTdRHTG 40 c ero . . . (Ost)

L 22:51 e S te ew s t o u t o u

Cloz 1 la: 15-16 1 ng 4 0 cero x

Cloz 11 a: 15-16 KaC ouSe (4.expt toutwv qpkou^evol 2 8 4

10.30.1 The phrase 4 0 n z 1 Httub.Nkiro 'until now’(with the possible ellipsis of

a head noun 4 b.NL 'day', 'until |this| day now') occurs frequently in Supr:

Supr 30:28 cg jkg 4 0 nzinmuj N’taro czxpdNGNZ Supr 97:16-17 do NZiN^uiLNktro noC/toyinzcTBoyatuiTOM szi&woy na

NGM . . .

10.30.2 The adverb nzin^ 'now' is substantivized in the phrase 40 NZlN'fe.

’until now’, which occurs in the Gospels in place of 40 NZlN’blULNkiro:

T Mt 24:21 . . . ■fckdJKG N'feCTL E L M4 COL NdYGstd TRdpH CG*«S TOJtCG I AO

NN’b (Mir--1st time)

Mk 13:19 . . . ■bkO NG EZICTZ TdKO OTZ NdYA/td J Z4 dNHtO . . . ^ 0

NZIN’b (Z)

Both instances correspond to a Greek etos t o u v u v , with t o u v u v being a substantivized adverbial phrase in the Greek:

Mt 24:21 . , . otd ou 'Y'C'fOvev ott’ dpxris koo'|4 .ou etoj t o u v u v

Mk 13:19 ... ota ou 'pe'povev tolqutti d n ’ dpxfis KTurews . . .

£0 ) 5 t o u vuv 10.30.3 In Mir, the second occurrence of Mt 24:21 shows 40 CG,fb, as opposed

to the first occurrence of the verse, cited above, with 40 NZ t N 't. All other manuscripts

which attest Mt 24:21 also show 40

M t24:21 . , , tKdJKe tfbcTZ ezm <3 wtz acero uipo 40 (Asm)

10.30.4 4° CG^b. also occurs in four other verses; however, in all of these occurrences 4 0 c e ,fb renders Greek eu s a p x i;

n ^ _ M t 11:12 OTZ 4 NHI )KG HOOd KpLCT I TG/)*b 40 CG/lb tjpCTRO NKCKOG N0V4 HTZ ca (Sav)

Mt 11:12 a no Be xuv f)n.epuv ’luavvou t o u fJaTTTurxou e u s apxc

f) fJaOxTieUl xuv oupavuv pia^CTaL

t O J 16:24 . . , 40 CG/lt. NG npOCHCTG NMYG)KG 0 HM&NH MOGUL. (Sav)

J 16:24 eus apxc ou* vixficraxe ouSev ev xu 6 v 6h .qxl h _ou

"Eus apxt, however, has the same meaning as eus 'cou yuv: 'until now'.

4o CG/fb. and also 4 0 T O /fb occur in Supr:

Supr 23:21 ocTdRHBZwe M<* do c&^t. . . .

Supr 93:S6 ng oyKO KbdUJG 40 To^b &H4b/tz arrtAa 2 8 6

10.30.5 4° KO-fb is the subslantivized interrogative which renders Greek eus

tto te 'up to when, for how long?'. 4 ° KOvfb occurs six times in four verses in the

Gospels and also occurs frequently in Supr:

Mt 17:17 4 0 KO/t’b c z B4MM e x ^ x 4 0 KO/fb Tph.n/tiat B a e z (Ost)

Mt 17:17 ecus noTE p.e0’ upiwv ecron.au; e u s ttote ave^opaL upiov;

Supr 2:3^4 4 0 KO/fb 4 0 C4 >K4 dt€uiH ne,. cpdMLkttfi c a

Supr 6:15 40 KO/fb xo^/tzi ra^rO/teujH . . .

Supr 24:23-24 4 0 xo.t'b np*bEZ IB4T& b z E e jo y y m

10.30.6 The frozen relative phrase 4 0 NL^E)KE 'until when' occurs very

frequently in the OCS Gospels, and also in Supr. 4 0N^4^)K& renders various Greek

relative constructions, all expressing 'until when’: ewg o t o u , etoj ou, axpuj

ou, and p.expLS ou; it also renders some relative constructions with prepositions

other than those indicating 'up to, until': ecp’ ocrov 'for as long as’ (two times) and

ev u 'during which' (one time). 4 ° nl a &)K& can also render Greek conjunctions--

ews,ews av, and nptv--although these are not as frequent as the relative

constructions:

Supr 28:29 . . . 40H4£iK£ AOHAOUIA v b C T d

M t5:25 40NL.4B.iKE. E.CH N4 nZTM CZ NHWb. (Mar)

M t5:25 ew$) o t o u eu piex’ q u t o u ev xfj 65(4 2 8 7

Mt 14:22 40NL4G)K£ OTZnOVfCTHTZ NflpOAZI (Mar)

Mt 14:22 euj ou aTtoXua-^ t o u j o x \ o u s

Mk 13:30 ng mm<3Tl npteHTH podoch. ,d.0Nb.ji&3K£k lc g c g EStdGTt. (D)

Mk 13:30 uapeXBrj fi 'f ev e^ o u t k i p.expL$ ou t q u t q ndvxa

*pevr)TQL

L21:24 dONd'hxce kON YdtOTL c g Etp'feMGNd GjLikL (Mir)

L 21:24 a x p L ou nXnpwBwcruv Koipou eGvtov

Mt 9:15 . . . 40NLd£>KG CZ NHWH GCTZ WGNMXZ (Mar)

M t9:15 (4 .vi Suvqvtou dl ulol tou vupLtptovos nevGeCv etp’ ocrov

H.e9’ auTtov ecrTLv o vu ^ cp tos

M k2:19 40NLAG>KG CZ NHMH GCTZ JKGMHXZ . . . N£ IMXTZ nOCTHTH Cift (Z)

M k2:19 |4.r| SuvavxaL ol ulol tou vu|4.cpcovos ev to o vupupLoj

piex’ auxtov CCTTLV W|0"TeueLV

T ^ 14 Mt 23:38/9 NG HMdTG MGNG RH^'bTH O NN’fe. dONdfeWG pGTG . . . (Mir)

Mt 23:38/9 ou pif) pie L&r)Te a n ’ apXL e u s dv euiriTe . . .

One verse—L 22:34—has many different Greek sources, depending on the manuscript: only one manuscript shows the relative phrase etos otou, and etos ou only occurs in two manuscripts. Conjunctions occur much more frequently—npuv is found in many manuscripts, but the preferred reading is with etos: 288

L 22:34 ou tpwvfio'eL cri'm.epov dXeivrwp eus Tpus pie arrapvricrri

eiS ev aL ■> „ 1.22:34 N£ &z%r jacHTZ. K o y p z a nl cl TpH a p a r a

OTZRpZ)K£llJH CriS M£N£ (Z)

Which Greek phrase was found in the prototype for the OCS text is not relevant; all such phrases in general are translated by dONLA£)K£.

10.31 Thus in the first and primary meaning of 40 we find numerous nouns, both with and without inherent temporal meaning, as well as with substantivized adjectives and adverbs and in phrases forming conjunctions and a relative phrase. In the meaning of 'up to, until', 4 0 + GEN occurs with great frequency in OCS and renders one of three Greek prepositions with also mean 'up to, until', all of which require the GEN: most frequently we see the preposition etOJ, less frequently axpl, or ^.expc.

10.32 4° + GEN also has a second meaning, and in this meaning it renders

Greek ettl + ACC. It occurs with several nouns: ALNL 'day', MOIJJL 'night', YdCZ

'hour, time', and /CbTO 'year'. The noun is always modified by a cardinal numeral and indicates "the continuation of the length of the action" (Xodova 1971, 134-5). As it is the "continuation of the length of the action" that is emphasized with this construction, the verb which co-occurs with such phrases is expected to be an imperfective. This is not always the case, as will be discussed. 289

10.32.1 4 ° + GEN corresponding to Greek cttl + ACC is used for the noun

ALNk. 'day' in phrases such as AO TpHH a ^ nh 1 an£J also 'n combination with the noun

noi |jl 'night', such as ao c&a ^MH a ^ nmi h noijihi :

Supr 129:11-12 Toro pdAM N& blnhab 40 Tphh 4BHHH

Supr 22:27 nb HWdTZ a°mth yfecTd 40 Y&Tziph. 4lmhi Supr 162:3-4 CZTBOpH 5KB .. . 40 4pOVrZIHXZ nATH 4LNHH

Supr 8:26 nHrts CZ tfnOCTOJZI 40 YSTZIpb. 4£Ci»iTZ 4LNHI

*> Supr 11:5-6 H CHI4& TBOp-fc

Note the perfective verbs, especially in the first two examples. Here, however, "the

continuation of the length of the action" is still expressed, although we may see it more

as the "the continuation of the length of the non-action": in the first example, the act of

entering did not occur for three days, and it was only on the third day that (he) entered.

Since the verb refers to either the inception or the result of the act of entering, it is in the

perfective rather than the imperfective aspect.

Y4CZ 'hour, time' is also used in this construction:

Supr 148:6-8 40 4Boro h^h 40 TpHH Y a cz . . . pxiist kz orNto

npHAtA TpLntawe

as is /tfeTO 'year': 290

Supr 211:12-13 KZ C^OyXALUT^OVMOM ICMOV 40 Y&TZIpb. ^ fc T Z

Supr 148:6-8 Tdkoro xce dpHANH AO Y E T Z Ip Z 4&Ctf>TZ ,ffcTZ

npdEOB’fcpZNZIHXZ IjpZKRM 4pZWdUlift

10.32.2 This meaning of 40 + GEN overlaps the prepositionless ACC in its meaning

of a time completely filled by an action. Thus the question arises as to why the 4 0 +

GEN construction should be chosen over the prepositionless ACC construction to ex­

press this meaning. In Greek, the prepositionless ACC also expresses a time completely

filled by an action. Here too the meaning of a prepositional construction--with enc +

ACC—overlaps the construction with the prepositionless ACC. In Greek, cttl + ACC

serves to emphasize the "extension" of the time. By choosing a prepositional construc­

tion with 4 0 + GEN (instead of the prepositionless ACC), OCS thereby also gives

emphasis to this "extension" of time.

10.33 Another preposition which takes the GEN in OCS and renders a temporal

expression is npfexCAG, (more rarely np’t 4 Z) ’before'. np’feW 4 G./np,fe 4 Z can also

take the ACC or INS, but in temporal expressions these two constructions are rarer than

npfe)K 4 e + GEN .4 indicates the "time before which an action takes place"

(Xodova 1971, §84). Usually the verb which expresses the action is of perfective

aspect, as it expresses either the inception or resultative conclusion of the action, rather

than its duration. It always corresponds to Greek npo + GEN, ’before'.

4 np'feJttrte is the derived comparative form of n p t^z (Proto-Slavic *perd_), In canonical OCS, npfcAZ is rare. Because of this, occurrences of n p t^ z + ACC or INS arc also rare. With the derived form np’tsc^c, wc sec the noun in the GEN because it is governed by a comparative. 291

10.33.1 Unlike other prepositions which express temporal meaning, np'kXAG

occurs more frequently with nouns which do not have temporal meaning than with those

which do. It is found with the nouns a ln l 'day', 'time1, Ydcz 'hour, time',

npdJALNHKZ 'festival, holiday', ridCXd 'Passover' (later—'Easter'), RfekZ 'century,

age', but quite rarely. It only occurs once in the Gospels with the demonstrative CL

'this', and otherwise np'bttAG is not found with substantivized adjectival or adverbial

phrases. One intance of Greek npo + GEN is rendered by a subordinate clause in OCS:

« T npo t o \j t o v Kocrppv e l v q l 'before the world came to be' in J 17:5, which is an

example of an articular infinitive (INF) + ACC subject—a construction for which the

Slavic equivalent was a DAT subject + INF:

J 17:5 . . . Trj S6£9j ri ecxov npo toxj t o v K,ocrp.ov elv ql n a p a a m

This appears in most OCS manuscripts as npfexcAG n g ezi ctl MHpz 'before the world was’:

c J 17:5 . . . caroms wpkg H M txz np-txcne 4«G ng e z i rgcl u i p z

oy T6KG (Asm)

In the A p ra k o i, this verse occurs twice; in Sav, the second occurrence shows the subordinate clause as seen above. The first occurrence in Sav, however, has the equivalent DAT subject + INF: 2 9 2

J 17:5 . . . C/ld&X |sic-SF| WDKE H M tX Z np’feXAC, EZITH RCSMOV MHpOM

o T e s t |sic-SF| (Sav)

It is interesting that this construction with the DAT subject + INF only occurs one time

in one manuscript, and that in the other occurrence of this verse in this one manuscript

(Sav), it is replaced by the subordinate clause construction. Perhaps this is an indication

that the DAT subject + INF construction was already dying out in the period of the

earliest recordings of Slavic.-*’

10.34 rip,fe.)KA& occurs with rtb.NL'day'only once in the Gospels:

J 12:1 IcT jke npteMiiE u j e c t h iicNZ nacxzi npHrt& k h t^ n h w : (Mar)

J 12:1 6 ouv ’Incroxjs npo fjneptijv tou nao'XQ r)X9ev eu’s

Br)9avLQV

It also occurs in Supr:

Supr 94:19 nMONHH JKE EMrt*b npfciK/lE tCjANOrO ALNS BLNETrtd CA

pOrtH . . .

Supr 127:27-28 npooy&'brt'baz npfcxdE TpHH a l n h h c z k o n l y £NHI€ c r o k

Although Modem Russian, lor example, docs have a construction with DAT subject + INF, these are used only in impersonal expressions (e.g. m t o MHe caenaTb 'whal to me to do', i.e. 'What should I do?' or 'What can I do?'). In this verse it replaces the DAT subject + INF construction with a prepositional phrase containing a dcvcrbal noun: npeac^e CbiTHa MHpa 'before the creation of the world'. Bulgarian shows this as well: n p e a n c b 3,aaHHeTO Ha CBera 293

10.35 nptJKAE Rp’bW&NE also occurs only once in the Gospels:

Mt8:29 ripHUJZ/tz teen cfcuo n p tX 4 £ Bp~bM&w£u x y h t z Ndcz (Ost)

This unmodified use of Rp'kMA corresponding to Greek ^Qipoy was discussed in

Chapter 2 (§2.7.3):

M t8:29 v\ \ 0 es wSe TTpo Kaipou pacravurac fipias;

nptJKrte Kp’fewcNG also occurs in Supr, in conjunction w'ith npt)t< 4 £, T o ro YdCd:

Supr 304:23-24 np’fa?«4& T&ro RpfeM&Ne npfcafae Toro Ydca npH^e

S/4XANHIJ4

in a phrase with the quantifier MaJZ:

Supr 342:26-27 OMpdYRttiddro c^ ln u e Isic-SFI npfrxde. u tu a Rp’fcMSHE

and unmodified:

Supr 450:28-29 n p t x a e &p,kM£N& npHroTOELMtiJ& oyYENHKZt croa no MO/IHTRZ 294

10.36 The phrases np*b)KA£ npdjALNHkd nucxzi and npfewa & n ^ c x z I both

occur once in the Gospels in temporal meaning:

J 13:1 npfexae npa?4LNHKa nctcut B t^ z i mcT tko npHA& eyoy rOAHNd (Mar) *> ^ J 11:55 I ELJMA* M NOJH EZ u w z OTZ CTpdNZI flptX dE IldCXZI (Z)

J 13:1 npo Se t>is eopTfjs toxj nacrxa ei&ws o Tricrous tm,

f)X8ev auTou f) wpa

J 11:55 kaC avepritrav ttoXX ol etj TepocroXma ck t>is xwpaj

npo toxj nacrxa

10.37 np'b)KA& RtK Z is found in Supr only:

Supr 124:17-19 ocTdRH&z WH&ddro . . . oTpoka icoyc xpHCTOCd np~fc)K4e a'bkz

Supr 177:6 npfcxae afekd poah ca Supr 357:11 npfcxde. B'bKZ oyroTORH Cift

10,38 npt*AG chxz occurs once in the Gospels in temporal meaning:

L21:12 nptewas xe chxl aicbxh. elj/Iojkxtl na &y pXKU caorf>i (D) 295

1.21:12 npo 8e toutgjv ndvtwv enLflaXoxjcrcv etp’ up.as tas

xeCpas qutujv

10.39 All other occurrences of np’kWAe + GEN in OCS with temporal meaning

contain nouns which do not have temporal meaning. These include: noTonz 'flood',

CZ^owcnhg 'foundation, construction', NdYA^o 'beginning', and E-kdd 'misery,

suffering'. The 1st SG personal pronoun d j z 'I' is also found:

J 5:7 ter^d we, nptxowa^djL hnz np-kw.de. mehe. B Z-tdjiT (Asm)

J 5:7 ev w Se ep x o n at byCi, aX X os tTpo epiou KQTaBaLveu

10.39.1 K.z alnh rip-kw^c noTorid 'in the days before the flood' is found

once in the Gospels:

Ml 24:38 mko we eo E-kdxx az 4 lnm npfrwe no-rond (Ost)7

Mt 24:38 tuj -^ap r)o"QV ev tqls fin.cpQLS (eKeuvaus) tqlj npo

TO\J KQTQKXuaH.O\J

Sav has the order reversed, making npfcWAE an adverb, 'earlier':

It is worth noting the translation of the Greek relative clause here, which is a temporal c\pcssinn: ev (j '(in the time) in which'is replaced by a conjunction in OCS: ter^a. Conjunctions such as this arc not discussed in this study. 7 Note that the verb here is impcrfectivc; this is because the action rclcrcd to is neither inceptive nor rcsulUMivc. but rather slalivc. 296

Mt 24:38 mkojkg so Efcxx np'hxdG el alnh noTona (Sav)

10.39.2 npt)KrtG cz^OJKGNWb y Hpa 'before the construction of the world'

also occurs only once:

J 17:24 g c h n p t x A e czytoaKGNHte UHpa (Mar)

J 17:24 riT^nriadj n.e TTpo KaxapoXtis Koodoo

10.39.3 np’fe.JKde L t/tzi is an example of nptxtrtG + noun found in Supr:

Supr 114:1 Mcnoa*fe)Kdz oyEO no EO/tfi npfeXAG g 'b d z i

In one verse with Greek npo + GEN (L 11:38), instead of npfejKAG + GEN

we see npLB*kG (the comparative of the adjectival ordinal numeral rtpL&Z 'first' which

functions elsewhere as an adverb) functioning as a preposition with the GEN:

L I 1:38 ou TTpcoxov epantLcrSrj npo xou qplcttou

L I 1:38 n g npfcxrte kpzcTH ca npZEfre os'fcda (Mar)

The use of npLG'bG as an adverb will be discussed in Chapter 11 (§11.4). 297

10.40 Thus n p ’bx A C + GEN always corresponds to Greek TTpo + GEN in the

meaning of 'before1. Its use is quite limited: it occurs with only a handful of nouns,

with the 1st SG personal pronoun dJZ-npteJKAS m&ng —and with the demonstrative

CL-npfcJMe c h x z .

10.41 is another preposition which takes the GEN in OCS. Its only use in the

Gospels is in the phrase jd oyTpd, often discussed in previous chapters (cf. §§3.10.2

and 5.6.2). In this instance, the Greek source is the adverb ttpgjl , 'in the morning':

Mt20:l . . . H5KC H j i d E

Mt20:l ocrxtj e£rjX0ov apta npwt

Mk 13:35 ng E-fccTG ko KO^Gra |sic-SF] t l aowoy npH^GTL . . .

aw z a QMTpd (D)

Mk 13:35 ouk, ol&qxe note o K,upios tris o l k l q s ep x ex a t

. . . >1 TTpWU

J 20:1 . . . MtftpHM M dl'dtfU Z INH npH^G z a OVTpfl (Ost)

J 20:1 ... Mapta f) Ha'r 6aXr)vf) epxexat, npwt

As discussed in Chapter 3 (cf. §3.10.2), j a oyTpd sometimes competes with the prepositionless ACC to render Greek n p w u In Mt 20:1, Asm and Mar show MTpo, instead of the j a oyTpa seen in Ost, Sav and Mir: 298

M t20:l , , . i)K£ H ji^e KoynzNO oyTpo (Asm)

In Mk 13:35, Ost, D and Mir have j a oy Tp

Mk 13:35 ng &*bcTG ko KzrA

In all, j

Supr 23:17-18 . . . xa QMTpd B Z C T aaz OEpdTH cm Supr 137:11 H r z c t ^ e z xa o\fTp

10.41.1 The other examples with + GEN are also found in Supr: ja is used with the noun pokz, which is defined by Miklosich (1862, 803) as meaning npoSecjpica- lTpo0ecrn.La, in turn, is defined by L^mpe as meaning "(1) a p p o in ted tim e...; (2) time limit...; (3) alloted span..,; (4) interval, delay, respite; of time alloted for repentance" (1961, 1149):

Supr 38:23-24 oTZBpzroujM cm xa pok

10.41.2 ^ a also appears in Supr with the ordinal numeral npbBZ 'first' in the phrase j d npLBd 'first': 299

Supr 29:5 no ngwg f€ro xa npzaa ng noC/toywduiA ■) Supr 64:25-26 xa n p a a a oyEO /tautra lug h x z /tacKdNHHMZ . . . Supr 382:5 . . . OEZIYdH xa npLBd CGEt OyCTpOHMZ

This substantivized adjectival phrase functions adverbially here.

10.41.3 Thus ja shows an extremely limited range of usage—it is used only with

the nouns HJTpo and pokZ with the ordinal numeral npLBZ. Its primary usage is in the adverbialized phrase j a o y T p a, which renders the Greek npwu- F. Miklosich defines the meaning of jd + GEN as indicating "a time in which an action occurs" (1926, 527).

As the action expressed by the verb is either inceptive or resultative, the verb itself is of the perfective aspect.

^ a + GEN is used more broadly in the modem Slavic languages than it was in attested OCS. In several modem languages, it has come to mean 'during'. Therefore:

Polish za m o ic h c z a s o w 'in my time', za ZL|Cia 'in (one's) lifetime'; Czech za m l ada 'in (one's) youth', za StarQCh caSU 'in old times’; Slovak za jehO

ZlVOta 'in his days', za dna 'in the day(time), daylight'; Serbo-Croatian za ZlVOta

'in (one's) days', Za dne 'in daylight', and Za Vfeme + GEN 'during'. Although it is not preserved in Modem Russian, j a + GEN meaning 'during' was still active in the

Old Russian period j a no/toy RZTopd /ffeTd (from the thirteenth-century 5KM3Hb npen Seo^opa).

10.42 Another example of a preposition + GEN is seen only in Supr and only in extremely limited usage: b z . As we saw in Chapters 2 and 9, a z is most often used 300

with the ACC and the LOC (more frequently the former), in general, and to express time

in particular. Even in Supr it is very rare:

Supr 319:26-27 r r ce.ro so 4 LNE. )kh?nh ncrMRNH

Supr 52:19-10 4poy>KHN<3 e z i x o m z r z M

OTZRpzrz CA

Supr 427:5 rr ccro E/t

The example from Supr 397:19-10 may not actually be an occurrence of this construction; the edition which I was using shows here cz ucMORpfeucNRNddro cero jkmtrm. However, it is difficult to understand the meaning 'from' here instead of 'in'. In addition, although this edition does show word divisions, none of the other examples have the preposition R Z as a separate word from the demonstrative pronoun c e r o ; rather, it shows phrases such as r r c r t o E A a r a a r o j k h t h m . However, this changes the construction to a prepositionless GEN, which, as discussed in Chapter 6, was not a means of temporal expression in OCS. This interpretation shows a bias towards the GEN as used in Modem Serbo-Croatian, for example, with phrases such as cel og dan a 'all day'. Obviously the construction r z + GEN is felt to be "un-

Slavic", but it apparently existed at least in one dialect of early Slavic, as attested by

Supr.

It is unlikely that this is merely "scribal error" due to the relatively high number of morphological endings involved: if the scribes/translators meant to use the more expected R Z + ACC, it is unlikely that they would have repeated the GEN ending on 301

two different items in the first example and three different items in the second. Also, the

endings on each lexical item are different: -tro , -e; - a a r o , -e . r o , and -k». If this were

an example of scribal error, it would be more likely to have the same ending repeated;

for example, the MASC o-stcm noun and indefinite adjective ending -

since we have so many different GEN endings in use here, I believe that the

scribes/translators fully intended to use the GEN here; what their reasons were,

however, we can only speculate. In her article on the use of prepositions in OCS,

Xodova does not attempt to explain this phenomenon, she merely mentions e z + GEN

as one of the structures used to designate a time which is not completely filled by the

given action, i.e. a time during a segment of which an event takes place (1971, 128). In

meaning it is identical to RZ + ACC, and has not survived in any modern Slavic

language.

10.43 In conclusion, OCS had many GEN prepositions with which to render temporal expressions. These had various meanings: O T Z , CZ and H^z 'from, since'; 4 0

'until'; np'bXAR or tlp’fedZ 'before'; j a 'during'; and the very rare and unusual RZ

'during', which occurs only in Supr. All of these prepositions, as they vary in meaning, have various Greek prepositional constructions to which they correspond.

Usually each preposition corresponds to only one Greek construction (or numerous constructions with different preposition, all of which express the same meaning), unlike many of the prepositionless constructions which have already been discussed. O tz , c z and h j z render Greek e * or q t t o + GEN; 40--etos, axpu and ^.expi, + GEN; npt)Krte—npo + GEN. as used in the adverbialized phrase j

Greek adverb TTpcou 'in the morning'. In these constructions with prepositions + 302

GEN, the time frames are often very specific: 'before', 'after', 'from'. There are not

many opportunities for overlapping the meaning of a construction to express 'until', for

example, unless a language has more than one preposition to express this meaning. In

OCS, there were three prepositions which expressed 'from, since': o t z , c z and H j z .

As expected, we do see some overlapping in the usages of these amongst each other, although on a very limited basis. Ot z occurs in the overwhelming majority of occurrences, c z occurs only once, and H ^ z occurs only in a small number of phrases with a restricted number of lexical items. We only see overlapping between o t z and

M j z in one instance—in one occurrence of the noun hjnoctl . 'youth'.

Since we see so little overlapping where the possibility for it is so great, we may draw the conclusion that the parameters for the usage of each of the prepositions had already been established by the time of OCS. Since each preposition which was used with the GEN had a very specific temporal frame to which it referred— o t z , c z and h j z 'from, since', 4 ° 'until', 'before' and j a 'in, within'—it is not surprising that each preposition corresponds to a Greek construction containing a preposition with the same meaning (except in the instance of j a oyTpd rendering a

Greek adverb nptOL 'in the morning'; this phrase in OCS, however, had probably also become an adverb, and regardless expressed the same meaning as the Greek adverb).

Thus the usage of prepositions + GEN does little to support the theory of an independent OCS syntax—although it does nothing to contradict it, either. As with other constructions, patterns which we do not see are more important evidence of an independent OCS syntax than those which we do see. For example, if the prepositions o t z , c z and h j z varied in usage depending on which preposition occurred in the

Greek text ( ek or d u o ) —say, o t z always for ck and H j z always for o t t o —then we could suppose that the choice of one or the other in OCS depended upon which Greek 303 preposition was used. However, this is not the pattern which we see in the manuscripts— o t z is found for both e * and a n o fairly equally, as is h j z . Since we do not find a one-to-one correspondence, then the usage of OTZ vs. HJZ as found in the extant manuscripts represents a distinction native to Slavic, not one copied from Greek. CHAPTER XI

ADVERBIAL EXPRESSIONS OF TIME

11.1 In addition to the case structures and numerous prepositions which are used to

express time in OCS, we also see the use of certain adverbial phrases. These include

adverbs which also functioned as prepositions (noC/ffeAtk 'after' and npfeKAG

'before'), as well as several ordinal numerals in the NTR SG ACC form

(npLROic/npz&’fee 'first',1 B Z T O potc 'for a second time', T p E T m c ie 'for a third

time'). The NTR SG ACC quantifier 'little, few'(therefore: 'for a short time')

also occurs adverbially. In addition, we have an adjective which may be interpreted as

functioning adverbially: norz 'anew' (in the MASC SG ACC form). These adverbs

usually correspond to Greek adverbs, most often to adverbialized ACC forms.

Individual correspondences will be discussed separately, under each category.

11.2 The preposition noC/fkAtt/noC/ffcAH 'after' is a less-seen form derived from the

preposition no 'after' (in its temporal meaning, no takes the LOC case and was

discussed in Chapter 9).2 rioC/CtAt. gives us the Modem Russian and Serbo-Croatian

prepositions nocyie/posle 'after', as well as the Bulgarian adverb noc^ie 'after'.

1 For example, 'First gather together the tares' (Mt 13:30), 'he was crovvncd first' (Cloz I lb;32- 34). Note that the form npZBte is the comparative.

2 rioc^'b^L/noc^t./tH is itself derived from a prepositional phrase, consisting of the preposition no and the noun C/Cb/tz. C/Cb^z has various similar meanings: 'track, trail', 'footstep', 'trace, sign'.

Thus noC/ffeflH 'al ter the track', therefore 'following' (cf. the verb c,rfe. 4 0 RdTH 'to follow'), 'alter, next, later’.

304 305

This adverb occurs quite frequently in the OCS Gospels and corresponds to Greek

utrxepov, which itself is an adverbialized NTR SG ACC of the adjective ucrxepos-

Examples of the use of noC/ffcAL in its adverbial function include:

Mt4:2 . , . noc/ffedi xe b zjl aAua (Asm)

J 13:36 . . . xe. no MN*k i^ guih (Z)

Mt4:2 . . . ucrxepov eneLvacrev

J 13:36 . , . utrxepov Se aKoXouBricreis not3

In L 18:4, where the Greek shows piexa xauxa:

L 18:4 n.exQ Se x a u x a eunev ev cauxto . . .

three of the seven examined manuscripts (Asm, Ost and D) show the expected no c ix z :

L 18:4 . . . no c i x z x e p e y e &z c e s ’fe. . . . (Asm)

The other four, however (Sav, Mar, Z and Mir), substitute the adverbial noC/fk^L:

The preferred reading shows a different word order and omits the pronoun: . . .

dxoXouBqaeLy 5e ucrTepov- Although only a few mss. show the reading as I have given it, I chose the alternate reading because it is the one which is found in M. 306

L 18:4 nOC/jtAH )KC pEYE. & CEKll (Sav)

noC/Cb4L (in (he form noC/fkxtdE) also occurs in Cloz, in a phrase with four

other adverbs which express temporal concepts:

Cloz 1 lb:32-34 noyA'fc EtpoEdB Z a CKQpo icnoR’fed’feaz noC/i'hatAE npllUE4Z I npLKtE C& RtNEYdEZ

In this instance, it is quite interesting that Cloz translated Greek adjectives as adverbs—

ecrx Q T O S 'last' (MASC NOM SG) as noC/t‘k>K4& 'later, after, lastly' and n p t o x o s

'first' (MASC NOM SG)asnpL.fi'fee 'first(ly)':

Cloz llb:32-34 ppa&sus Tiunexjcras, *ac Taxews o[ 4.o^.OYtlcraj,

eaxaTos &X0WV, Kat npu-coj tTTetpBeus

Thus 'he was the last to arrive and the first to be crowned' becomes 'he arrived last and was crowned first'.

11.3 The preposition np'k^K^E 'before' was examined in Chapter 10 as one of the prepositions used with the GEN to express time in OCS, a preposition which is etymologically derived from the adverb npfc)K 4 E.4 llp'fewAE is used adverbially quite

4 As was discussed in Chapters & and 10, npfcXAE is the comparative form of npfcdz (Proto- Slavic *perd-). Note below that the comparative form of npz&z, npsB'fee., is also used alon£ side of (he "plain” adverbial to indicate 'firsl'. 307

frequently in the extant texts as well, in correspondence to the Greek nptnxov in the

meaning 'first, in the first place, before, earlier, to begin with' (W. Bauer 1979,726A

Again in Greek we see the NTR SG ACC adjective functioning as an adverb. For example:

Mt6:33 Se TTpwxov xr|v pacriAeuiv [xou 0eou] . . .

J 6:62 . . . orrou r)v to npoxepov

M t6:33 npocH T e jkg np-biitde qpCTaHki ejkhm (Sav)

J 6:62 azcxoAAijJd s t h np-hMzte (Asm)

Supr and Cloz also show numerous examples of the adverbial use of np'bKAe:

Supr 30:23-24 npfcwue noae^'feaz NGYMCToyoyMoy Aoyxoy othtm Supr 145:20-21 HJtce asue npmuertz a x np-k)R4 & Ndpeygnzih rpd^z Supr 342:26-27 eroxce an^-haz flAayz. c zjz a < 3NZIH npfcwae

Cloz lb:3435 npie.M-tx npfcxzte o t z Kd a/tdCTL npiewztue (no Greek given)

Cloz 9a:26-27 CTaopi oyKO npfcwde

Cloz 9a:26-27 nou)crov xouvuv ckeuvo TTptoxov

Bauer defines to rrptJTOV (i.e. the artieulalcd adverb) as meaning 'the first lime, at first’. 308

Compare the use of npfeWAe as seen in Supr 342:26-27 above in the phrase 'Adam

was created first' with the same phrase in Supr 368:16-17:

Supr 368:16-17 ddawz. eo npz&z czja^NZ ezictz

In this we see the same phrase 'Adam was created first', but expressed with a MASC

NOM SG adjective instead of an adverb—'Adam was the first (who was) created'.

These two phrases demonstrate stylistic options available in OCS to express phrases

such as 'first' and 'last' (as seen in the Cloz example in §11.2 above).

1 1.4 Greek nptOTOV is sometimes rendered by the equivalent OCS NTR SG ACC of the adjective npZB Z 'first': npZB0t£ or npL&’be. For example, in Mt 13:30, Asm shows np,b)KA&:

Mt 13:30 H?s&n,bT& nftfcxdc n^tE&^zi (Asm)

while Mar, Z and Mir show npZBlie. (Mir—npZE0£):

Mt 13:30 czEGptTe. npzstee. n^tR&^z (Mar)

Both OCS words render Greek npwxov:

Mt 13:30

The subsitution of npZRteR + GEN for nptewAG. + GEN to render Greek n p o +

GEN was mentioned in Chapter 10 (§10.38.3).

Various forms of the NTR SG ACC of npZRZ functioning adverbially are also

seen in Supr and Cloz:

■> " Supr 13:28-29 k to npzaote npMKocNETZ c a k z Newoy

Supr 108:-6-7 Kpddd w e tcwoy dkzi to npb.Ro Ep

CRLTt^Uie CA

Supr 183:13-14 Toy npLRtes RpdYL EZUHtc npH/taratCTZ

Cloz lb:2-3 m nakzi rp^A i ez c,t<3Rte npzete n a wpteKLiji

Cloz lb:2-4 *qC ttqXlv epxo( 4.evos . . . Seuxspov e£ oupavou

Cloz llb:32-34 no?ate Rtepoaaaz a ckopo icnoRte^teRZ noc4teWA&

npmiertz i npLRtee ca RtenLY

Cloz 1 lb:32-34 ppafiewy TTLaretio-as, Kac xaxew y 6(4.0X 0x 110^ 5,

e c r x a x o y eXBwv, kql n p w x o y (yes) crxecpB eL y

The rendering of the Greek MASC NOM SG adjective npwxoy 'first' with the OCS adverb npeatee 'first(ly)' was discussed above in § 11.2.

Another variant is seen in the use of either nptew^e or npeatee to express the same meaning. As we know, both express Greek npQTOV- The two examples below from Supr show that they may both be used in the same context:

Supr 266:21-22 nptew AC b z ik n h t h Tzr^A oyYH

Supr 174:20 npLRQR r z ik n h t h T zr^a nbpH c a 310

I 1.5 KZTOpotc 'for the second time' and TpETHtete 'for the third time' occur in

numerous Gospel verses. These adverbials, expressing the temporal concept of

repetition, however, compete with the INS adverbial forms RZTOpmjetK/dZRdUJLdH

'two times' and T p£T M t)£ls/T p£T H ll^H/TpHUiL^H 'three times' (see Chapter 4,

§4.8.4.1). In fact, the NTR SG ACC forms are never found in most of the manuscripts—Asm, Mar, Z and Mir. They occur twice in Sav (two occurrences of

Tp£THt£l€in J 21:17) and twice in D (two occurrences of RZTOpOte in Mk 14:72 and J

3:4). Ost shows the most prevalent usage of these forms—four of RZTOpotG and three of TpETHtctG—and lowest usage of the INS forms—one of RZTOpHIJ&lx and none of

TpGTHl)6ls, et al.). These facts make it appear as if these adverbials only occur dialectally; this is discussed shortly (§11.5.1).

The Greek shows numerous forms as well—both the NTR SG ACC SeiJTEpov and e* + GEN ck S e u x e p o u occur (two of the former, three of the latter):

Mt 26:42 naXuv e* Seuxepou aneXBwv npounu^axo

M t26:42 ridKZi RZTQpoic uilaz nowo/tH (Ost)

Mt 26:42 ndKZi RZTopmi&a: uie ^ z noMO/iM ca (Mar)

J3:4 ptrj Suvqtql elj xr|v k o u X l o v . . . Seuxepov eJcreXBeLv

J 3:4 tCfld MOJKETL RLTOpOS RR/ffcCTH EL XTpOGX . . . (D)

J 3:4 t e MOJKETZ EZTOpHUEKB EZ XTpOSX BL,ffcCTH . . . (Z)

The Greek sources for TpETHtete show a slightly different pattern: here again we see one instance of e* + GEN— ek, xpLXOu: Mt 26:44 ttqX lv dneXBtov Trpotrriu^QTO e* tpltou

Mt 26:44 natizi u jz a z noytMH c a Tp&THtcte (Ost)

M t26:44 n a x zi u jz a z nowo/tH c#, Titeiueig |s k -s f | (Sav)

The other two occurrences of TpGTHtctG, however, have as their source an articulated

NTR SG ACC to tpltov:

J 21:17] X e-fEt QtJTCO TO TpLTOV . . .

J 21:17, r ~ A a eyoy TpGTHGG . . , (Sav)

J 21:17, r 7 a eyoy tp&thuh . . . (Z)

Both RZTOpotG and Tp&THtete also occur in Supr and Cloz:

Supr 56:1-2 NtfYNtTd H RZTOpOtG . . .

Supr 91:9 TDGTHtG RZ TZ3KAC ALNL rtpHA& . . .

Cloz lb:5-6 RZTOpOG GRdNflCKZ I M I C I stdMH Er'NZ rpA A A RZ IMA

TNG

Cloz lb:5-6 Seuxepov ws cpopepoj utto q y t ^ uvetiXo'frm.ei/os

o epxo|4.evos ev ovouqtl kuplou

11.5.1 Thus due to their occurrence in Sav, Cloz and Supr, these adverbialized

NTR SG ACC forms cannot be written off as localisms which appear only in Ost and D.

Besides, Ost represents the earliest dated manuscript in the Russian Church Slavonic 312

tradition and is an A prakos Gospel and D--one of the earliest manuscripts in the

Bulgarian/Macedonian recension of Church Slavonic and is a Tetragospel. Obviously

the geographic distance between these two "dialects" is vast; if BZTOpOtC and

TpcTHtetG are indeed "dialectal" features at all, their spread among the Slavic languages

must have been quite wide. Nor can we say that the existence of these adverbialized

NTR SG ACC forms in some of the oldest Slavic manuscripts is due solely to a Greek

influence, as some of the occurrences of BZTOpoie and T p E T H ieic originate not from a

Greek adverbialized NTR SG ACC adjective but rather in forms with ek + GEN. The

use of &ZT0pot£ and TpETMl€t€ (as opposed to BZTOpHljBHK and TpETHLjEtK, et al.)

in some but not all manuscripts then most likely represents a native Slavic feature which

was alive in many regions of the Slavic world.

11.6 In addition, Supr shows two other numerals used adverbially:

Supr 266:8-9 j a k o n z YSTBopo YETBOpmjEw oypEYE

Supr 266:7-8 a te^ h i^ x A«a cEdMQpo CEAMHijEHt nocTa

These show the NTR ACC SG indefinite or short-form ending: -o instead of -o»€.

Thus Y E T B o p o 'four times’ and CEAM O po 'seven times'. What is especially interesting about these two occurrences of the adverbial form is that they occur in conjunction with the prepositionless INS phrase: YETBOpO YETBOpmjEl* 'four times four' and CEAM Opo c e a m h ije k k 'seven times seven'. It is possible that the two different forms were used in this way for stylistic reasons: to avoid repetition of the same word in immediate context. 1 1.7 The NTR SG ACC quantifier yaAQ occurs twice also adverbially in the Gospels

in a temporal meaning:

J 13:33 etUTC Md,to c z RdWH ecmz (Asm)

J 14:19 ElUTE Md/tO H MMpZ K TOMOy HE RMAHTZ MENE (Mar)

Both of these occurrences correspond to a Greek NTR SG ACC piLKpov:

J 13:33 ETC pilKpov'1 pi£0’ upiwv et!pil

J 14:19 ctl n_LKpov *ai o Kotrpios p^e ouKen 0ecopeC

Both of these occurrences may be translated as 'for a short time’. It is interesting that six other occurrences of piiKpov (twice each in J 16:16, 16:17, and 16:19) were rendered by b z + LOC in every occurrence in every manuscript:

J 16:16 RZ H KZ TOMOy NE RH^HTE M£HE H ndKZ I RZ Md/lfc OyjLpHTE (Ost) J 16:19 RZ Md/fb H NE OyjRpHTE MENE M tJdKZI RZ Md/T'fc SijLpHTE (Sav)

J 16:16 piiKpov k,ql ouKext Betopeixe pie, kql ttqXlv pimpov

x,ql ottrecrBe pie

J 16:19 pimpdv k,ql ou BewpeCre pie, *ai ttqX lv piiKpov k q l

otpecrBe pie

" Some mss. do have the head noun Kdtpov here; however, the prclcrrcd reading docs not, nor dews M. 314

These occurrences, however, may be translated as 'in a short time', i.e. 'soon'. Thus

OCS had two means available to it to render j^LKpov: 'in a short time' was rendered by

RZ. Md/tfe. and, less frequently, ^LKpov 'for a short time' was rendered by the adverb

Md/10. M

Supr 189:7 H)K£ uaAQ nostCHRZ oywnp

When the Greek adjective pu^pov is used adverbially, it could be seen simply as an

example of ellipsis: a head noun KQipov is assumed. When we see HaAQ, we could

also assume the ellipsis of a (NTR SG ACC) head noun: If this was all, we

might think that this is an example of the copying of the Greek structure. However, as

mentioned above, the adverbial ^.ii^pov is rendered not only by the equivalent yaAO,

but also by the prepositional phrase s z m aA"t when there was a sense that pitKpov

meant not 'for a short time' but rather 'in a short time'. The variation in OCS shows that this was not a copying of the Greek, but rather a choice that was made to distinguish the two meanings of ^CKpOV—'for a short time' and 'in a short time'.

11.8 A Greek adjective is used adverbially in the NTR SG ACC form to express time:

KQLVOV 'anew'. It occurs twice in the Gospels:

Mt 26:29 . . . otqv quto ttlvw n.e8’ UH.WV k q lv o v ev xrj flacriAeLQ

ToG TTQTpOS J4.0U

Mk 14:25 . . . otqv quto ttlvw kqlvov ev t ? | pQCTLXeta to G 0eou 315

Contrary to expectation, only one Slavic manuscript shows the equivalent adverbial

NTR SG ACC adjective here:

Mk 14:25 . . . ercro nuts noroe el uplctrhh kjkhh (D)

And D, of course, is a non-canonical manuscript. All the other manuscripts show the

MASC SG ACC:

Mt 26:29 . . . Er^a h nmst c z RdMH n o r z e l tj.pCTR he . . . (Sav)

Mk 14:25 . . . e r ^ d nLW i n o r l r l tjpCLH e3ki m (Z)

It is possible that the translators) mistook the NTR SG ACC adjective ending

for that of the MASC SG ACC: -v (-n). They were, after all, identical; and if there

was no head noun to define the gender, the NTR SG ACC -v could easily have been

mistaken for the MASC SG ACC -v. In addition, it is possible that norz here was

used as an adjective modifying the MASC SG ACC pronoun H ’it’ and that rather than

’when I drink it anew' with 'anew' modifying the verb 'drink', we have 'when I drink it

new' with 'new' directly modifying 'it'.

11.9 Thus OCS had a handful of adverbial expressions of time, consisting of adverbs which were also used elsewhere as prepositions, adjectives and quantifiers. Although the range of words used adverbially was not large, the frequency of the words used thus is great enough to show that these adverbial constructions were an active means of 316

temporal expression in OCS. The occasional reinterpretations (for example, noc^i'k^b.

for n.ET

demonstrate that the translators/scribes could possibly have been looking for different

Slavic constructions which would render the same general meaning but which would not copy the Greek exactly. The use of the numerical adverbs of repetition, which overlap the usage of prepositionless INS forms, translate not only Greek adverbs, but also prepositional constructions: R Z T O p o te and RZTopHye.UK both render either the Greek

Seurepov or ek, SeuTepou- If the syntax of OCS as found in the extant manuscripts represented nothing more than a translation of the Greek, we would expect only BZTopoie to render the Greek SeiUTepov and something like o t z R Z T o p d n ro to render the Greek eK&e\JTepou. We would not see the prepositionless INS

RZTOpHlj&lx at all. But this is not the pattern which exists in the manuscripts; instead, we see the alternation of both RZTopote and RZTOpHy ew which can each render either

Greek construction. Since there is no one-to-one correspondence, again here we see that the constructions found in the extant OCS manuscripts are not Greek but rather living, native Slavic constructions representing real Slavic syntax. CONCLUSION

12.1 Four issues are discussed in this conclusion: first and foremost, the expression of distinct temporal frames by various syntactic constructions in OCS are analyzed internally and synchronically. In this section, problems of this analysis are discussed, such as the inability to determine the construction used to express age or in what case the noun should be in the phrase "(X) times per (Noun)". Second, a comparison is drawn between those expressions used to distinguish various temporal frames in OCS and those used in Greek. Third, data from the modem Slavic languages is brought in to demonstrate that constructions found in OCS remain active today in its living relatives, towards the goal of revealing what is the native Slavic usage of the constructions under consideration. Finally, the facts presented by these three discussions are used to argue the hypothesis that the syntax of OCS as seen in the extant texts does indeed reflect native Slavic elements, and is not merely an imitation of Greek syntax.

12.2 In analyzing which syntactic constructions were used to express time in OCS, we must distinguish the various temporal frames involved. These include: (1) the time at which an action occurs, which may be a time which is not completely filled by the given action, or the time during a segment of which or at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place or begins; (2) a time completely filled by an action; (3) a time completely filled by an action with emphasis on the duration of the action throughout the entire period in question; (4) a time within which an action is

317 318 completed;1 (5) a time since which an action occurs; (6) a lime before which an action occurs; (7) a time after which an action occurs; (8) a time until which an action occurs;

(9) a time around which an action occurs; (10) a time fo r which or up to which an action continues;2 (11) a time fo r which an action is repeated ox intended to last; (12) the times between which an action occurs; (13) a time tow ards which an action occurs; and (14) how many times an action is repeated.

12.2.1 The temporal frame which is most common is that at which an action occurs, which may be a time which is not completely filled by the given action, or the time during a segment of which or at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place or begins. Numerous constructions are used to express this temporal frame, the most common of which is a z + ACC, which, as we know, occurs over 500 times in the extant texts. Less common but also frequent are the prepositionless ACC, prepositionless INS, and prepositionless LOC. We also find constructions with the prepositionless GEN, a z + LOC, npn + LOC, j a + GEN and a z + GEN to express this meaning, although these are relatively rare.

In spite of this multiplicity of constructions available to express a time at which an action occurs, only rarely do we find overlapping between one or more constructions, either within one manuscript or among various manuscripts. Most often we find instances of a z + LOC overlapping with one of the other constructions (most

1 This meaning differs from that expressed in (2) by the emphasis on the completion of an action, with the achievement of a result. This is discussed in Chapter 4, on the prepositionless INS, and in § 12.2.4 of this chapter.

2 This meaning differs from that expressed in (S), although they arc both expressed in OCS with

4 0 + GEN. This is discussed in Chapter 10, especially §§10.20 and 10,32 and in §§12.2.8 and

12.2.10 of this chapter. The meaning expressed by 4 0 + GEN in ( 8 ) is an unmarked until, while the meaning expressed by 4 0 + GEN in (10) is marked tor extension of the action. 319 frequently the b z + ACC construction), and often these occurrences of r z + LOC represent a variation found in only one or a few manuscripts. For example, we can find both rz CTdpocTL and r z CTdpocTM 'in old age’, r z KOvjpor^WENHE and r z koypor^niUENHH 'at the cock's crow*. Variation between r z + LOC and adverbs are also found: r z Md/ife and 'in a short time' r z Ckop’k and Ckopo 'soon'.

Other instances of overlapping include the use of either the prepositionless ACC or

+ GEN of tOTpo to express 'in the morning'; the prepositionless ACC or r z + ACC of TpETRM a r n r to express 'on the third day'; the prepositionless INS or r z + LOC of Kiot|JR to express 'in the night'; the prepositionless LOC or RZ + LOC of ncMoyNOtpH to express 'at mid-night'; and the prepositionless LOC or RZ + ACC of r z

Y

The fact that each of these instances of overlapping can occur in the same context to express the same meaning suggests that under certain circumstances, these constructions were in free variation with each other. If it is necessary to specify what uhder certain circumstances means, it is that these constructions are not always substituted randomly, but that only those constructions as named above had no semantic difference when containing those particular nouns or phrases, as named above. ELz +

LOC and r z + ACC are not always in free variation, rather only when they occur with certain nouns, especially nouns which do not have temporal meaning, such as

CTdpocTR 'old age’ or Koypor/tdWENHE 'cock’s crow'.

When RZ + LOC and r z + ACC (for example) appear to be structurally identical, the phrases constructed with them in point of fact are different semantically.

For example, the noun alnl . 'day' can occur in both constructions. However, r z

ARNE seems to be the construction used for expressing 'in the day(time)' as opposed to 320

'on (a certain) day', which is expressed by R Z + ACC. In the latter construction, a r n r

is always modified.

When ARNR occurs in the RZ + LOC construction with modifiers, however,

these phrases are probably idiomatic expressions. Kz ^lnlxz MZNOjtxz and R z

ARNRXZ crohxz both correspond to a Greek ev + DAT used with the perfect active

participle of the verb TTpo^aLVU 'to advance', thus 'having advanced in many

days/one's days'—i.e. 'being old'. As discussed in Chapter 9 (§9.3.1), phrases with

'in' + (time word) are common in Slavic to express agedness; cf. also English 'up in

years'. Russian has the phrase b ,/ieTax (lit. 'in years’) meaning 'old', as does Polish

(W 1 atach). Polish has another phrase with (bye) W takim WlekU (lit. '|to be|

in such an age (century |‘) '(to be) old enough'. Regardless, a r n r cannot be interpreted

here as bearing its concrete meaning 'day' (and therefore these are not even true

expressions of time), and thus phrases such as RZ arnrxz MZNojtxz are

semantically different from structurally similar phrases such as r z a rn g .

Two other constructions which express this temporal frame are used with a r n r :

the prepositionless ACC and RZ + GEN. The latter occurs only one time in one

manuscript (Supr) in the phrase rr c&ro arng. This particular construction

(discussed in Chapter 10, §10.42) is considered to be a syntactic peculiarity of Supr and

is equivalent to either rz arnr cr (rare—it too only occurs once and is an exact

translation of the Greek) or 4RNRCR (extremely common) 'on this day' or 'today'. This

phrase ( a r n r c r ) is one of two in which a r n r is found in the prepositionless ACC; the other is TpGTRH a r n r 'on the third day'. Both of these phrases appear quite frequently

in all the manuscripts. As mentioned above, the phrase TpGTRH a r n r is in free variation with r z TpGTRH a r n r — there is no semantic difference between the two phrases. However, a r n r c r cannot be said to be in free variation with the other two 321

constructions, as they occur only once each. The frequency of the phrase Ab.Nb.ck. is

indicative of a semantic restriction of this construction of the prepositionless ACC with

AbNb to express 'on this day' or 'today'. No other construction can be used to express

'today' and A^Nb can only be used in the prepositionless ACC in these two phrases:

AbNbCb and TpETbH a^nl.

The other constructions are restricted in usage in a similar way to the restriction

between RZ a^M£ 'in the day(time)', RZ ( t z ) A LNt^ 0,1 (that) day' and AbNbCb

'today', in which A^Nb occurs in the r z + LOC construction only when unmodified and only to express a general time frame ('in the day' can be in any day) but occurs in the RZ + ACC construction only when modified and only to express a specific time frame ('on that day' cannot refer to any day), and the prepositionless ACC only to express one or two phrases, which also refer to specific times. Often the difference in usage of one noun in different constructions all of which express the time frame at or in which an event occurs depends upon whether or not the noun is modified, as with the example above of a ^ n l. The same distinction is made with the noun N0l|Jb 'night'.

Noipb is found in constructions with RZ + ACC, and prepositionless INS; it is also found in the rare prepositional construction with r z + LOC. Kz + ACC may only be used when Noqtb is modified; in the extant manuscripts, NOijJb occurs only when it is modified by one of the demonstratives— cb or t z . In the prepositionless INS, NOijJb only appears unmodified. The fact that we see no overlapping in the usage of these two constructions suggests that they were not in free variation, but instead that each bore a different semantic sense: prepositionless INS noijjhik 'in the night' (general) against r z

+ ACC RZ t z NOtfib 'in that night' (specific). E z + LOC r z noijih, which is regularly found only in Supr (and once in Mir, a non-canonicat manuscript), is an equivalent variant of the prepositionless INS nohjhik. However, noijjhix is also found 322

in Supr, so that we should consider that both phrases could have been semantically equivalent (at least in this manuscript) to express this meaning.3

The noun KJTpo also appears in numerous constructions, the most common being the prepositionless ACC, the prepositionless LOC, a z + ACC, and jd + GEN.

To render Greek irptou 'in the morning', two constructions are commonly used and seem to be semantically equivalent: the prepositionless ACC and + GEN. Both can be used in the same verse in different manuscripts:

Mt20:l . . . dkg. H5 1 4 E Koynz.NO oyTpo (Asm)

Mt 20:1 . . . Hwe HJH4 E, ?

Mk 13:35 ng. EtcTG so k z r 4 a rtf 4 oyoy npH 4 &TZ . . . a h ovTpo (Z)

Mk 13:35 ng K tcT E eo Kor 4

The other constructions with fOTpo do not express Greek rrpcoL, but rather some varient of aupLO V , which means 'tomorrow'. Thus KJTpo itself, depending on the construction in which it appears, had two different meanings: 'morning', and

’tomorrow'. Kz + ACC only occurs when H3Tpo is in an adjectival form modifying

4 L .n l—b z oyTpLNLH 4 LNL. It renders Greek t?) erraOptov: The prepositionless

LOC KJTpls. occurs relatively frequently in both the Gospels and Supr. It renders the

Greek aupLOV 'tomorrow', and probably had already become a fixed adverb. From

As wus mentioned in Chapter 4 (§4.6). it is uncertain w hether this represents a dialectal feature of the scnbc(s) of Supr, as cither form ( r z NOipa or Noigtux) or both forms could have been copied from the protograph, or the scribc(s) could have made changes based upon their native dialect. Even if the latter case is true, \vc arc unable to determine which was the original form and which form represents a dialectal feature of Eastern Bulgaria inserted into the text by the scribc(s). 323

the basis of the occurrences of the various phrases in the extant texts, it appears that the

use of the prepositional construction in OCS was used to convey the more "explicit"

Greek phrase T?j err aupLOV. which may be translated as 'on the morrow', whereas

the plain prepositionless LOC was used to translate the basic Greek a u p L O V

’tomorrow'.

All of the constructions (other than the most frequent EZ + ACC) which express

the time frame under consideration--the time at which an action occurs--are subject to

restrictions in usage. Although many of these constructions may be found with other

nouns expressing different temporal frames, the restrictions of each to express this

particular time frame are as follows: (1) EZ + ACC can be used with almost any noun

with the limitation that nouns which carry temporal meaning must almost always be

modified. ( 2 ) The prepositionless ACC is only found in two phrases with the noun

Ah.NL (and must be modified) and in unmodified adverbialized phrases with tOTpo 'in the morning'and kg.Yepz 'in the evening'. (3) The prepositionless INS is only found in one unmodified adverbialized phrase with the noun NOlgL 'in the night'. (4) The prepositionless LOC is found with five nouns which represent entirely different temporal concepts: no,ioyNOL|JH 'at mid-night', tom l Yack 'at that hour', tOTpt

'tomorrow', jHyfc ‘in the winter', and toml ^ tT t 'in that year'. (5) The prepositionless GEN only expresses this meaning in phrases with the names of months:

MdpTd M'fecrtsLtd ’in March'. ( 6 ) K.Z. + LOC seems only to be used as a semantically distinct structure with two nouns: a ^ n l 'day' and w h k o tz . 'life'. In all other instances EZ + LOC appears to be in free variation with some other construction used to express the same meaning. (7) flf)M + LOC is only used in this meaning with the names of persons to express 'in the lifetime of: npH G/tHCGH npopoq’k. ’in the lifetime of Elisiah the Prophet'. ( 8) + GEN is only used in this meaning regularly with the 324

noun WTpo ’morning' to express either 'in the morning' or perhaps also 'tomorrow',

and once in Supr in the phrase Ja pOKOy 'in the (allotted time)’. (9) K.Z + GEN, a

rare syntactic peculiarity of Supr, is found in two phrases: r z c e r o ALNR 'on this

day' and rz cero jkhtmm 'in this life(time)'. These are equivalent to either the

prepositionless ACC phrase arnrcr 'today'or r z + A C C RZ alnl CR.andRZ +

LOC r z c&MR 3KHTHM 'in this life(time)'.

Although there are then nine different constructions to express a time at which

an action occurs, in most instances we see that each individual construction is restricted.

There are only six examples of "free variation", and these examples are not the random

substitution of any construction for another in any context, but only the free substitution of one construction for one other which is semantically equivalent in one specific instance (for example the prepositionless ACC or j a + GEN of KJTpO to express 'in the morning'). In all other instances the use of each construction is determined by the noun in question, whether or not it is modified, and which specific semantic reference the construction is expected to express—for example r z 4 LNE 'in the day(time)', RZ

( t z ) a l n r 'on (that) day' and a ln lc l. 'today'.

12.2.2 Another common temporal frame is that time which is completely filled by an action, which expresses the continuation or duration of the action fo r that time. The prepositionless ACC is the most prevalent means to express this particular meaning.

However, some adverbial phrases are used as well, although they can be interpreted as frozen ACC forms.

For example, the quantifier YfaAO occurs twice adverbially in the Gospels in a temporal meaning: 325

J 13:33 £WTe uaAO c z romm ccw z (Asm)

J 14:19 CtllTC MCHO H MHpZ K TOMOy N£ KH^HTZ MGNG (Mar)

Both of these occurrences may be translated as 'for a short time'. As discussed in

Chapter 11 (§§11.7 and 11.7.1), this corresponds to another OCS construction to

express 'for a short time': the prepositionless ACC Md/to Bp'feMifc. It is possible to

interpret as this same phrase with the ellipsis of the head noun RpfeMifc.

It is the prepositionless ACC which is by far the most active means to express a

time completely filled by an action. Although this construction has unlimited potential

for use, only a limited number of nouns with temporal meaning are actually found in the

canonical corpus: alnr ’day1, NOtjJb. 'night', YdCZ 'hour', wtcAijfc. 'month', /ffeTO

'year', and Rp'bMA 'time'. The noun is usually accompanied by a numeral (for

example TpM h TpM NOIJJH 'for three days and three nights') or another modifier

(for example rlcl alml 'all day'); however, the phrase Ah.Ni h NOigh., 'day and

night', occurs as well. Although the actual number of nouns used in this construction is

relatively small, the frequency of the occurrence of this construction assures us that it

was a quite active means of temporal expression in OCS.

12.2.3 On the other hand, though, we see quite restricted usage of that expression

which designates a time completely filled by an action with emphasis on the duration of

the action throughout the entire period in question: oe(z ) + ACC. This is seen only once, in the phrase 0 E(z) NOlilTL RhCSt. This same phrase ('all night') can also be found in the prepositionless ACC to designate a time completely filled by an action; the addition of the preposition emphasizes the completeness of the time filled—

'throughout'. 326

12.2.4 To express the time within which an action is completed the prepositionless

INS is used.4 This particular expression is relatively rare: it is found only a handful of

times, and only with two nouns: AlNl 'day' and /CbTO 'year'. In this meaning, the

nouns are always modified by a numeral. Cloz has one example of this, in the phrase

£AIn,^Ml A^NUWh.'within one day'. The phrase 'within three days’ TpLMH a^nlm h

occurs six times in the Gospels; Supr shows y g t z l pLMH AeC(ftT2t| A ^ n h h 'within

forty days'. We also see y g tz ipzMH a^ c atzi h ujccthkk /ttT Z 'within forty-six

years' in the Gospels.

12.2.5 The time since which an action has occurred can be expressed by one of

three prepositional constructions: o t z , H j z . o r c z + GEN. The problems in

delineating distribution were discussed in Chapter 10 (§ 10.16.2). Cz only occurs once

in the canonical corpus. H jz is restricted to three adverbialized phrases (HCKONH 'from

the beginning', HcnpLBd 'from the beginning' or 'from the first', and HjAdBtsNd

'from a long time |ago|’) and phrases involving nouns which represent stages of life

( h j z OTpOYHNZi 'from childhood', h j z irMdA^ jA p d C T d 'from a young age',

and hjz hjnocth 'from youth'), and competes with o t z with the latter two nouns.

O t z , however, is quite active to express the time since which an action has occured, and is not limited. It occurs with numerous nouns with temporal meaning, as well as with various events and names of persons. O t z is also used with the demonstrative pronouns c l 'this' and t z 'that' ( o t z card, o t z Toro), as well as in phrases with

4 As was discussed in Chapter 4 (§4.1), although the meaning of the English preposition within is ambiguous here, this meaning of the prepositionless INS within is distinct from "a time during a segment or at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place". The prepositionless INS in this instance expresses "a time over the duration of which an action lasts and at the end of which an action is completed". The Aktionsart here may be defined as rcsullativc, and the semantic class of verbs used in such situations, which themselv es may defined as tclic, arc verbs of achievement. .327

adverbs derived from these demonstratives to form conjunctions (o t z CG/tfe, o t z

TO/tH o r o t z Ttute), and also the relative conjunction phrase o t z n g ^ hjkg .

12.2.6 A time b efo re which an action occurs is expressed by the preposition

np'kwAG usually with the GEN case (although the ACC and INS can be found as well)

and also by the free-standing adverb from which this preposition is etymologically

derived: np’fcxcAG ’before' or 'first'.-’’ Unlike other prepositions, np*b)KA£. occurs

more frequently with nouns which do not have temporal meaning than with those which

do. It only occurs once in the Gospels with the demonstrative c l 'this', and otherwise

t i p t o e is not found with substantivized adjectival or adverbial phrases. The nouns

used in phrases with np'fe.WAG which do not have temporal meaning include: noTonz

'flood', 0Z/t0)KGNHG 'foundation, construction', n <3YA, io 'beginning', and E'kAd

'misery, suffering'. The 1st SG personal pronoun dJZ 'I' is also found.

12.2.7 As with npfe^AG, a tim e after which an action occurs can be expressed both by the preposition no + LOC and also by the free-standing adverb to which this preposition is etymologically related: noc^'kdL or noc^i'bAH 'after'. l"lo + LOC is found with a broad range of nouns both with and without temporal meaning. Those nouns with temporal meaning are a ln l 'day', YdCZ/rodHNd 'hour, time', /I’bTO

'year', and &p'kM<9i 'time', all of which usually occur with some sort of modifier. FIo is also used with the demonstrative pronouns cl 'this' and TZ 'that' to create adverbial phrases 'after this' and 'after that', as well as with the quantifiers N&M 2 .Noro or M<3/to

As was discussed in Chapters 8 , 10 and 11, is the comparative form of n p t^ z (Proto-Slavic *perd-). 328

'little', no + LOC is an extremely active means of temporal expression in the canonical

OCS corpus.

12.2.8 The time until which an action occurs or lasts is expressed by 4 0 + GEN.

This construction can occur with many nouns with temporal meaning, as well as a

handful without. It is also used with substantivized adjectives and adverbs and in

phrases equivalent to but opposite of the conjunctions otz Cfc/tte, otz TO/tn/TO/fk,

and OTZ 4 0 Cfc/tt,, 4 0 KCMt, and the relative 4 0 NL4 OKG. The nouns

which have temporal meaning and are used in the construction with 4 0 + GEN in OCS

are: 4 tkNt>. 'day', &£Y&pz 'evening' Y

night', 'time', and /ttT o 'year'.

12.2.9 The time around which an action occurs is not a frequently mentioned

temporal frame in the canonical corpus. It is rendered by the construction with npH +

LOC. This construction expresses the approximateness of time, rather than the exactness of time, and usually involves an hour or another specific time, such as npH

4£&i9iT,bH ro4HNfc 'around nine o'clock'or npH YtTRpZT'feH CTpdWM 'around the fourth watch/shift'. llpH + LOC occurs with one other noun in the Gospels: R&Y&pz

'evening'. In this latter instance, however, npH + LOC can be interpreted as having the meaning 'towards', as it renders Greek n p o j + ACC: npos ecrnepav 'towards evening'. Support for this meaning of npH + LOC is also found in Old Russian manuscripts, especially in the phrase npH CM£pTH, 'on the edge of (i.e. towards) death'. 329

12.2.10 Two different constructions are used to express the tim e fo r which or up u>

which an action continues: no + LOC or 4 0 + GEN. In this meaning. n

fairly rare construction. Its most common occurrence is in the phrase Nd 4 >iz jfc

(fcp’fe.MGNH) 'for a long time'. It also occurs with the nouns Ydcz, ro^z, and

EGYGpw on a very limited basis. It corresponds to Greek ettl + ACC in the meaning

of 'extension' (over a period of time). The other construction, 4 0 + GEN, corresponds

to Greek enu + ACC as well. It occurs with several nouns with temporal meaning:

4k.Nk, 'day', noijjl 'night', y d c z 'hour, time', and 'year'. The noun is always

modified by a cardinal numeral and indicates "the continuation of the length of the

action" (Xodova 1971, § 8 8). Typical phrases include 40 TpHH 4b.NHi 'for (up to)

three days' and 40 ce.4k.MH 4LNHI h noi|JHI 'for (up to) seven days and nights'. The

distinction in meaning between this use of 40 + GEN and the use thereof to express

'until' is seen most visibly in the form of the numeral and the number of the noun:

when 40 + GEN means 'for', 'up to', the numeral is in its cardinal form and the noun

is in the PL (40 TpHH 4LNHI 'for |up to| three days’); when, however 40 + GEN

means 'until', the numeral is in its ordinal form and the noun is in the SG ( 4 0

TpeTLM dro 4 LNE 'until the third day').

12.2.11 There are also two different constructions used to express the time f o r

which an action is repeated or intended to last: no + ACC or Nd + ACC. Flo + ACC is

limited in use to only nouns in the PL. In the canonical corpus, this contruction is found

with only three nouns which have temporal meaning: no + ACC occurs most frequently with the noun 4 LNH 'days'; there are also a few examples of the phrases no

RUCtft /CtTd ’every year' or 'for all years’ and no r l c a Ydcz l 'every hour' or 'for all hours'. Na + ACC shares a similar meaning with no + ACC, but it is not restricted to nouns in the PL; thus its range of usage is broader. It too occurs with the nouns Ab»NU

'day' / i t T O 'year1 Y d C Z 'hour', as well as with the noun BpfeM A 'time'. In this

construction the nouns are typically modified by adjectives such as BLCtkiz 'all' or

MZNOTZ 'many', which emphasize the repetitive or continual nature of the construction.

12.2.12 The construction with M&>KA°y + INS expresses the times b e tw e en

which an action occurs. This construction occurs temporally only once in the canonical

corpus, in the phrase M £*A °V CHML 'between this' or 'in the meantime'.

12.2.13 The construction with KZ + DAT expresses a time to w a rd s which an action occurs; it too is rare in the canonical corpus. It is found most often in the idiomatic phrase kz TOMoy in conjunction with a negated verb in the meaning 'no longer'. It also occurs with the nouns b g Y G p z 'evening', KiTpo 'morning', as well as

Y

12.2.14 How many times an action is repeated can be expressed with three different constructions: the prepositionless ACC, the prepositionless INS, or an adverb. In the canonical corpus we find the following phrases: kcul K p d T Z i or KOytHUJB^H 'how many times', MZNOJKHyGHK/wzNorailJLAH 'many times', ig a h n o k >one time', AZBd

KpdTd or BZT0pHl^GI*/AZR

TpGTMiyH/TpHUJLdH 'three times', r a t l KpdTZ 'five times', cg AMHyGiff/ c g a m o - pHijeKR/CGAMBKpdTHijewi/CGAMHUiL am 'seVen times'; and npzBOte/npLB-fce 'for the first time', BZTOpoie 'for the second time',TpGTMtete 'for the third time'. As w as 331

mentioned in the respective chapters, only the small numerals (1-5) occur in the

prepositionless ACC or adverbial forms; anything higher occurs in the INS only.

12.2.15 In this section problems which arose in the analysis of the synchronic

description of the temporal system of OCS will be discussed, such as the inability to

determine the construction used to express age or in what case the noun should be in the

phrase "(X) times per (Noun)’1.

12.2.15.1 Based on the data found in the canonical corpus, it is impossible to

determine the construction used to express age. Numerous different constructions

appear, some of which are direct translations from the Greek. For example, in J 8:57,

Ost has the prepositionless ACC :

i 8:57 niftTL a e c A T Z n & oy hm ^ uih . . . (Ost)

This corresponds to a Greek idiomatic expression— exw 'have' + ACC—to express age:

J 8:57 TTEVTriKOVTQ ETK) OUTTtO C X E IS . . .

However, Asm, Mar, Z and Mir have instead a GEN here (Sav does not contain the verse, and in D the ending is illegible):

J 8:57 HATH 4 & C A T Z N£ N) IMtfWH (Z) 332

As is obvious when compared to the Greek, both examples contain an exact translation

of the Greek idiom 'don't you have fifty years', where 'fifty years' is a prepositionless

ACC in Ost because it is a direct object of the verb 'have'. The other texts show a

GEN, which can be interpreted most likely as a GEN of negation.

Another verse, L 3:23, also has two different constructions in different manuscripts. In Mar, D and Mir we see a prepositionless DAT:

L3:23 I TZ c t HCZ. tkO Tp&MZ 4 &Ci9i T £ M Z /ffc T X . . . (Mar)

Z, however, has the prepositionless INS here:

L3:23 i t z E t mcT tko TpLMH aecATZi xtfcT ... (Z)

The Greek text shows a GEN:

L3:23 *aC auTaj f)v ’Ikictoxjs apxo|4.evos wctcl ctwv

TpUQKOVTa . . .

Obviously in this instance we do not have a direct translation from the Greek, but we are also suprised to see the use of the DAT or INS with the verb 'to be' to express age, as neither of them survives in any of the modern Slavic languages in this meaning. This absence from the modem Slavic languages, of course, does not exclude the existence of such a construction in OCS. We do find an example of the INS with the verb 'to be' to

express age:

Supr 414:3 cbAMHKK d s c ^ T Z /t’kr z c i i h n^THWi

We also find, however, other constructions in Supr as well—the NOM with the verb 'to

be':

Supr 128:21-22 tuecTb. a c c a t z . j K t z . c z i h crapz oywe czi

and the NOM with the verb 'to be’ with the subject in the DAT—'to her is six months':

Supr 179:8 h ce ten e c t z MtEAut tuecTZH

This latter construction survives in several modem Slavic languages, but it is the only example of an impersonal DAT to express age which I found in the canonical OCS corpus. Thus we see that there is no consistency in the choice of construction to express age, a fact which leaves us unable to draw any conclusions with any certainty about this expression.

12.2.15.2 Another problem which cannot be resolved is in what case the noun should be in the phrase "(X) times per (Noun)". As with the expression of age, we find 334

numerous different constructions. The only conclusion that can be drawn about this

particular expression is that OCS did not copy the Greek in its choice of constructions.

For example, in Mt 20:2 we see the use of a prepositional construction in OCS

corresponding to a Greek prepositionless ACC:

Mt 20:2 czafcujaaz we c z dt/taTe,tzi no ntNAjoy ua (Mar)

M t20:2 crun.cpojvfio'as Se ^.exa xwv epY^xuv ek, SrivapLou xr|v

fl^epav

We might be tempted to assume that this is the native construction to express "per

(Noun)"; however, even if it is, it does not necessarily follow that the same construction would be used to express "(X) times per (Noun)"

In other phrases we see a prepositionless INS in OCS:

CE L 17:4 H dUJTE dktLKpdTHU&M; ALN&MZ CZrpfcllJtTZ . . . (Asm)

Here the prepositionless INS corresponds to a Greek GEN, which is a partitive GEN:

L 17:4 kol eav etttqkls x % f)H.epas aHAPxncrij . . .

It is possible that alnl here was "dragged" into the INS by the INS construction of the phrase 'seven times'. There is another similar example from Supr, in which the noun follows a numeral in the prepositionless INS: Supr 68:2 tCxtHNOBt NOtUTHffi BBCL B'feKE H JWfcNHMZ

However, it is possible that this phrase can be interpreted as 'in one night’ (cf. §12.2.4);

due to the uncertainty regarding such constructions, it is difficult to decide in which way

this should be interpreted. As discussed in Chapter 4 (§4.7), the INS is not used this

way in the modem Slavic languages. For example, the Modem Russian text of L 17:4

shows c e M b p a 3 b j a e H b and the Modem Bulgarian shows c e a e M rrb T H H a j e H .

Since we see no traces of "(X) times per day" with 'day' in the INS, it is possible that

this construction was not used in this meaning and that this occurrence is a grammatical

error.

Supr shows one example of 'per' expressed with ax + LOC:

Supr 411:3-4 ARaiUAH BL dBLpBUA 0TBpZ?t3fli

Kz N&A'b.'tH, however, is the typical expression for 'in the/a week', and the presence of a "(X) times" phrase here may have had no influence on the choice of construction.

Cloz shows one example of the noun JKHTHte ’life' in the Ha + LOC construction following the prepositionless INS phrase MZNorauiLAH 'many times'. In this instance, N a + LOC corresponds to Greek el’s + ACC, whose meaning had merged with that of ev + DAT:

Cloz 9a:9-10 MXHoratiJTH na c&mb mitih naKocTL TBOpMZ. eci

Cloz 9a:9-10 noW aK i-S e i’s tov napovTQ fJtov ejj\atj;as 336

Nd CEMb. JKITIH in this instance may be translated then as 'in this life(limc)' or ’for this

life(time)', and again the construction here may not express 'per', but rather may just be

the construction used to express 'in', and the presence of the phrase MZNOrdlULAH does

not bear any effect.

Yet one other construction is found—the prepositionless GEN:

Supr 166:21 xtzpatjH EdNoiac A’t r a spawns noaawxx hmz

Since Greek shows the partitive prepositionless GEN in such expressions, it is possible

that this was an exact translation from the Greek.

Thus we see five different constructions —Ha + ACC, prepositionless INS, e z

+ LOC, n a + LOC and prepositionless GEN--in expressions with "(X) times per

(Noun)", but we have no way of knowing which, if any, of them was the actual means

for expressing this phrase.

12.3 In this section a comparison is drawn between those expressions used to

distinguish various temporal frames in OCS and those used in Greek. I also discuss

those reinterpretations made in translating Greek preposition phrases, such as 'from that

hour' being changed to 'at that hour’; 'towards X' to 'at X'; etc.

12.3.1 The temporal frame a t which an action occurs, which may be a time which is not completely filled by the given action, or the time during a segment of which or at one point within the boundaries of which an action takes place or begins, as expressed in OCS by a z + ACC, the prepositionless ACC, prepositionless INS, prepositionless 337

LOC, the prepositionless GEN, t z + LOC, npH + LOC, %a + GEN and az + GEN,

is expressed most frequently in Greek by either ev + DAT or the prepositionless DAT,

both of which bear the same meaning. Often adverbs are used to express this particular

meaning, such as (rr)n.epOV 'today' or TTpt*)L 'in the morning'. The following

correspondences between constructions can be made:

(1) ELz + ACC almost exclusively (with exceptions and changes) corresponds

to either ev + DAT or the prepositionless DAT. (2) The prepositionless ACC, except

in the phrase 'on the third day' (TpfcTHH ALNM which corresponds to a prepositionless

DAT, corresponds to a Greek adverb: a l n l c l to OT|H.£pOV 'today', KJTpo to TTpWL

'in the morning' and aGY&pz to tiipe 'in the evening'. (3) The prepositionless INS

corresponds to a Greek prepositionless GEN: NoqtHtiK from vuk,tos 'in the night'.

(4) The prepositionless LOC, which is found with five nouns which represent entirely

different temporal concepts, does not have one single correspondence, but rather each

phrase has its own correspondence: no/ioyNOljlH 'at mid-night' corresponds to three

different Greek constructions—two with the prepositionless GEN (^.eoTis vuktoj or

HecrovuKTLOu) and one with an adverbialized ACC (^.ecrovuKTiov). T o m l

Y

Greek. KlTpfc 'tomorrow' renders a Greek adverb atJpLOV. 'in the winter' and t o m l /t’fe.T’fc 'in that year' both render a Greek prepositionless GEN: xet+twvoj and tou evlqutou EK,ecvou. (5) The prepositionless GEN only expresses the meaning of time at which, etc., in phrases with the names of months yapT a ykCfftLtd

'in March', which correspond to Greek ev + DAT or the prepositionless DAT. ( 6 ) ELz

+ LOC, as a structure which is semantically distinct with only two nouns, most often is the equivalent of some other OCS syntactic construction and thus corresponds to whichever Greek construction the other OCS construction renders. For example, &z 338

noijjh is equivalent to the prepositionless INS N 014JHHR 'in the night'and corresponds to

a Greek prepositionless GEN vuktos; BZ CTdpocTH is equivalent to b z CTdpocTL

'in old age' and corresponds to a Greek ev + DAT. (7) llpH + LOC, only used in this

meaning with the names of persons to express 'in the lifetime of, renders Greek ent +

GEN: npH C/tHCEH npopoq’fe. renders ettl ’E X lc q lo u t o u TTpotpvjToiJ 'in the lifetime of Elisiah the Prophet'. ( 8) + GEN, only used regularly in this meaning with the noun tOTpo to express either 'in the morning' or perhaps also 'tomorrow (in the morning)', renders the Greek adverb nptOL 'in the morning'. (9) E x + GEN, a rare syntactic peculiarity of Supr equivalent to phrases with BZ + ACC or LOC, corresponds to Greek ev + DAT or the prepositionless DAT.

12.3.2 The time which is completely filled by an action, which expresses the continuation or duration of the action fo r • that' time, expressed in OCS by the preposi­ tionless ACC, is expressed in Greek as well by the prepositionless ACC: AX&d A^ni,

Suo rmepas 'for two days’; Azefe na a g c a t e /tfeT'fe, Sw Sckq eTr) 'for twelve years'; TCMMKO RpfcM**, TOCTOUTOV xpovov 'for such a time' ('for so long'). However, as discussed in Chapter 3, this convergence is due not to a copying of Greek syntax into OCS, but rather to a common inheritance from Proto Indo-

European. The quantifier »aAO (which exhibits the NTR ACC SG adjectival ending) which occurs adverbially in the temporal meaning 'for a short time' renders also a

Greek NTR ACC SG adjective functioning adverbially: | 4 .UKpov.

12.3.3 The expression which designates a time completely filled by an action with emphasis on the duration of the action th ro u g h o u t the entire period in question, expressed in OCS by oe(z) + ACC (seen only once in the canonical corpus in the 339

phrase os(Z) nolutl. rlc x ) renders a Greek prepositional phrase as well: 81’ (<

8ta ) o X ru vukxoj 'through(out) the whole night'.

12.3.4 To express the time within which an action is completed the prepositionless

INS is used in OCS, which can correspond to one of two Greek prepositional constructions: 8 td + GEN (Sea xpuov rm.eptov 'within three days') or ev + DAT:

( ev xptoxv fij-iepaLS, a *so ’within three days'). In this particular instance, the meaning of the Greek construction with ev overlaps that of the Greek prepositionless

GEN: W. Bauer (1979, 260) defines this usage of ev + DAT as denoting a period of time "covered by an occurrence of action in the course of within".

12.3.5 The time since which an action has occured can be expressed by one of three prepositional constructions in OCS: o tz , h jz, or cz + GEN, which correspond to Greek e* o rd n o + GEN. The problems in delineating between the usage of o tz ,

Hjz, or cz + GEN in OCS cannot be solved within the Greek. Each OCS preposition can correspond to either Greek preposition: o tz alnc Toro, qtt* ekelvtis x^s rm E pas 'since that day', o t z powALCTRtf, eK 'pEVEXris 'since birth', and both o tz hjnocth and h jz kjnocth render Greek eK, ttqlSloBev 'since childhood'; thus the differences among the OCS prepositions are inherent rather than borrowed.

12.3.6 A time before which an action occurs, expressed in OCS by the preposition

usually with the GEN case, is expressed in Greek by the preposition upo +

GEN: npfcwAE npd jALNHKd nocxzi, npo Se x?js Eopxfjs xou ndcrxa

'before the festival of Passover', noTon

'before the flood'. The adverb np'fe^e. corresponds to a Greek NTR ACC SG

adjective functioning adverbially TTpcaxov 'first'.

12.3.7 A time after which an action occurs, expressed in OCS by the preposition no

+ LOC, is expressed in Greek by the preposition pteXQ + ACC: no MZNOj’k

Bp-kw&NH, ^.exa ttoXxjv xpovov 'after much time', no chxz jkg 4 t*Nkxz,

[4 ,exa 8 e tqutqs xaj ripiepas 'after these days'. The adverb noC/P^L/

noC/itdH corresponds to a Greek adverb ucrxepov 'afterwards, later’/’

12.3.8 The time until which an action occurs or lasts, expressed in OCS by the

preposition 4 0 + GEN, corresponds to various Greek prepositions with identical

meaning, all of which require the GEN: ecoj, axpt, and p.sxpL. For example, 4 0

Toro 4 LNG, ews enecvris xfjs fikiepas 'until that day'; 4 0 NxiNt, etos xou vuv 'until now'. As these prepositions differ only stylistically and not semantically or

structurally, there was no need in OCS to render them with different prepositions. Nor could it be done—OCS had only the preposition 4 0 to express 'until'.

12.3.9 The time around which an action occurs, rendered in OCS by the construction with npn + LOC, is expressed in Greek by nepL + ACC: npH 4 eK^T'tM r o 4 HN’k,

TTepC xrjv evaxriv topav 'around the ninth hour'.

12.3.10 The time fo r which or up to which an action is intended to last, expressed by two different constructions in OCS (Nd + LOC or 4 0 + GEN), is rendered in Greek

In Mndcrn Greek, utXTepa (ihe NTR ACC PL) continues to be used adverbially in the meaning 'afterwards; then, later’; however, p.exa is also used adverbially in the meaning 'afterwards'. 341

by ettl + ACC in the meaning of 'extension' (over a period of time). A typical phrase

is na AAZjt. Ep'feWENH, rendering Greek ettl xpovov 'fora long time'.

12.3.11 The construction used to express the time fo r which an action is repeated or

intended to last (rendered in OCS by no + ACC or na + ACC) in Greek is almost

always Kaxa + ACC. The phrase kq0’ T)p.epav 'every day', with Ik q tq + rough

breathing] becoming kq 0 ’, was quite widespread and served as the basis for the

creation of a new lexeme in later Greek: *a0£, which means 'every' (as in the Modem

Greek phrases *aBe p.epQ 'every day', *Q0e flpaSu 'every evening/night').

However, occurrences of e l ’s + ACC or ettl + ACC, with the same meaning, are also

found. Kq0’ fip.epav 'every day' can be translated into OCS with either N

4 L.nl or no e l c a 4lnh. Ka0’ exoj 'every year' is translated as no e l cb ^ ’bT a .

12.3.12 The one occurrence of the OCS construction with MOK 4 0 V + INS

(M&W4 0 V chml), which expresses the times betw een which an action occurs,

corresponds to a Greek phrase with ev + a substantivized adverb—ev TW n.£Ta£fr

'in the meantime’.

12.3.13 The Greek construction with TTp6$'+ ACC expresses a time tow ards

which an action occurs. In OCS it was rendered both by kz + DAT and by npH +

LOC.

12.3.14 All of the nouns and numerals used to express how many times an action is repeated in OCS correspond to various Greek forms, including those, as in

OCS, with a prepositionless ACC of a substantivized ordinal numeral ([to] 342

TTpwTOv/TTpoxepov, Ixol Ssuxepov, Ixol xpixov);ora numerical adverb with

the suffix (Sis, xpcs) or - qkus (nocraKLS, ttoW qkls, ettxqkls); or in a

prepositional construction with ek + GEN ( ek Seuxepou, ek xpixou). The con­

structions with, for example, Ssuxspov and e* SsuXEpou carry the meaning of

'for a second time', whereas 5 l$ simply carries the meaning of 'two times'.

However, this distinction is only rarely carried over into OCS: we can find 8 l j ,

SeOxepov and ek, Sexjxepou all being translated by azTOpHljEHK (or RZTOpoe in

Ost), for example.

12.3. t5 Throughout this paper, numerous instances of reinterpretations of the

Greek have been mentioned. Here I will repeat them and discuss them further.

12.3.15.1 In Mt 20, EZ + ACC with ro^UNd is used four times (vs. 3, 5, 6 , 9):

M t20:3 h H w zd z r z t e e t h m rodHNX . . . (Ost)

Mt 20:5 n a n.1 z >tce hweaz Ez wectzm: h rz rodHN* . . . (Asm)

M t20:6 M RZ tgdHHXBK Nd 4 &CATC MIIIZ4 Z . , . (Sav)

Mt20:9 npmuedzuje jke hjke kz t€ 4 HN3 tm N

However, this does not correspond to Greek I ev +1 DAT, but rather TTEpt + ACC:

Mt 20:3 Kai E^eXOtov TTEpC xpuxriv wpav . . .

Mt 20:5 n a X iv [Se] e£eX0wv nepL ekxviv kql Evaxriv topav 343

Mi 20:6 n e p t 5e evSeKQTViv e£eX0wv . . .

Mt 20:9 k

No known texts contain | ev +| DAT in these verses. Ilept + ACC means 'about,

around, near, approximate', not 'at' or 'during'. Although the Slavic text shows

'during the third hour' rather than 'around the third hour', the approximation is still

expressed, although it has become more limited: the event is occurring between the third

and fourth hour, whereas in the Greek it could be occurring during that time period or

before it. The reinterpretation here demonstrates that the translator(s) did not feel

constrained to translate a phrase word-for-word, but instead felt free to render the

meaning of it which they sensed within it.

12.3.15.2 In addition, we find reinterpretations of phrases with the preposition

T T poj, which has various meanings. For example, we find two instances of TTpOj +

ACC translated with rx + ACC:

L8:13| ... ol npoj ttatpov nurTeuoucrLV . . . A L 8:13, . . . isttt RX Rfr-fcUift R tp x &MXTX . . . (Asm)

J 5:35 uneCs 5e r|0eXr|O'QTe Q-paXXtaOrjvQL TTpos to p a v e v tc o

tpCOTL aUTOXJ M J 5 :3 5 RZ Jtte XOTtCTe RXJApdAORdTI Cift RX rOAINX CRLT’feNH'6,

e r o (Asm)

7 This phrase was rendered with rz + LOC in Sav; . . . dke rx Yack RfcpoyxTX h rx

Ydcfc NanacTH OTXCTStriATX. 344

As was discussed in Chapter 2 (§2.7.3), not only was a syntactic rcintcrpretation made

in the text, but also a semantic reinterpretation--in these examples, n p o j has the

meaning of "the duration of a period of time for" (W. Bauer 1979, 710). In the OCS

texts, the events are no longer occurring 'for' the given time, but rather 'at 1 it. This

demonstrates that the translator(s) were not copying every expression before them with

exact equivalents, but rather striving to come up with a Slavic sentence which would

make sense and carry meaning for the Slavic audience.

12.3.15.3 As was discussed in Chapters 2 (§2.6.1.1), 5 (§5.2) and 10 (§10.6), the

Greek phrase and T?is cop a S’ CKEtvris 'from that hour' was translated by three

different constructions in OCS: s z + ACC, the prepositionless LOC, and o t z + GEN.

Only the last construction renders the exact meaning of the Greek 'from that hour'; r z +

ACC and the prepositionless LOC both express a time at which an action occurs, i.e.

the time during a segment of which or at one point within the boundaries of which an

action takes place or begins. We see great discrepancies within and among manuscripts:

an o t?is copas eKeuvris

Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir

Mt 9:22 OTZ OTZ OTZ OTZ OTZ — OTZ

Mt 15:28 — LOC RZRZRZ — RZ

Mt 17:18 LOC LOC OTZ LOC —— LOC

J 19:27 o t z (3x ) o t z (3x ) o t z (2x ) OTZ OTZOTZ OTZ 345

As we see, in only two verses is and XtlS topaj eKeivris translated as 'from'(Mt

9:22 and J 19:27, whereas in Mt 15:28 'at' prevails. On the other hand, in Mt 17:18 'at'

prevails, with 'from' occurring in one (canonical) manuscript. As was discussed in

Chapter 2 (§2.6.1.1), this variation shows us that the translator(s) did not feel

compelled to translate the Greek construction with an exact equivalent in Slavic, but

rather chose a phrase which best expressed the meaning as they understood it. This

change was probably felt to be necessary due to the semantics of the verb involved—

verbs of 'healing' denote a state (here, of being healthy) which begins at the moment

designated by the time expression. Since these verbs are perfective and indicate the

inception of a state, a time phrase which expresses the moment of inception ('at')

combines better with them in Slavic. With otz + GEN, as we frequently saw in

Chapter 10, the verb which expresses the action is frequently a durative imperfective,

indicating that the action has been continuing since the time expressed in the otz +

GEN construction.

12,4 In this section, data from the modern Slavic languages is brought in to demonstrate that most constructions found in OCS remain active today in its living relatives. The format is the same: the various temporal frames which existed in OCS and were discussed in § 12.2 are now compared to these same temporal frames in various modem Slavic languages, and constructions with which they are expressed within the latter.

12.4.1 The temporal frame which was most common in OCS and remains quite common is that a t which an action occurs. OCS had numerous constructions available 346

to it to express this temporal frame, the most common of which was e z + ACC. Less

common but also frequent were the prepositionless ACC, prepositionless INS, and

prepositionless LOC; we saw also the usage of constructions with the prepositionless

GEN, RX + LOC, npH + LOC, Jd + GEN and ax + GEN to express this meaning, although these were relatively rare.

The modem Slavic languages all show some usage of all of the constructions except for the prepositionless LOC (which was replaced by one of the other constructions) and rx + GEN, which as we know only occurred a few times in Supr.

However, in some of the languages, although the remaining constructions are still used, some of them have switched spheres; for example, numerous languages have the j a +

GEN construction instead of npH + LOC to express 'during a person's lifetime1. The prepositionless GEN, which, as was discussed in Chapter 6 , was not an attested means of temporal expression in OCS, is an active construction in several languages.

Sometimes we see in one language the frozen remnant of a form found in OCS, although otherwise that construction is not actively used (for example. Modern

Bulgarian yTpe 'tomorrow' from the prepositionless LOC K)Tp*fe).

As was discussed in §12.2.1, the e x + LOC construction usually overlapped one of the other constructions (most frequently the sx + ACC construction). The modem languages each resolved this overlap in an individual way, and sometimes within one language we see the use of rx + LOC for a certain set of nouns but rx +

ACC (or something else) for another For example, OCS had two ways to express 'at mid-night'and'at mid-day': the prepositionless LOC or RX + LOC of nO/tXNOt|iL and nOstZALNL; they appear to have been semantically equivalent. In the modem Slavic languages, which do not have a prepositionless LOC, we see only the survival of a prepositional construction, either with rx + LOC or, now, rx + ACC. The languages 347

with remnants of r z + LOC include Czech with V pulnoci 'at midnight' and V

poledne 'at noon', and Serbo-Croatian with U podfl© 'at noon'. Polish chose the

LOC, but substituted the preposition 0 (also used elsewhere in place of r z ) with

'midnight': W pollldni© 'at noon', but 0 pofnocy 'at midnight’. Bulgarian shows

a form with r z , but as it has lost nominal declension, we cannot know whether it is r z

+ ACC or LOC: b noyiyHom. Some of these forms are categorized as r z + ACC, but

we can see from either the ending on nO/tz or the ending on NOIJJL or ALNL that this

form was originally LOC: forms such as the Czech pole or Bulgarian n o jty show a

LOC of ntM Z ; forms such as the Polish flOCy or Serbo-Croatian dne show a LOC of

MOlgR or a ln l. Russian and Serbo-Croatian show an innovative form (from the stand

point of OCS) with r z + ACC: Russian B no-nzteHb, B noyiHOMb; Serbo-Croatian U

POIIOC 'at midnight' (which, unlike its counterpart U podne, does not show any

remnants of a LOC form in either part).

Similarly, OCS showed variation between the prepositionless LOC and R Z +

ACC of T Z Ydcz to express 'at that hour'. In the’ modern languages, we see forms

with either RZ + LOC or r z + ACC. Czech and Polish show preservation of the LOC

construction with the addition of a preposition: V te hodlneand W tej godzlnle.

Russian, and Ukrainian on the other hand show preservation of the r z + ACC construction: b t o t M a c , b T y rojjMHy. However, this particular expression is seen as odd in all of the languages, and native speakers expressed a preference to say 'at that time’ or 'at that moment' rather than 'at that hour’.

The ways in which the modem languages utilized constructions with the noun tOTpo to express 'in the morning' or 'tomorrow' have been mentioned frequently in this paper. As we know, OCS made use of either the prepositionless ACC or j a + GEN of tOTpo to express 'in the morning’, but used the prepositionless LOC tOTpfc to express 348

'tomorrow'. All three of these forms show the latter meaning in the modem languages;

thus, a semantic shift has taken place for the noun MJTpo in the prepositionless ACC and

Ja + GEN constructions from 'in the morning' to 'tomorrow' (for example, 3 aBTpa in

Russian, z ftra o r ju tro in Czech, JUtro in Polish, etc.). They all have innovative

forms (from the viewpoint of OCS) to express 'in the morning'.

Each language (or, in the case of West Slavic, family of languages) has a

different way of expressing 'in the morning’. Russian shows the prepositionless INS

(perhaps based on the pattern of NOLgHlff 'in the night' (Modem Russian H O M b to |) with

the other parts of the day as well; thus we see yTpoM 'in the morning'. Bulgarian

shows a form constructed with remnants of the preposition cz 'from': Slltrin(ta).

Serbo-Croatian has an adverb UjUtrU orUjUtTO, both frozen prepositional phrases

based on either the az + LOC or ftz + ACC constructions, unknown in canonical OCS

for expressing 'in the morning'.8 In West Slavic, as discussed in Chapter 4 (§4.9.1),

the adverb ratio (or rano) 'early' replaced any construction of the noun 'morning' to

mean 'in the morning'.9

We also saw variation between the prepositionless INS or az + LOC of NOlfib.

to express 'in the night' or 'at night’; each language resolved this in its own way, too.

As mentioned earlier, perhaps on the basis of the phrase NOigHKK 'at night, by night' or

'in the night(time)', we see the INS with the other parts of the day in Modem Russian.

Thus: H O M b io 'in the night(time)', yTpoM 'in the morning' BeMepoM 'in the evening'

and A H e M 'in the day(time)’. Bulgarian, too, preserves remnants of an earlier synthetic

8 However, recall that Mir (an early Serbian document) shows one instance of az + LOC: az

MJTpt. 9 Recall from that discussion (§4-9.1) that it is possible that this semantic shift occurred through contact with German , in which m orgen means both 'tomorrow' and 'morning', but to express 'tomorrow morning', the phrase morgen frtlh 'tomorrow early' is used, thereby giving jutro rano 'tomorrow early', which became 'tomorrow' morning', in Polish, Czech and Slovak. Eventually rano came to stand independently in the meaning 'morning'. 349

system in phrases such as jaeHeM 'by day’ and HOiueM 'by night'. In Bulgarian we sec

that the MASC soft ending -eM was appropriated by the FEM noun NOtptk . In Serbo-

Croatian we see the opposite—the spread of the FEM ending (~jU) to the MASC noun:

dan jU 'by day’ and n0CU 'by night'. In West Slavic, we see the preservation of the

s z + LOC construction to express both 'in the night'—Polish W nOCLJ, Czech/Slovak

V noci—and ’in the day': Czech and Slovak V dne.

All of the constructions which express the time frame under consideration—the

time a t which an action occurs (other than the most frequent s z + ACC) were subject

to restrictions in usage in OCS. They remain restricted in the modem languages, as will

be discussed in the following paragraphs.

(I) Ez + ACC has received even greater usage in some languages, although it has become more restricted in some instances, in which other constructions are used in phrases where we saw az + ACC in OCS. K,z + ACC continues to be used to express 'on (a certain) day' in Russian ( b t o t jqeHb, B nocyieijHMM .qeHb), Ukrainian

( b t o m zteHb), Polish (W ten dzieri), Czech (V ten den), Serbo-Croatian (U taj dan; restricted in usage for emphasis, with the prepositionless GEN tog(a) dan a being the unmarked expression) and Bulgarian ( b t o 3 H ,aeH),l0 and is used with the days of the week in all of the modem Slavic languages, for example Russian B rmTHHLty 'on Friday', Serbo-C roatian U sredu 'on Wednesday' and Polish W

SObOte 'on Saturday'. It is used in all but Polish and Ukrainian (which in numerous instances have 0 + LOC where OCS had a z + ACC) to express 'at (X) o'clock':

10 Note that the restriction which was in place in OCS remains in the modern languages: r z + ACC is only used when a ln l is modified (and therefore refers to a specific day), whereas some other construction (cf. above; Russian INS a H e M , Bulgarian with the remnant of an INS a e t t e M , but West

Slavic r z + LOC B J3H e) is used to render ’in th e day(timc)'. 350

Russian b ABa Maca 'at two o'clock', Serbo-Croatian U jedan sat 'at one o'clock'

and Czech V p e t hOdln 'at five o’clock'. It is retained in Russian (b to BpeMfl),

Ukrainian (B to m Mac), and Serbo-Croatian (U to VretTie) to express 'at that time';

but Polish and Czech have E Z + LOC in (W tyiTI CZasie, V tom caSG) and

Bulgarian has no (no TORd Rp&M&)- Its distribution with 'night' remains similar to

that seen in OCS: in order to appear in the EZ + ACC construction, noijjl. must be

modified (Serbo-Croatian U OVU HOC, Russian b Ty HOHb); otherwise, it will appear

in the prepositionless INS or some other construction. In Serbo-Croatian, the U + ACC

construction (from E Z + ACC) is used to express seasons, replacing an earlier

prepositionless LOC construction: U ZilDU 'in the winter’, U jesen 'in the autumn'

(although a variant Zimi also survives). With months and years, it has been replaced

by the E Z + LOC construction in all almost the languages which retain nominal declension, with the exception of Serbo-Croatian (which uses the prepositionless GEN).

(2) The prepositionless ACC was found only in phrases with the noun a ln l

(e.g. AtkNbCL 'today') and in unmodified adverbialized phrases with KJTpO 'in the morning' and R&Y&pz. 'in the evening'. All three phrases have been preserved in one or more of the modem Slavic languages to express these same meanings. To express

'today' we see Serbo-Croatian /taHac, Bulgarian AHec, Macedonian /teHec,

Czech/Slovak dflGS, and possibly also Polish dzis/dzisiaj as remnants of the phrase a rn lc l seen in OCS. West Slavic shows j u t r o as both a noun and an adverb

(however, its present meaning is 'tomorrow') and VGCGT 'evening' as well; Slovenian also has VGCer as an adverb meaning 'in the evening'. Serbo-Croatian has the phrase

JUtros to express 'this morning', which can be analyzed as analogous to danas for 351

'today', as discussed in Chapter 3 (§3.10.1).11 In addition, we find other frozen

adverbial phrases in Russian, such as cefiMac 'now, at the present; immediately, soon'

(< 'at this time'), TOTnac 'immediately, at once, instantly’ (< ’at that time’).

(3) The prepositionless INS, as mentioned earlier, is preserved in some

languages to express 'in the night' and is used in them with other parts of the day as

well; in addition, in a few languages the prepositionless INS has replaced the

prepositionless LOC to express 'in (a season)'. In Modem Russian we see HOMbio 'in

the night(time)', yTpoM 'in the morning’ BenepoM 'in the evening’ and ziHeM 'in the

day(time)'; Bulgarian also shows phrases such as zteHeM 'by day' and HOiueM 'by

night'; and Serbo-Croatian too we see dan jit 'by day' and nOCU 'by night'. We see

the expression of seasons in the prepositionless INS in Modem Russian (3 m m o h 'in the

winter', JteroM 'in the summer'), Ukrainian (BecH Oto 'in the spring') and Polish

(Zim a 'in the winter', late m 'in the summer’).

(4) The prepositionless LOC was only used in OCS with five nouns which represented entirely different temporal concepts; nO/toyNOij)H 'at mid-night', TOMR

Y a c k 'at that hour', tOTpfc 'tomorrow', jMW’b 'in the winter', and to m r ^ t T t 'in that year'. We find traces of frozen adverbs derived from the prepositionless LOC in

Bulgarian; as already mentioned, H)Tp*fe survived as yTpe 'tomorrow'. In addition, we see the frozen LOC forms for the seasons: jHufc survived as 3MMe 'in the winter’, and zt'feT’b survived as zieTe 'in the summer'. In Serbo-Croatian and Slovenian, a variant

Ztm i/Zim e also survives, although we also see usage of the the U / V + ACC construction (from r z + ACC) to express this (U ZilTlU/V ZilDO) and other seasons.

1 1 The -S is no longer a synchronically recognizable morpheme or lexeme lor 'this' in any of the Slavic languages. 352

Elsewhere, these phrases have been replaced by other prepositionless and

prepositional constructions, which have been discussed throughout this conclusion and

this paper. I reiterate here: nO/tovfNOiph 'at mid-night' and TOMR Y

are now expressed by constructions descended either from RZ + ACC or r z + LOC;

tOTpte 'tomorrow' is now expressed by constructions descended either from the

prepositionless ACC or + GEN; and jHM'fc 'in the winter' is now expressed by

constructions descended from RZ + ACC, RZ + LOC or the prepositionless INS.

TOMR / t t T t 'in that year', which has not been discussed, is now expressed by a construction with either r z + LOC or the prepositionless GEN, as arc other phrases involving 'year', e.g. those which name the year. We see Russian b t o m r o z ty and b

1 9 9 5 - o m ro ay 'in that year', 'in 1995'; Serbo-Croatian U toj godi ni and U prosloj godini'in that year', '(in) last year' (but as with the phrase U taj dan, this form is reserved in usage for emphasis only; the unmarked forms consisting of the prepositionless GEN: te godine, prosle godine);Polish w tym roku and w

1995-ym roku 'in that year', 'in 1995’; and Czech V tom TOCe and V roce

1 995 'in that year1, 'in 1995'. Bulgarian has b OH3H m q H H a and b 1995 ro /tH H a

'in that year', 'in 1995'.

(5) In OCS, the prepositionless GEN only expressed this meaning in phrases with the names of months, for example M<9pT

LOC in all the modern Slavic languages except Serbo-Croatian, which has both januara and U januaru 'in January'. But we do have Modern Russian 1-ro flHBapa 1995-ro ro a a 'on 1 January, 1995', Ukrainian 1-ro cim-ia 1995-ro poxy; Serbo-Croatian 1-og januara 1995 godine,Polish 1-ego stycznia 1995-

ego rokll,and Czech 1 -hO ledna 1995 roku. Bulgarian has H a 1-n s\H y ap M

1995 roziHHa.

The origin of the adverb BkYepn 'yesterday’ was discussed as a possible GEN

of time (§6.2.1); however, it is unlikely that it was an actual GEN form, frozen or not.

Regardless, the modern languages all retain a variant of this to express 'yesterday':

Modem Russian B M e p a , Ukrainian y M o p a , Polish WCZOfaj, Czech VC era,

Slovenian Vcera, Bulgarian B M e p a .

Except for the GEN of dates, all of the other expressions of time found in the

GEN in the modem Slavic languages would appear to be the result of independent

developments which occurred later in their history. As was discussed in §6.7.1, in spite

of the lack of an attested GEN of time in OCS, we see an active GEN of time in many

modem Slavic languages: Serbo-Croatian shows the GEN to express 'every (X)' or

'in/at this (X)' or 'this whole (X)': SVakog dana 'every day’, SVake godine

'every year’; OVe godine '(in) this year', OVe Zime '(in) this winter', to g a C asa

'at that hour’, te nedelje ’(in) that week’; celog dana 'all day', cele godine

'all year'. The GEN is also used as a variant to express 'in (a month)': ja n u a ra or U

januaru 'in January', and is the only way to express 'in (a year)': 1 9 9 5 -e

godine 'in 1995'. Polish also shows this usage to express 'every (X)': kazdego

dni a 'every day', kazdego roku 'every year'. Ukrainian shows the GEN in phrases such as HacTynHoro paHKy 'in the next morning', HacTynHoro ztH n 'on the next day’, or 'in this (X)': Toro TH>Khm 'in that week’, Toro Micjmjt 'in that month', Toro p o x y 'in that year'; as well as the 'every (X)' phrases: K O JK H o ro ztt-m

'every day'. Polish, Czech and Ukrainian show tego dnia/toho dne/Toro /tH*i 'on 354

that day', and Russian and Ukrainian have ceroitHfl/cBoro/mi 'today' from 'on this

day'.

Old Russian secular manucripts also given plenty of examples of various usages

of a GEN of time, primarily with parts of the day, seasons and dates, in phrases such as

tot we 4 Ne 'on that day’, toh noyh 'in that night', tom we oceMH ’in that

autumn'; such usages in the Old Russian monuments continued up to the sixteenth or

seventeenth century. In Modem Russian, however, these particular usages of the

prepositionless GEN have been replaced by prepositional constructions (Lomtev 1956,

§137), most often with b + ACC: b Ty 3MMy instead of toh jhmzi 'in that winter';

B ry HOMb instead of toh noyh 'in that night'.

As was discussed in Chapter 6 (§6.8.1), the absence of an attested GEN of time

in the OCS manuscripts is inexplicable. If the expressions of time expressed by the

GEN in the modem Slavic languages are the result of independent developments which occurred later in their history, then why do we see so many similarities between the languages? Whence did the very prevalent GEN of time in Modem Serbo-Croatian originate? Questions such as these are beyond the scope of this paper, but their very existence is suggestive of the possibility that a GEN of time has always been present in

Slavic, even if it did not surface in OCS other than in the expression of dates.

(6) In OCS, RZ + LOC seemed only to have been used as a semantically distinct structure with two nouns: 4LNL 'day' and w h r o t z 'life'. In all other instances r z + LOC appears to have been in free variation with some other construction used to express the same meaning. Many of these phrases which could occur in the r z

+- LOC construction in OCS do occur in the RZ + LOC construction in the modem

Slavic languages. Indeed, it has become a very active means for the expression of time, 355

rivaling even (he b z + ACC construction. In some instances, the BZ + LOC

construction has replaced an older prepositionless LOC construction, for example tomb .

- jtT ’b 'in that year' was replaced by phrases such as Polish W ty m roku. Russian B

t o m rozty. Often words which do have temporal meaning only in context and could be

used either in the b z + LOC or in the b z + ACC construction in OCS now occur only

in the b z + LOC: Russian b Haqa^te 'in the beginning’, b zieTCTBe 'in childhood';

Serbo-Croatian U poCGtklt 'in the beginning', U ITlladOSti 'in youth'; Polish W

d z ie c in s tw ie 'in childhood'; but Bulgarian Ha Mzia/tn roztHHM 'in youth1.

In West Slavic, we see the preservation of the b z + LOC construction as one of the variants which expressed 'in the night': Polish W nocy, Czech/Slovak V riOCi. In addition, we see the preservation of b z + LOC to express 'in the day': Czech and

Slovak V dne. And in Czech, the BZ + LOC construction has replaced an older prepositionless LOC construction in expressions involving seasons: V ZifTlG 'in the winter', V l e te 'in the summer'. Polish shows this as well, with W ZllTlie and YY le c ie being variants of prepositionless INS adverbials z im a and latGITI. Many of the modem languages have preserved the b z + LOC variant to express 'at midnight', as discussed earlier in this section, for example Czech, with V pul noci ’at midnight’.

The BZ + LOC construction is used where we saw other constructions in OCS: as already mentioned, to express 'in (a certain) year' it has replaced the prepositionless

LOC; it is also used to express 'in (a certain) month', which was expressed in OCS by the prepositionless GEN: Modem Russian b flHBape, b 1 9 9 5 - o m roziy 'in January',

'in 1995', Polish w styczniu, w 1995-ym rok u, and Czech v lednu, v roce

1 99 5 . Serbo-Croatian has two variants: U ja n u a r u 'in January', but U ja n u a r u or j a n u a r a 1 9 9 5 - e godinG ,'in January, 1995'; but only 1 9 9 5 - 6 godlnG 'in

1995'. Some of the other "new" usages (i.e. those not attested in OCS) of r z + LOC

include: Serbo-Croatian U jednom danu 'in one day', ujutru 'in the morning' (but

also ujutro), Polish YY tym dniu 'on that day', W tym czasie 'at that time'; and

Czech V tom case 'at that time'.

(7) llpH + LOC was used in OCS in this meaning with the names of persons to express ’in the lifetime of. We see this construction preserved only in Modern

Russian, with phrases such as npn fleTpe nepBOM ’in the time of/under Peter the

First1, npH CTa/iMHe 'in the time of/under Stalin’, and in Bulgarian. Examples of npH

+ LOC are found in Old Russian manuscripts as well, expressing a time during which an action occurs. For example, the Mstislav Gramota has npM JtCHROT'fe, ’during

(one's) life(time)'. Elsewhere, we see instead jtft -t- GEN, as in Polish za Piotra I

'in the time of/under Peter the First', za Kazimierza Wielklego 'in the time of/under Casimir the Great', Czech za caSU StuartOVCU and Slovak za

StuartOVCOV 'in the time of/under the Stuarts', and Slovenian Za Casa Mari je

T erezi j e 'in the time of Maria Theresa’.

(8) + GEN, as just mentioned, is used more broadly in the modern languages than it was in OCS, in which it was only actively used in this meaning with the noun toTpo 'morning' to express either 'in the morning' or 'tomorrow'. In several modern languages, it has come to mean 'during'. Therefore: Polish za moi Ch

CZaSOW 'in my time', za zycia 'in (one's) lifetime', Za dnia 'in the day(time), daylight’; Czech Za mlada 'in (one’s) youth', za StarQch CaSU 'in old times', za dne 'in the day(time), daylight’, Za bflfho dne 'in broad day(light)'; Slovak za jeho zivota 'in his days', za mojich cias 'in my tim es’ Za dna 'in the 357

day(time), daylight’; Slovenian 28t mladosti 'in (one's) youth', Za dne 'during the

day'; Serbo-Croatian Z3 Zivota 'in (one's) days', za dne 'in daylight', and za

V rem e + GEN 'during'. Although it is not preserved in Modern Russian, j a + GEN

meaning'during'was still active in the Old Russian period; j a ncMoy RZTopn ^tT

(from the thirteenth-century >Kn3Hb npen.0eo.aopa).

(9) RZ + GEN was a rare syntactic peculiarity of Supr, found only in two

phrases: RZ ce.ro 4 LN£ 'on this day' and RZ c e ro jk h th m 'in this life(time)'.

These were equivalent to either the prepositionless ACC phrase a rn rc l 'today' or RZ

+ A C C r z 4 LNL CL.andRZ + LOC RZ ceyb. whthh 'in this life(time)' and thus

find expression in the modem Slavic languages in the equivalent phrases of these latter

constructions.

There were then nine different constructions to express a time at which an action

occurs in OCS, all of which are preserved (except for RZ + GEN and the preposition­

less LOC). When two constructions were semantically equivalent in OCS, each was

preserved in one or more languages (for example Modem Russian b t o t 4ac vs. Polish

W tym godzinie 'at that hour'). Many of the constructions were preserved in their

same usage as in OCS (for example the RZ + ACC construction being used to express

'at |X| o'clock' or 'on [a day of the week|'), whereas others became more restricted

overall (the loss of the prepositionless LOC, for example) or within certain languages

(the reduction of the use of the prepositionless INS to express 'in the night', 'in |other

parts of the dayj', for example). On the other hand, many constructions received a more

widespread usage in the modern languages, especially the prepositionless GEN (for example Serbo-Croatian svakog dana and Polish kazdego dnia'every day') and 358

B.z. + LOC (for example W tym dniu 'on that day', W tym CZasie 'at that time',

and Czech V tom C ase 'at that time'; cf. also the use of BZ + LOC to express 'in |a

month)’ and 'in |a year]' in almost all of the languages with synthetic nominal systems).

Thus the data from the modem Slavic languages both supports and disputes that from

the extant OCS texts: we see all nine constructions except the rare B.Z + GEN and the

extinct prepositionless LOC being used to express a time at which an event occurs, and

although in many cases they are used in at least one or even more languages in the same

way as in OCS, in many other cases one construction has been reduced and another

expanded in usage at the expense of the former to express this particular time frame.

12.4.2 Another common temporal frame is that time which is completely filled by

an action, which expresses the continuation or duration of the action fo r that time. The

prepositionless ACC was the most prevalent means to express this particular meaning in

OCS, and continues to be such in all of the modem Slavic languages. For example, the

Russian phrases >KMTb ro a 'to live (for) a year', JKZtaTb Mac ’to wait (for) an hour'.

npoBecTH b ropozie Hezte^uo 'to spend a week in the city', mezibie) CToyieTMB

Hen3BecTHbifi '(for|entire|) centuries unknown', ... JK/iaTb MHoro yieT 'to wait (for)

many years'. Bee BpeMfl neMazibHbiH 'sad all the time' were given in Chapter 3

(§3.1.3), as well as the Polish phrases caia noc '(for) the entire night', WSZystek

dzieri ’all day'.

The adverbial phrases which were available to OCS to express time (such as

MaAO 'for a short time') are available also to the modem Slavic languages. In addition, we see phrases such as Russian zto^iro or Ha/toJiro where OCS had Nd A A Z .j't

RptweNH 'for a long time'. 359

In addition to the prepositionless ACC, Modem Bulgarian shows usage of the

preposition %a in a new meaning: 'for'. We have seen examples of this throughout

this paper, e.g. in J 5:35 3a Ma/iKO BpeMe, L 12:19 3a M H o r o rozjM HH and L 20:9

3a ^ f b y ir o B peM e.

Serbo-Croatian, too, shows an innovative form (from the viewpoint of attested

OCS) to express time which is completely filled by an action, which expresses the

continuation or duration of the action fo r that time: the prepositionless GEN. Although

some usages of the prepositionless GEN in Serbo-Croatian fall under the sphere of other

temporal frames, we see in phrases such as C6le godine 'all year’ and celog dana

'all day' that the prepositionless GEN can be used to express this particular temporal

frame as well.

12.4.3 The preposition os(z) + ACC) which expressed a time completely filled by

an action with emphasis on the duration of the action throughout the entire period in

question is no longer found in the modem Slavic languages. However, it may be

considered that some of the expressions just discussed in §12.4.2, such as Modem

Bulgarian ja or the Serbo-Croatian prepositionless GEN arose to emphasize the completeness of the time filled, as opposed to the prepositionless ACC which desig­ nated a time completely filled by an action and but which does not emphasize completeness.

12.4.4 To express the time within which an action is completed the prepositionless

INS was used in OCS. In the modem languages we see that this is expressed instead by a prepositional construction, most often with ja + ACC. For example we have

Russian 3 a o / jm h 4 a c '(with)in one hour', where 3 a is used with a perfective verb to 360

indicate an action which was achieved within a lime; Ukrainian 3a iteHb '(with)in a

day'; Serbo-Croatian 2a meSBC dana ’(with)in one month', za jedan dan

'(with)in one day', Czech 23 tu dobll '(with)in that time’, Bulgarian 3a ejxmh £eH

'(with)in one day’. Polish shows the use of a prepositional phrase--W Cl a g u - +

GEN: W Ciagu godziny '(with)in one hour'. Serbo-Croatian shows a similar

prepositional construction as a variant of za + ACC— U to k u + GEN; U tOkU

jednog dana '(with)in one day',

12.4.5 The time since which an action has occured could be expressed by one of

three prepositional constructions in OCS: o t z , h j z , or cz + GEN. Most of the

modem languages preserve o t z + GEN for most temporal expressions, except, for

example, in some idiomatic phrases, such as Russian M3ztaBHa ’from a long time ago'

and Polish Z dawien dawn a 'from time immemorial' (cf. the OCS phrase

HjA

or Z dnia na dzien, a phrase which most languages have (cf. also Russian H30 aha

b jjeHb Ukrainian H 3oana as a variant to express 'every day') to mean 'from day to

day'. Most often, there was overlapping between H jz and o t z in OCS only with

nouns which represent stages of life (h jz OTpOYHNZi 'from childhood', h j z / o t z

azjA pdCTd 'from a young age', and hjz/otz kinocth 'from youth'). In the modem languages, we see the preference for the variant with o tz : Bulgarian o t

M^ia/jocTTa, Polish od malenkOSCi, Russian o t MyiazteHMecTBa ’from infancy',

Czech Od detstvf 'from childhood', Od narozenf 'from birth'.

O t z , however, was quite active in OCS to express the time sin ce which an action has occurred, and was not limited. It occurred with numerous nouns which bear temporal meaning, as well as with various events and names of persons, the 361

demonstrative pronouns, as well as in phrases with adverbs derived from these

demonstratives to form conjunctions. We see in the modem languages as well almost

unlimited usage of the preposition o t z + GEN to denote the time since which an action

has occured. For example, we have Bulgarian o t Haxoe BpeMe 'for some time now',

OTToraBa 'since then'; Serbo-Croatian Od danas 'from today on', Od jutra do

mraku 'from morning until night'; Polish Od rana do nocy 'from morning until

night'; Czech od tech dob 'from that time; since'; Russian o t Hana/ia 4 0 KOHua

'from beginning to end', BpeMJt o t BpeMeHH 'from time to time'.

Russian shows preservation of C Z to express the time since: c Toro Maca

'since that hour/moment', c Toro BpeMeHH 'since that time'; c n«TH macoBi 'since

five o'clock'; c npow/toro ro/ta 'since last year'; c H H B ap fl 'since January'; c

H a ^ ta /ia 'from the beginning'; and the conjunction c Tex nop, Kax 'since', based on

the adverbial phrase c Tex n o p 'since'; x e r o He B M /te/ia c re x n o p , x a x 6 bi.ua b

M o c K B e 'I haven't seen him since [ was in Moscow', and x e r o H e BM/te/ia c T e x

n o p '1 haven't seen him since'.

12.4.6 A time before which an action occurs, expressed in OCS by the preposition

np’h)K 4 & usually with the GEN case, can be expressed in some of the modem Slavic languages with this preposition, but with np'h.^z + INS case ; 12 however, in some the meaning of rip'fettc^e + GEN has merged with that of 4 0 + GEN, which can now mean both 'before' and 'until'. Russian distinguishes the time in distance: /to ypoxa

'before class’ (anytime before class begins), but nepe/t ypoxoM 'before class'

(immediately before class begins). Thus a teacher would admonish a student to finish

12 Recall from earlier discussions (Chapters 8, 10 and 11), np’fertc^e is ihc comparative form of npfcAZ (Proto-Slavic *perd-), and, as a comparative, governs the GEN case. In the modern languages, (he "plain", undcrivcd lorm descended from *pBHd- is found. 362

his/her homework 4 0 y p o K a , rather than nepezt ypoKOM! Czech and Polish, loo,

have pred + INS (pred svatbou 'before the wedding'; przed SW item 'before

dawn'); but Serbo-Croatian shows both do and pre(d) to indicate 'before': do rata/

pre(d) rateiTl 'before the war'. Bulgarian also shows both npezj--npezjM 5 M a c a

'before 5:00', npe/t HoBa roztMHa 'before New Year’s’--and zjo--zjo 3 o p n 'before

dawn' (which is equivalent to n p e . a u 3 o p a T a ) .

12.4.7 A time after which an action occurs was expressed in OCS by the preposition

no + LOC. Flo + LOC is preserved to varying degrees in the modern languages.

Polish preserves the original construction as seen in OCS (po pracy 'after work’, po

wszystkich 'after everything), as does Czech. l"lo + LOC is preserved elsewhere,

but only as a variant means of expressing 'after'. In Modem Russian, examples of no

+ LOC are can be found, but the more prevalent means of expressing 'after' is with the

preposition posle13 + GEN: noczie Toro KaK 'after' (conjunction), noczie ypotca

'after class'. Serbo-Croatian shows a similar pattern, with posle + GEN being the

more common preposition (e.g. pOSle rata 'after the war'), coexisting with po in

phrases such as po novom ljetu 'after New Year's', po ObedU 'after lunch’.

Bulgarian, which has lost nominal declension, preserves the preposition no to mean

'after' (no HoBa roziHHa 'after New Year's'), but also preserves the "second half" of

the longer form in c n e & (cziezi aBa Meceua 'after two months', cag jx

BofiHaTa 'after the war') floozie in Bulgarian is an adverb which means 'after'.

Therefore two different words are found in Bulgarian which are descendants of the

longer form of the preposition 'after' noCxffeJKdG, in addition to the "short" form no.

13 Recall the adverb noc^'k^H (§9.27) and the variant of no seen in Supr: noc/i'bwfle (§9.28). 363

12.4.8 The time until which an action occurs or lasts was expressed by 4 0 + GEN

in OCS. This construction is preserved in all of the modern Slavic languages. In

addition to the phrases given in §12.4.6, where it was discussed that in some cases

+ GEN has merged with the meaning expressed in OCS by np*k)KA& + GEN, we also

find examples such as: Bulgarian /to /tnec 'until today', zto yTpe 'until tomorrow',

o t cyTpHH a o BeMep 'from morning until night'; Serbo-Croatian do P e tk a 'until

Friday', Od ju tra do mrakU 'from morning until night'; Polish Od rana do nocy

'from morning until night’, do W ie c z o r a 'until evening'; Russian o t HaMa/ia /to

KOHLta 'from beginning to end', /to BoiiHbi 'until the war’. Czech has two variants to

express 'until', one based on 4 0 : az do and k, which is related to the OCS preposition

kz + DAT 'towards'.

12.4.9 The time around which an action occurs was rendered by the construction

with npn + LOC in OCS. This construction expresses the approximateness of time. It

does not survive in the modem Slavic languages, but instead we see another preposition

which expresses approximateness; oko(^to). Therefore Bulgarian oko/io e /m H M ac

'about one hour', Serbo-Croatian OkO 20 godina 'about 20 years', Polish Ok0+0

godziny trzeciaj 'at about 3:00', Russian oko/io Tpex MacoB '(at) about 3:00’,

oko/io /tecaTM MMHyT '(for) about 10 minutes'. Czech again has two variants to express 'about', one related to oktuo—kolem —and also asi V.

12.4.10 Two different constructions were used to express the time fo r which or up to which an action continues: N a + LOC or 4 0 + GEN. In this meaning, they are both fairly rare constructions in the modem Slavic languages, but vestiges do survive. The most common occurrence in OCS was in the phrase N

often, we see n a + ACC where OCS had Nd + LOC, as in Russian Ha /to/iro 'for a

t long time. And in Russian the sentence oh rte/i /to Tpex MacoB would be interpreted

by most native and non-native speakers alike as 'he sang until 3:00', but may have a

secondary meaning, in the appropriate context, of 'he sang (for) up to three hours'.

Instances like this are rare, but since they can be found, it may be said that the

constructions found in OCS survive, at least in limited fashion, today.

12.4.11 There were also two different constructions in OCS to express the tim e fo r

which an action is repeated or intended to last: no + ACC or Ha + ACC. flo + ACC

was limited in use to only nouns in the PL; na + ACC was not restricted in this manner.

However, in this construction the nouns were typically modified by adjectives such as

KLctiKZ 'all' or MZNorz 'many', which emphasized the repetitive or continual nature

of the construction. As mentioned in 12.3.11, phrases with either no + ACC or N a +

ACC corresponded to Greek kqtq + ACC, which in temporal phrases bears the

meaning 'every'. Thus both Greek and OCS used prepositional constructions to

express 'every'; the modem Slavic languages do not. Instead, we see a prepositionless

ACC construction of a noun modified by an adjective which bears the meaning 'every':

kazdy or vseki (or variants thereof in the individual languages): Bulgarian BceKM

ZieH 'every day', Czech kazdQ den, Russian KaaotbiM zieHb. Serbo-Croatian,

Polish and Ukrainian show a similar construction, but with the prepositionless GEN

instead of ACC: Serbo-Croatian SVakog dan a'every day', SVake godine'every year'; Polish kazdego dnia 'every day'; Ukrainian K O > K H o ro nns\ 'every day’. In addition, Polish has a second variant, with the particle CO: COdZiennie. 12.4.12 In OCS (he construction with MOK 4 0 V + INS expressed the times betw een

which an action occurs. This construction occurred temporally only once in the

canonical corpus, in the phrase M&WAOV CHMt* ‘between this’ or 'in the meantime'. In

the modem Slavic languages actual occurrences are few in number, although the

construction is not subject to restrictions. We see phrases such as the Russian Me>K,ay

MacoM h /iByMfl 'between 1:00 and 2:00'; Bulgarian MeJKZjy 2 n 3 naca 'between

2:00 and 3:00', Meac/tyBpevieHHo and n o M e ^ y 'inbetween'; Polish (po)miedzy

godzi n a trzeci a a czwart a 'between 3:00 and 4:00'.

12.4.13 The constructions with itz + DAT or npM + LOC expressed a time to w a rd s which an action occurs. In many modern Slavic languages, KZ. does not express just this meaning any longer, but rather also other temporal meanings; sometimes different constructions are also found to express tow ards. In Bulgarian ki>m still means 'towards', but it also means 'about': ki>m 5 waca 'about 5:00'. In Polish kz is still used, but 'towards' may be expressed by other constructions as well: k ll koncowi miesi aca. 'towards the end of the month’, do rana 'towards morning' pod WiecZOT 'towards evening' na godzine 1 2 ~ a 'towards 12:00' or 'by

12:00'. In Russian k can mean both 'towards' and 'by', depending on context and the

A ktion sart of the verb:14 k yrpy 'towards morning' or 'by morning', k 12-m MacaM

'towards 12:00' or 'by 12:00'. In Czech, as mentioned earlier (§12.4.8), k has merged with do in the meaning of 'until', but can still retain the meaning 'towards': k veceru

'towards evening'. However, it can also express the same meaning as Okol 0 or asi:

'about'. Thus in many of these languages other prepositions have assumed the function

14 The distinction is similar to that found in English: "She arrived towards morning”, vs. "She worked all night because she had to finish the project by morning". 366

of KZ (such as na or dO) while kz itself has expanded beyond its original meaning of

'towards' to now also mean 'by' or 'about'.

npM + LOC is no longer found in this meaning in the modern languages,

although it is attested from earlier times. For example. Old Russian documents show

frequent usage of the phrase npH CM&pTH,which may be translated as 'on the brink of

death’: npH czwfc.pTH t€CTL (K o p M H a fl KHMra EtppeMOBCKaft; c. 1100); cm^e jkg

jN a w e m e . n a /tto^exz: npH czwtpTH aauTCfl jtcG/tcja,npc.Eb.iEZ Tpu ^nh,

0VMpG (First Novgorod Chronicle, 6898i). And Bulgarian, for example, preserves an

adverbial expression with npH: npM3opn 'before dawn' < 'towards the dawn'.

12.4.14 How many times an action is repeated could be expressed with three

different constructions in OCS: the prepositionless ACC, the prepositionless INS, or an

adverbial. In the canonical corpus we found the following phrases: KO/tL KpaTZt or

'how many times', MZNOWH^Gtff/MZNoroLUEAK 'many times', te^HNOis

'one time', a z & a Kpara or &ZT0pMLieiJK/rtZR

TpGTHijGW, et al., 'three times', nATL KpdTZ ’five times’, c&dMHtjeix, et al.,

'seven times'; and npz&oie/npE&'fex 'for the first time', EZTOpote 'for the second time',TpCTHtet€ 'for the third time'. In the modem Slavic languages, we see no vestiges of the prepositionless INS phrases except for the Bulgarian tpmjk/tpmjk/ih

'thrice', which was borrowed into Russian via Church Slavonic. Even in Bulgarian we see also a more common Tpw rivm 'three times'. Similarly, in the other modem Slavic languages we see phrases with a lexeme with the meaning 'time' only in the prepositionless ACC construction: Bulgarian MHoro m>TM 'many times'; Serbo-

Croatian tri puta 'three times'; Slovenian trikrat 'thrice'; Czech tfikrat 'three times', mnohokrat 'many times'. Russian does not use the continuation of Common 367

Slavic *kort-, bul rather *raZ-: Tpn pa3a 'three times', MHoro pa3 'many times'.

Polish, too, uses *raz- instead of *kOft- for 'time'; however, *kOft- is preserved in

various adverbial phrases to express repetition: trzykrOC, trzy k ro tn i, and the

prepositional phrase pO trzykrOC, all meaning 'three times'.

12.4.15 In § 12.3.15 problems which arose in the analysis of the synchronic

description of the temporal system of OCS were discussed, such as the inability to

determine the construction used to express age or in what case the noun should be in the

phrase "(X) times per (Noun)". I now discuss which constructions are used to render

these constructions in the modem languages.

12.4.15.1 Based on the data found in the canonical corpus, it was impossible to determine the construction used to express age. Numerous different constructions appeared: the prepositionless ACC, the prepositionless GEN (which can be interpreted most likely as a GEN of negation), the prepositionless DAT, the prepositionless INS, the prepositionless INS with the verb 'to be', the NOM with the verb 'to be', and an impersonal DAT with the verb 'to be'. This last construction survives in Modem

Russian (cK O^tbK O BaM jie r l 'how old are you?', MHe Torvta 6biJio 20 ^ieT 'at that time I was 20'), Czech (kollk je mil let? 'how old is he?') and Serbo-Croatian

(koliko ti je godina? 'how old are you?'). The construction with 'to have' with

ACC direct object is also found in Serbo-Croatian as another means of expressing age:

00 i m a 2 0 g o d in a 'he is 20'; and also in Polish: on m a 3 l a t a ’he is 3'. In

Bulgarian we find phrases of the type Ha kojiko cm ro/tMHH 'how old are you?', with the verb 'to be'. 368

Thus we see variation too in the modern Slavic languages, between DAT

(subject) impersonals with the verb 'to be', the NOM (subject) with the verb 'to be', and

the NOM (subject) with the verb 'to have'. The last, however, is found only in the

West Slavic languages, where it is more possibly due to German influence rather than

Greek influence (ich habe 2 0 Jahre or ich bin 2 0 Jahre alt 'I am 20'), if it is

not a native Slavic structure.1S As the NOM structure is not really a construction

expressing a temporal frame but rather just a "naming" device, it too can be excluded as

a temporal construction. (If we say 'Today is Saturday' we are referencing a time, but

we are only naming it; we are not saying that something is happening on Saturday,

before Saturday, by Saturday, after Saturday, etc.) Thus of the three structures found in

the modem Slavic languages, the one that remains both distinguishable from any outside

influence and distinctive of a "naming" device is the DAT impersonal construction. The

fact that it is found in all three language families (East, West and South), in languages

which did not have direct contact with each other (Russian, Czech and Serbo-Croatian)

is suggestive of the fact that this is a structure native to Slavic which has been preserved

in these individual languages for over a millenium.

However, even if the DAT impersonal construction is a native means of

expressing age in Slavic, that does not rule out the possibility that there were other

structures available at earlier times. Even if some of the constructions found in the

extant OCS texts are borrowings from Greek, it is impossible to say with certainty that

these structures (such as the NOM of the subject with the verb 'to have') were not also

native to Slavic but have since been lost in one, many, or all of the modem languages.

Based on the data provided by the modern languages, it seems unlikely that the

1 li is, after all, the West Slavic languages which, among the Slavic languages, arc typologically "have" languages—they have "have" in more constructions than (Jo the others. So it is quite possible that this is an independent development in West Slav ic, or one that occurred parallel to German. 369

prepositionless GEN, DAT or INS were actually active means for expressing age in

Slavic, as they are not preserved in any of the modem languages. Even so, this could

be the case simply because they have gone out of active use, rather than because they

never were in active use. The problem remains unsolved.

12.4.15.2 Another problem which could not be resolved is what case the noun should take in the phrase "(X) times per (Noun)". As mentioned earlier, the only conclusion that can be drawn about this particular expression is that OCS did not copy the Greek in its choice of constructions. In the extant texts we see a prepositional construction with Net + ACC in OCS corresponding to a Greek prepositionless ACC to express 'per day1 (but where the phrase "(X) times" is absent); a prepositionless INS in

OCS corresponding to a Greek prepositionless GEN, which is a partitive; Nd + LOC

(in Cloz) corresponding to Greek cl’s + ACC ('in' or 'for'); B.2. + LOC (in Supr); and a prepositionless GEN (also in Supr), which also corresponds to a Greek partitive

GEN.

In the modern Slavic languages we see numerous different constructions, but only one which corresponds to a construction seen in OCS: na + ACC. For example, we see in Polish dwa razy na tydzien/rok 'two times a week/year'. But Russian shows B + ACC: z tB a p a 3 a b Hezte-rtto/rozt 'two times a week/year'. Czech expresses this with adverbs: trikrat denne ’three times a day', trikrat rocne

'three times a year'. Serbo-Croatian has two variants, one of which is also an adverbial phrase: pet puta dne VDO or pet puta na den 'five times a day'. Bulgarian, as mentioned in Chapter 4 (§4.7), has cezteM ntTM Ha zteH, but as the preposition H a has replaced most case constructions (including the GEN) in Bulgarian, it is not possible to 370

determine if this is a true function of the preposition Ha or a use of it to express an

earlier prepositionless construction.

Again in the modem languages we see great variation in expressing "(X) times

per (Noun)". One thing that this could indicate is that there was no set way of

expressing the concept in OCS, leading to the variety of means found in the extant texts.

Only one of the modem expressions is similar to one found in OCS: N

mentioned, the occurrence of Nd + ACC in OCS was in a phrase withouth the "(X)

times" of "(X) times per (Noun)". Because Bulgarian has Ha to express 'per' it is tempting to choose this as the "official" construction; however, as just mentioned, this

usage of Ha in Bulgarian could have replaced an earlier prepositionless construction.

Numerous other languages (Polish and Serbo-Croatian, for example) also have na +

ACC, which is even more suggestive of it being a common Slavic means of expression.

Again the puzzle remains unresolved, as neither the data from the extant OCS texts nor from the living Slavic languages allow us to decide definitively how "(X) times per

(Noun)" was expressed in OCS.

12.5 What does all of this mean, and what is its value? My intent in investigating temporal expressions was to test the hypothesis that the syntax of OCS as seen in the extant texts does indeed reflect native Slavic elements, and is not merely an imitation of

Greek syntax. In order to demonstrate this, it was necessary, however, to make comparisons with the Greek, in order to separate that which is Greek from that which is

Slavic. Recall H. Birnbaum's exhortation: "Erst so liesse sich ja echt Slavisches,

Altererbtes von Nachgeahmten |sic-SF| und Entlehntem trennen und dadurch in manchen 371

Punkten ein deutlicheres Bild der altesten genuin slavischen Syntax, ihrem Bau und den

ihrzu Gebote stehenden Ausdrucksmitteln, gewinnen" (1958, 241).

If we see, for example, that a certain phrase has a GEN of time where we would

expect say, a prepositionless INS (perhaps NOifiH instead of NOigHHR to render Greek

vuktoj 'in the night'), we could claim Greek interference. Otherwise, when we see

the prepositionless INS (a case which Greek did not possess and had not possessed for

at least a millenium and a half prior to the period of canonical OCS) we may claim that,

since this was not Greek interference, this construction must have been native Slavic.

As additional proof of that, we might look to the other Slavic languages.

Fortunately, we do find remnants of a prepositionless INS to express time in numerous modern Slavic languages (for example Russian H O M b io , Bulgarian H O titeM , and Serbo-

Croatian nocu 'in the night[time]'). If we do not find examples from the modem Slavic languages, we might search further back, examining texts from earlier periods in time, to see if the prepositionless INS, for example, was a means of expressing time at any point within the history of an individual language. And even if we do not find examples in the other Slavic languages (such as the construction with s z + GEN or the preposi­ tionless LOC, which have disappeared), this does not preclude such constructions from being Slavic, unless we can demonstrate exact construction-for-construction translation from the Greek (which we cannot).

For example, when we see that OCS had npH + LOC to express the time around which an action occurs, expressing the approximateness of time, we know that this was the syntactic means available to express this reference in OCS, even if none of the modem languages have npH + LOC. Since this is the case, one might think that this was a borrowing from Greek, which has a preposition with similar phonetic shape—

TtepL + ACC. However, numerous occurrences of nepu + ACC were rendered in 372

OCS with EZ + ACC instead of rtpM + LOC. changing the meaning to 'at' or 'during',

rather than 'around' the time involved. If a translator is going to "borrow" a preposition

from one language to another, they would probably borrow it in all instances, and not

make such changes in some cases but not in others. In addition, nepL in Greek

governed the ACC case, whereas OCS npH governed the LOC case. Therefore it is

reasonable to conclude that npu + LOC was a native means of expressing approximate

time and not a borrowed one, in spite of its absence in the modem Slavic languages.

The opposite phenomenon may also occur: a construction exists in one, some or

all of the modem Slavic languages but did not exist in OCS. Take the case of the GEN

of time (Chapter 6). Very few examples of such are found in the canonical OCS texts,

and most of those occurrences may be categorized as something other than temporal

expressions (such as negation, verbal government, etc.). Most examples of the GEN of

time, however, cannot be said to be imitations of the Greek GEN, which denoted a time

within which an action occurred (and was rendered by something other than the GEN in

OCS, for example the Greek xem uvos 'in the winter' was rendered in Slavic by the

prepositionless LOC jH M ’fe). On the basis of the data from the canonical manuscripts, it

may be claimed that OCS did not have a GEN of time.

If we look to the modem Slavic languages, however, we find quite a few with a

very active GEN of time. Examples such as Serbo-Croatian toga casa 'at that

hour', Polish kazdego dm a’every day', Ukrainian T o r o poicy 'in that year', Czech

toho dne 'on that day' are but a few which show that the GEN is a construction which

is quite viable in the modem Slavic languages. In addition, we may look to Old Russian

secular manucripts to find other examples of various usages of a GEN of time, such as

T o r )Kg AN£ 'on that day', t o h noyh 'in that night', tom jkg oc&nm 'in that autumn'. Although Modern Russian has replaced these particular usages of the 373 prepositionless GEN b y prepositional constructions ( b Ty 3MMy instead of t o m

£ H M Z i 'in that winter'; b T y HOMb instead of t o m n o y h 'in that night'), the Old

Russian secular manucripts show that this construction was also active at one time within the history of this language.

Cases such as this, with the prepositionless INS and GEN of OCS and the modem Slavic languages, are just two of many. First by demonstrating that the syntax of OCS represented native Slavic elements and was not a borrowing or copying of

Greek syntax and second by establishing exactly what the means of expressing time in

OCS were, we are now able to use the language of OCS as seen in the extant texts as a reliable source of comparison with the modem languages. Based on this information, comparative studies of the Slavic languages including OCS may be conducted. In point of fact, this has always been done. When searching through many comparative grammars, I found OCS examples given instead of examples from the modem Slavic languages. Or if the latter were included, they were far outnumbered by the OCS examples. Now, however, we may be more sure of using OCS as a basis for investigating the history and structure of the syntax of the Slavic languages, since we are now able to state with more certainty that the syntax of OCS as found in the extant texts does indeed reflect the native Slavic idiom, and that OCS is a Slavic language, and not merely a mixture of Slavic lexicon and morphology with Greek syntax. OCS is an independent language, capable of being declared a real Slavic language. THE SYNTACTIC EXPRESSION OF TIME IN OLD CHURCH SLAVONIC: A COMPARISON WITH NEW TESTAMENT GREEK VOLUME II

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University

By

Sophie Forbes, B.S., M.A.

*****

The Ohio State University

1995

Dissertation Committee ^proved

Charles Gribble

Brian Joseph dvisers Daniel Collins Department of Slavic and East David Hahm European Languages and Literatures TABLE OF CONTENTS

APPENDICES A. PHRASES SUBSTITUTING EL 0N0 FOR OTHER EXPRESSIONS 374 B. THE ACCUSATIVE CASE WITH THE PREPOSITION EL 376 C. THE PREPOSITIONLESS ACCUSATIVE...... 398 D. THE PREPOSITIONLESS INSTRUMENTAL...... 410 E. THE PREPOSITIONLESS LOCATIVE 417 , F. THE PREPOSITIONLESS GENITIVE ...... 419 G . THE ACCUSATIVE CASE WITH PREPOSITIONS...... 422 H. THE INSTRUMENTAL CASE WITH PREPOSITIONS...... 428 I. THE DATIVE CASE WITH PREPOSITIONS...... 429 J. THE PREPOSITIONLESS DATIVE ...... 430 K. THE LOCATIVE CASE WITH PREPOSITIONS...... 431 L. THE GENITIVE CASE WITH PREPOSITIONS...... 451 M. ADVERBIAL EXPRESSIONS OF TIME ...... 476 N. GREEK PREPOSITIONLESS DATIVE ...... 480

O. GREEK e n + D A T IV E ...... 486 P. GREEK PREPOSITIONLESS ACCUSATIVE...... 497 Q. GREEK ACCUSATIVE CASE WITH PREPOSITIONS...... 502 R. GREEK PREPOSITIONLESS GENITIVE...... 51 1 S. GREEK GENITIVE CASE WITH PREPOSITIONS...... 514 T. GREEK ADVERBIAL EXPRESSIONS...... 528 U . VARIOUS TIME EXPRESSIONS. SLAVIC LANGUAGES...... 532 I . Old Church Slavonic ...... 532 2. Modern Bulgarian ...... 534 3. Modern Serbo-Croatian ...... 535 4. Modern Czech ...... 536 5. Modern Polish ...... 537 6. Modern Russian ...... 538 7. Modem U k rain ian ...... 539 V. GREEK TIME EXPRESSIONS...... 540 1. New Testament Greek ...... 540 2. Modern Greek ...... 541

REFERENCES...... 543 1. Analyzed Te x ts ...... 543 2 . Dictionaries Consulted ...... 544 3. S e le c t...... 547 4. General ...... 551 APPENDIX A

PHRASES SUBSTITUTING Tb BZ W / S Z Ep'bMfft OHO FOR OTHER EXPRESSIONS

The following verses have b z w (or e z Bp’tMift oho) in the A p r a k o i corresponding to a different time expression in the other texts:

Matthew 3:1 __I — -- Mir kv Tats r)n^pav£ &ceCvavs 2

Matthew 11:25 — — — Mir BZ AtHk CXAkNkH Matthew 17:1 Asm Ost — — no UIECTH AkMk Matthew 22:23 — — — Mir BZ TZ ASMS Mark l:9(2x) — X 3 — Mir BZ AkHH TZI Mark 1:35 Asm Ost Sav Mir K>T|>0

Mark 2:1 — — — Mir no A tta x z Mark 8:1 —— — Mir BZ AkHH TZI

Mark 9:2 _ — — Mir no UIECTH AkNk Luke 1:24 Asm X — Mir no CHXZ JB6 AltNkXZ Luke 1:39 Asm X Sav Mir BZ TZI AkHH

1 The dash (—) indicates that the given text does not contain the given verse.

2 All of the examined Tetragospel texts are missing the opening chapters of Matthew, including this verse.

3 The (X) indicates that the given text does not have b z w but rather the expected time expression. 375

Luke 2:1 Asm X Sav X KZ AkNH TZI Luke 5:17 Asm Ost — Mir BZ EflMMZ OTZ AkNZ Luke 5:27(2x) Asm Ost — Mir no CHXZ Luke 6:12 — — — Mir BZ AkNH TZI Luke 7:11 Asm Ost — Mir BZ npOTVH (AkNk) Luke 8:22 Asm Ost — Mir BZ EflHMZ OTZ AkHZ Luke 9:28 — X — Mir no CflOBEChXZ Luke 9:37 Asm Ost — Mir BZ npO'IfcH AkHk Luke 10:1 Asm — — Mir no chxz Luke 13:1 ~ Ost — Mir BZ TO EpfeMiA John 1:29 Asm Ost Sav Mir BZ OyTptH ALMS John 1:35 Asm Ost Sav — BZ OyTptH AkML John 1:44 X X — Mir BZ OHTptM AkHk John 2:1 — Ost — — BZ TpETkH AkHh John 2:12 Asm Ost — — no CEMk John 3:22 Asm Ost — X no chxz John 5:1 Asm Ost — Mir no chxz John 7:1 Asm Ost — Mir no chxz John 19:38 Asm Ost — Mir no chxz John 21:1 Asm Ost — Mir no cews APPENDIX B THE ACCUSATIVE CASE WITH THE PREPOSITION EL

EZ TZ AhHk

Matthew 7:22 Mar Z Mir Matthew 13:1 — — — Mar Z — nu Matthew 22:23 ——— Mar —— (bz □) Matthew 24:19 PL Ost — PL — — Mir(2x) H Mark 1:9 — (ONZI) — PL PL — (bz o) Mark 2:20 — — — PL PL — Mir Mark 4:35 — — — Mar Z — Mir H Mark 8:1 — — — PL PL PL (BZ 0) Mark 13:17 — —— PLPL PL — Mark 13:24 — — — PL PL PL— Luke 1:24 — (0NZi)-2ncl — — — — (BZ 0) time --1st tim H H H Luke 1:39 (BZ 0 ) (OMZl) (EZ 0 ) PL PL PL (EZ 0) H H Luke 2:1 (BZ 0 ) (OHZl) (EZ 0 ) PL PL (ONZl) (ONZl) Luke 4:2 ——— PL PL PL Mir Luke 5:35 — — — PL PLPL — H Luke 6:12 — — — PL PL PL (BZ o) Luke 6:23 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir Luke 9:36 Asm PL Sav PL Z D — Luke 10:12 Asm — — Mar Z D — Luke 13:143 BZ PLPL BZ BZ BZ BZ (no paNH) TZI TZI TZI TZIA TZI Luke 13:311 —— Mar D Luke 13:33 — —— (OHZ) — (OHZ) — Luke 17:31 — — — Mar z D Mir Luke 19:42 — — — (cz) (Ck) (BZ AkNk — CXflLHZ IH) Luke 21:23 PL PL PL Mir(2x)

376 377

EZ TZ AkNL, con’t

Luke 23:7 ——— PL PL PL Mir Luke 23:12 ——— Mar Z PL Mir Luke 24:13 Asm Ost — Mar Z D Mir

Luke 24:18 Asm Ost (CHA) Z D Mir John 5:9 Asm Ost — Mar Z D Mir John 14:20 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir(2x) John 16:23 — Ost(2x) Sav Mar z D Mir(2x) John 16:26 Asm(2x) Ost Sav Mar z D Mir(2x)

John 20:19 Asm Ost — Mar — (OHZ) Mir

Supr 19:22-23 B Z T Z OUED AENk CkEHpdXIUTOU Cft MdpOAOU Supr 56:22 B Z T Z AfcHk nOEEH-fc H^BECTH A Supr 91:2-3 B Z TXJKflE AkHk npMAE TZJtCAE MdrtOMOUITk Supr 91:9 T p E T H E B Z T Z X H E AkHk FlpHAE Supr 94:20 MKO BZ TZI ATM EZIUJA CHH CZ CdEHHIX Supr 94:21-22 MKO OlfTpO E Z T Z AkHk ftTH H M X T Z EZITH . . .

Supr 359:4-6 ABd E tC T d OTk NHXZ HflXLUTd BZ TZ A^Hk . .

BZ TpGTfcH ALNfck

Matthew 17:23 ACC ACC Sav A CC — ACC Matthew 20:19 Mar — ACC Mark 9:31 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z ACC Luke 13:32 (no AkHk) — D Mir Luke 24:46 ACC ACC ACC ACC D ACC John 2:1 (BZ OHO Mar Z BptUA) 378

BZ NUMBER + AkHk

Matthew 26:17 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z Mir Luke 1:59 Asm Ost — Mar Z Mit

Matthew 26:17 bz AkHk npkaziM Luke 1:59 i z AkHk ocuzi

Supr 10:19-20 m hetbpztzh akhl uapra wtc#.u

Supr 47:11-12 czK0 HkHoui<9i x e c*\ csaTHi , . . MdpT* MtcAi*

Supr 61:1 ch p^ik ULK& (pEypoapd

Supr 136:9-10 h b z TpETHH AkHk noBeat npHBECTH w , . .

Supr 137:3-4 b z nETBpzTZiH ate AkHk noczaa k h a j z n o i u t h x

Supr 204:15-16 b z if flkHk Eayapa MfcCAijd b z HETBpZToic alTO udpKHdHM

UtcapkCTEd . . .

Supr 321:23-24 AkHECk dflduz c z j z a ^h z k z i c t z b z u i e c t z i h ukHk

b z noc/ieAttikH AkHk

John 6:39 Asm Ost — Mar Z D John 6:40 Asm Ost(2x) — Mar Z D Mir John 6:44 Asm Ost — Mar z D Mir John 6:54 Asm Ost — Mar z D Mir John 7:37 Asm Ost Sav Mar z D Mir John 11:24 Asm Ost Sav Mar z D Mir John 12:48 Asm Ost(2x) — Mar z D Mir 379

BZ ALNk CXAkHZIH

Matthew 10:15 ——— Mar Z — Mir Matthew 11:22 —— — Mar Z — Mir Matthew 11:24 ——— Mar z — Mir Matthew 12:36 Asm Ost Sav Mar z — Mir Mark 6:11 — Ost —— — D . . . 1

Supr 120:1-2 . . . HMXWToaro EiiacTk Ek c* a » h * ih

Supr 316:7-8 . . . czTtopH OTkEtTZ b z c x u z h z h AkHk oyco

b z oyTpfcH / oyTpkHkH AkNk (+ various spellings)

Matthew 27:62 Asm Ost Mar Z D na

KtTpt

Mark 11:12 *—* » (no A^^k) Z —- EZ

KJTp H H H John 1:29 (b z 0 ) (EZ 0 ) (BZ 0 ) Mar Z D (BZ H H H John 1:35 (EZ 0 ) (EZ 0 ) (BZ 0 ) Mar Z — — John 1:43/4 Asm Ost(no flkHk)— Mar Z D (BZ John 6:22 Asm Ost — Mar Z D Mir

John 12:12 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z (BZ KJTp Mir

X E AHk)

This verse only appears in some Greek mss.: A, 0133, M. 380

E Z fllkNh. CXEO TZN ZI

Luke 4:16 Asm Ost Sav Mar — D Mir Luke 13: H 42 Asm Ost Sav t i AkHk Z D Mir CXCOTX Luke 13:16 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir Luke 14:4/5 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir

Supr 295:1-2 n fls.ns. c^ sotzhzh •KioK'fcKd

BZ A^Ntk / AbHM + ADJ

Matthew 24:37 Asm(2x) Ost(2x) Sav Mar Z — Mir Luke 4:25 Asm Ost — Mar — D Mir(2x)

Luke 7:11 ( i z 0 ) (k z 0 ) — Mar Z — (k z 0) H H H Luke 9:37 (k z 0 ) (cz 0 ) — Mar Z — (k z 0)

Luke 13:33 — — — (o h z ) — (onz) Mir Luke 17:24 — — — Mar Z — Mir Luke 17:26 — — — Mar Z — Mir Luke 17:28 — — — Mar Z — Mir

Matthew 24:37 KZ AkHH Hoenzt Luke 4:25 KZ AkHk HrlHMZI Luke 7:11 KZ flpOHHH Luke 9:37 KZ AkHk npOHHH Luke 13:33 KZ flpOIG Luke 17:24 KZ AkHk CKQH Luke 17:26 KZ AkNH NOERZI Luke 17:28 KZ AkHH /I0T0KZI

2 When a subscript number appears after a verse, it indicates which temporal phrase within that verse is cited—in this instance, L 13:14 contains two temporal phrases, and this is the second one. 381

b z A tttt / AtHH + A D J , c o n 't

Supr 25:19-21 czEHpdXHTE ca t a npfrcudEZHZH t i AkHL ndMATH CKdTddro KOHOHd . . .

Supr 80:29-81:2 kzih oTatrz iXflETi k z cadEZHZtH h behhkzih hlhl npHUJLCTBHki czndcd Hdiuero . . .

Supr 124:3-4 ware alheuilhhi 4 lhl Et. e Z k z i pdAocTH pdEoy CBOEMoy AdpZCTBOEdEZIH

Supr 295:2-3 h npdjNX h coyxx pxnx el npdjAkHZ AkHL Hd fltno npocTLpt

bz A^Nt / + G E N p h r a s e

Matthew 2:1 Asm Ost Sav — —— Mir Matthew 23:30 — Ost — Mar —— Mir Matthew 24:37 Asm * oo Mar Z — * Matthew 24:38 + + Sav+ + + + ’+■ Luke 1:5 Asm Ost — Mar z — Mir Luke 17:26 —— — Mar z D Mir John 12:7 Asm Ost Sav Mar z — Mir

* (TdKO EXAETZ EZ llpHLULCTKE CHd Hfl* 1LCHddro)

°° (TdKO KXflETZ npHUJLCTHE CHd H/MLCKddrO)

+(SAV has: npEKAE bz AkHH noTonn; all other texts have: bz AkHH npe*Ae noTond)

Matthew 2:1 BZ AkHH HpOAd IJpt Matthew 23:30 EZ AkHH OIJL HdllJHXZ Matthew 24:37 EZ AkHH CNd 'ItnCKddrO

Matthew 24:38 npeacAe bz AkHH noTond

Luke 1:5 EZ AkHH HpOAd 14 pit 382

BZ AtNh / flikNH + GEN, con't

Luke 17:26 b z a^hm cua ‘idBMCKddro

John 12:7 bz a ^mi> norptEENHZ woero

Supr 21:11-12 nan«AMA be hhxz b z AkHH rH teon

Supr 162:3-4 czTBOpM ike kouhcz bz A^m Hrf1H ■

BZ ICAMHZ OTZ A^N2

H H Luke 5:17 (bz o ) (bz o ) — Mar (otz D (BZ 0) AbHEH) H H Luke 8:22 (bz o ) (bz o ) — Mar Z D (bz o) Luke 20:1 — — — (+ T tx z ) Z ACC Mir

Supr 91:15-27 . . . noEE/iZ . . . bz kahhz kahnoz npHB ecth . . .

(BZ AtXk) BZ Hk)K€

Matthew 24:50 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir(2x) Matthew 25:13 Asm Ost Sav — Z — Mir 3 Luke 12:46 ——— Mar ZD Luke 17:29 ——— Mar ZD Mir Luke 17:30 ——— Mar ZD Mir Luke 22:7 ——— Mar z D

3 The Greek text contains no relative clause here; the verse concludes: o t i ouk oiSctTe t?) v t’lp.epav’ ou6i tf)v w pav. 383

(EZ A^Ht) EZ NkKE.COn't

Supr 43:26-28 iihohhh x e eh A t npfcxAE eahoto aehg B kH E r^d cm [>oah ■ ■

Supr 74:4-5 . . . AkHH |dat.| Ek Mb .mce nptAZCtA* AN-frynarz e z HApOA'k Supr 94:14-15 . . . Kk AkHH [acc.| EkHEr fl,a cm pGA* khaxghzi mjkhehmkz

Ctoz lla:4-5 (AkHk) E k _ H k J t£ x o u jt e t z c x a i t h e z EkCEi je m i

(EZ A^nh) e z NAJKG

Luke 1:25 Asm Ost — Mar Z D Mir(2x) Luke 13:142 Asm(2x) Ost(2x) Sav Mar Z D Mir Luke 21:6 — — — Mar Z D Mir Luke 23:29 — — — Mar Z D Mir

BZ KZ I AtNk

Supr 132:23 Mt. ez kzih Akhk Bznpaiudx hxz

b z reAHNX / icahnz c x e o t z / e z ibahnzi c e e o t z i

Mark 16:2 FEM PL — FEM FEMFEMFEM Luke 24:1 FEM PL — FEM FEM FEM FEM John 20:1 MASC PL — FEM FEM FEM FEM John 20:19 MASC PL — FEM — FEMFEM 384

BZ CXKOTX / CXKOTZI / CZKOTZ

Matthew 12:2 ——— PL PL — — Mathew 12:5 — —— PL PL —— Matthew 12:10 ——— FEM FEM — FEM Matthew 12:11 ——— FEM FEM — FEM Matthew 12:12 ——— FEM FEM — FEM Matthew 24:20 MASC FEM FEM FEM — — FEM Matthew 28: 12 * PL ** + — it* Mark l:2 l" ——— PLPL —— Mark 2:23 MASC PL FEM PL PL PL — Marie 2:24 MASC PL FEMPL PL PL — Mark 3:2 FEM PL FEM FEM FEM —— Mark 3:4 FEM PL FEM FEM PL — — Luke 4:31 PL PL — PLPL PI PL Luke 6:1 MASC FEM — FEM FEM FEM — Luke 6:2 FEM PL — FEM FEM PL— Luke 6:7 FEM FEM — FEM FEM FEM — Luke 6:9 MASC PL — PL PL PL — Luke 13:10 PL(2x) PM2x) FEM PL PL PL PL(2x) Luke 13:14, FEM FEM FEM FEM FEM FEM FEM Luke 13:15 FEM FEM FEM FEM FEM FEM FEM Luke 14:1 MASC FEM FEM FEM — FEM FEM Luke 14:3 MASC FEM PL PL PL PL PL Luke 18:12 MASC FEM FEMFEM FEM FEM FEM Luke 23:56 ——— FEM FEM FEM— John 5:16 ——— FEM FEM FEM — John 7:22 FEM FEM — FEM FEM FEM FEM John 7:23, FEM FEM — FEM FEM FEM FEM John 7:232 FEM FEM — FEM FEM FEM FEM John 19:31, MASC(2x) FEM(2x) FEM(2x) FEM FEM GEN FEM(2

* (see below under bz c x s o tx + ADJ)

Supr 209:7-8 bz czb otx , . . BZxcuKAaawE s t i ^ z h ’be Supr 334:14-15 BEHEpz x e bz c x e o tx . , . npMAe Mdpnw MdrA

b z cxkotx + ADJECTIVE

Matthew 28: l-> bz npzB* ** = Asm »Asm = Asm = Asm

CXEOTZ

Mark 16:9 bz npzBxx PL BZ npzsu = Mar kz npzEXX = Asm

CXEOTZ CXEQTt CBEOTX

Luke 6:6 FEM PL FEM FEM FEM (+ Apoyrxx)

** (CBHTAXWToy npsttoyoywoy ez cxeotzi )

Supr 95:6-7 bz cxeotx be/ihkxx npHAe k hhhz . . .

BZ I1ATZKZ

John 19:14 NOM NOM Sav NOM NOM NOM NOM

EZ NEA'fcriZ

Supr 209:7-8 bz cxeotx b e h be Meatax npiBtE b l c e x z b z x o x a «« uje be upZK Be 386

EZ TZ HdCZ

Matthew 8:13 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z — Mir Matthew 10:19 Asm Ost — Mar Z — Mir Matthew 15:28 — LOC Sav Mar z — Mir Matthew 18:1 Asm Ost Sav Mar — — Mir Matthew 26:55 Asm Ost Sav Mar z — Mir Mark 13:11 — — _ Mar z D Mir Luke 2:38 Asm Ost (no t z ) Mar z D—

Luke 7:21 ___ —— Mar z (TZJKE) Mir Luke 9:42 -- — SAV 4 — — — — Luke 10:21 Asm(2x) Ost(2x) Sav(2x) Mar z D Mir(2x) Luke 12:12 Asm Ost — Mar z D Mir Luke 20:19 ___ —— Mar z D Mir Luke 24:33 Asm Ost — Mar — D Mir

Supr 16:14-15 nfi-.'UKU n Ukut m u z cnwkTTEd TKOEr D Ek Ck HdCZ Supr 217:7 EX TZ HdCZ HUE EZ C tA T X X BH-ft-rtEMZ Supr 359:4-6 fig * r t r T i nTk u u v l MflZiilTd . . EZ TZ HdCZ Ek MkWE KH7Nk N<3

flp’tK 't npMrgojAHiua . .

e z roflHNZ + ADJECTIVE

Matthew 20:3 Asm Ost Sav Mar — — Mir Matthew 20:5 Asm Ost Sav Mar — — Mir Matthew 20:6 Asm Ost Sav Mar — — Mir Matthew 20:9 Asm Ost Sav Mar — — Mir Mark 15:34 — — — Mar Z D -- John 4:52 Asm Ost Sav Mar (HdCZ) D Mir

4 The time expression which occurs in this verse appears only in Sav and has no Greek sourse—i.e. it does not appear in any known Greek ms. 387

e z roAHN* + ADJECTIVE, con’t

Matthew 20:3 EZ

Matthew 20:5 BZ

Matthew 2 0 : 6 BZ

Matthew 20:9 EZ

Mark 15:34 BZ

John 4:52 BZ

e z nacz + ADJECTIVE

Supr 57:6-7 n nacz hce npzazm nouith czKiituiTddXs: cift . . .

EZ KZ H<3CZ / EZ KX3K rOflHMX

Matthew 24:42 FEM MASC FEM FEM FEM — FEM Luke 12:39 MASC MASC — MASC MASC MASC MASC

John 4:52 FEM MASC — FEM b z FEM FEM

KOTOpikJ 388

BZ MkKE 4ACZ / BZ HdCZ BZ HkJKE

Matthew 24:44 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z _ Mir Matthew 24:50 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z — Mir Matthew 25:13 Asm Ost Sav — Z — Mir ® Luke 12:40 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir Luke 12:46 ——— FEM Z FEM — John 4:53 FEM FEM — FEM Z FEM FEM John 5:28 FEM FEM — FEM Z FEMFEM

Supr 359:4-6 a b a KtcT<3 aTk h m x z haxiut a . . . t i t z h a c z b l hlmce jkhjhl ha AptB* nflHTEOJAHUJA . . .

(rOAHHd) BZ NZXE

Luke 12:46 ——— Mar MASC D — John 4:53 Asm Ost — Mar MASC D Mir John 5:28 Asm Ost — Mar MASC D Mir

e z t o a z

Supr 276:3 m he e z ro n z npocHWA

Supr 276:18-19 npocHTH c t noftOEA he » roflz t z

As mentioned above, the Greek text contains no relative clause here; the verse concludes: on, ouk otSaTe rr)v i^nepav ouSi rr\v cfipav. 389

bz roflz + GEN PHRASE

Matthew 13:30 (kz KpZMA) = Asm = Asm = Asm M ir Luke 1:10 — Ost Mar Z D Mir Luke 14:17 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir

Matthew 13:30 kz roAZ k atezi

Luke 1:10 kz roAZ Tewataa

Luke 14:17 ez toaz KE'iE^A

Supr 209:12-13 Cris jhth i€Moy jtn o

ez Hacz + GEN PHRASE

Supr 144:21 h TzrA

e z toahnx + GEN PHRASE (cBkTtNhw)

John 5:35 Asm Ost — Mar (tacz) D Mir 390

EZ Bft'tMift + GEN

Matthew 13:30 Asm Ost — Mar Z — (bz ‘idcz) Luke 8:13- Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D

Matthew 13:30 bz Ep'kMA x a t e z i

Luke 8:13“ bz BptMA NdnacTH

Supr 11:17 EZ BpfrMfr MtflTB’E UJZAZUJH Supr 73:2 Ek EptUEHd JEHHkl UkCdpd . . . Supr 308:29-309:1 HtOfld CTOhJUie KrtHJZ MXZ

Cloz 4b:38-40 h nocfioyujdi iZTO CTBOpa

b z B ptM A + ADJECTIVE

Matthew 11:25 — — — Mar Z — * Matthew 12:1 — — — Mar Z — --- Matthew 14:1 — — — Mar Z — * Matthew 21:41 Asm Ost Sav Mar —— Mir Mark 10:30 — — — Mar Z D Mir Luke 1:20 Asm Ost — Mar z D Mir Luke 13:1 — (EZ — Mar z D *

(epfcMA 0 H0) Luke 18:30 — — — Mar z D Mir John 12:35 Asm ACC Sav Mar z ACC Mir(2x)

•p p *Mir here has: b z w (For other verses where the Aprakai have b z to (or b z eptM A oho) corresponding to a different time expression in the other texts, see Appendix A). 391

b z B p tw A + ADJECTIVE, con't

Matthew 11:25 BZ TO EpZuA Matthew 12:1 BZ TO BptMA Matthew 14:1 BZ OHO BpttUA Matthew 21:41 BZ SpZMA CBOE / BpZUEHd CBOt

Mark 10:30 BZ eptHA ce hun Z Luke 1:20 BZ EptLMA CBOE Luke 13:1 EZ TO BptUA Luke 18:30 BZ BpfcMtfi CE John 12:35 BZ Maao epkuA

Supr 11:17 eg to eptnfl» . . . npHfle np’fcu’kuswtiKZ

Supr 56:28-29 e z to ate ep’feuA erfla c i a t j i ft uzH aaxz

Supr 110:9-10 « jz * e Erfdcz bz etpecZ cz ez to gpfcuA

Supr 110:19 Kpo hmeheml bz to gpfcurfi czi

Supr 111:17-19 e z t o * e eptuift dpHdMHZ . . . EtauiE e z noycTtfcuz rp-aflfc

Supr 392:11-12 es. bs.ce epfrUM ocetiuTaicTZ c z z u d H K *

Cloz 4a:25-26 ta NdoyMi qithite

Cioz 4b:38-40 h nocnoymai hzto cTeopw e z to epZutfi nptfldH sw

BZ Bp'feMA

Matthew 24:45 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z _ Mir(2x) Mark 12:2 — — — Mar Z D — Luke 8:13] Asm Ost KZ Mar z D —

i i C t Luke 12:42 — — — Mar z D — Luke 20:10 ——— Mar z D — 392

EZ BpfcMA, COn't

Supr 339:17-18 AiOH /uoahk . . . t i zpfrMA npHAouiA

Cloz 4a;26-27 t z i k e n a KpzcTt npocTEpz p z ijt e z e p t u ift Ctoz 13b:5-6 m p i M A xikNt-H M xyi n p iaz

E Z CHZ H0U1TL

Matthew 26:31 Asm Ost Sav Mar —— Mir Matthew 26:34 Asm Ost Sav Mar —— Mir Mark 14:30 ——— Mar Z D Luke 12:20 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir Luke ( tz ) 17:34 ——— Mar z D Mir

John ( tz ) 21:3 Asm Ost — Mar z D Mir

Supr 56:20-21 npZEZIUIA HE t z TZ HQIUTk Supr 66:17 CtKEpOy TZTA

Supr 381:3-4 nOCilOyHTE BkCH Hdll/dNHH . . . AkHkCk H EZ CkZ HQIUTk

B Z BtkCZ MOIllTk

Supr 59:11-12 ohz xe Ekflfc bz elcx wouiTk

EZ BEHEpZ CXEOTZMZI

Matthew 28:11 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z — Mir 393

EZ TZ BEHEpZ

Supr 339:22 ab* *pkTst n t i gEHEpz aomuiete ca

Cloz 13bll kz tz gs^epz fltaaiueTE ca

BEHEpZ BZ Nk£E

Cloz 6al8-19 K”fc BEHEpZ BZ HkMCE OyHEH IQI CE rrtOdXK . . . (sic)

EZ IUECTZIH )KE MfcCAlJh.

Luke 1:26 Asm Ost — Mar Z D Mir

Supr 178:4-5 ez iuectzh u'tcAuk pene noctiasz ezictz arrenz . . .

BZ flAiTOE Nd flECiATOE (itTO BAAHCTBH't TIBEpHfc KECdpfc . . .

Luke 3:1-2 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir 394

bz rt'kTO, other

Supr 186:13-14 bz

Supr 204:15-16 bz h AtNk ewyapa utCAi*d bz hetepztqie a t m MapKHaNM

iffccapkCTEd . . .

Supr 213:27-28 bz to /iZ tp o y to . . . cawz BkjkMZ

EZ BtkZ / B'tkZI

Matthew 6:13 Asm Ost Sav Mar —— PL Matthew 21:19 ——— Mar — — PL(2x) Mark 3:29 ——— Mar PL D PL Mark 11:14 ——— Mar Z D PL Luke 1:33 PL PL Sav PL PL PL PL John 4:14 Asm Ost — Mar Z PL PL John 6:51 PL Ost — Mar Z PL PL John 6:58 Asm Ost — Mar Z PLPL John 8:35 Asm(2x) PL(2x) — Mar Z PL PL John 8:51 Asm Ost(2x) — Mar z PL PL(2x) John 8:52 Asm Ost — Mar z PL PL John 10:28 Asm Ost — Mar z PL PL(2x) John 11:26 PL Ost Sav Mar z PLPL John 12:34 Asm PL PL Mar z PL PL(2x) John 13:8 Asm Ost Sav Mar z PL PL John 14:16 Asm(2x) Ost(2x) Sav Mar PLPL PL(2x)

Supr 11:15-16 . . . HZ 1 MW H llpHCNO H Kk StKZI KtKQMh Supr 49:20-21 H Toro pdftH Bk E-kKZI BECE/IHTE CA Supr 83:8-9 T E tt noflOKddTZ c/i a* a Bk kZhzi Omhnz Supr 110:5-6 CBATOCTk OTUoy h csAToyoyfcioy Aoyxoy Bk Efcxzi owhhz Supr 121:26 riT p k n te z m czndCdETZ ca Ek EfckZl Supr 124:3-4 UKC AkUEUtkUHl flkHk Bk B*XZI pdAOCTH pdKOW CE0EM0V AdpZCTBOBdBZ 1H 395

BZ EfcKZ / KtKZI + ADJECTIVE

Matthew 12:32, Asm Ost Sav Mar Z Mir Matthew 12:32-, Asm Ost Sav Mar Z Mir

(KXflXllJTHl) Mark 10:30 Mar Z D Mir Luke 18:30 Mar Z D Mir

Matthew 12:32, kz ca, kZkz

Matthew 12:322 kz rpAAXiUTHi Mark 10:30 kz bZkz rpAAXuiTHi Luke 18:30 kz bZkz rpAA*WTHi

Supr 113:24-25 kl k Z mzi ksca he npOTHSzuiAA ca euoy

BZ NdHdrfO

Supr 6:21-22 k z HdHflao czTBOpn co rz heed hjemex . . . Supr 7:27 k z ha^ajo eZ caoKO Supr 7:28 kz Hanaao o tz Kora

Supr 212:8-9 k z n a m a t z k z Toro EOXECTKZHddro xohcaenhm he oy HCKoycENZ

EZtKZ TO A noyCTZIMA

Supr 426:16-17 k z mahaho ez^ApacTa k z OEfidiiiECTZuz ospdjZ czi

BZ CZKONLHdNhE E'feKd (CEro)

Matthew 13:40 Asm Ost — Mar Z — Mir Matthew 13:48/9 — Ost Sav Mar Z — Mir(2x) 396

e z CTpaxx + ADJECTIVE

Matthew 14:25 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z — Mir Matthew 24:43 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z — Mir Luke 12:38 Asm Ost Sav Mar z D Mir

Matthew 14:25 kz METKpkTxx CTpaxx

Matthew 24:43 b z kjkx CTpawx

Luke 12:38 k z KZTOpxx hkiko k z TpETHX CTpdwx

e z n d c x z

John 2:23 — — — (k z = MAR (ho + nacxa) ACC)

BZ npdJflfcNMKZ

Matthew 26:5 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z — Mir Mark 14:2 ——— Mar ACC D Mir Luke 2:41 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir John 2:23 — — — Mar Z D — John 7:11 ——— Mar Z D Mir John 12: 2 0 Asm Ost — Mar Z D Mir

Cloz 6a:27-28 k z m Z kcti k z k z npdzaaHiKzi h x z AtTt,/ii 397

SZ CTdpOCTk CEO*

Luke 1:36 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z (e z + Mir LOC)

b z Koypor/iawetiHE

Mark 13:35 — Ost — Mar Z (b z + (e z + LOC) LOC)

EZ npfenOriOBllENKE npdJAkklHkd

John 7:14 Asm Ost — Mar Z D Mir

BZ tlp'tCE/IENHE B4SH40NhCK0E

Matthew 1:11 (e z + Ost Sav LOC)

BZ pOJKflLCTBO

Supr 341:2-4 ez npLBOK pofl^cTEQ XpacToc . . . bennae ez jemznzih HepoycdJiHMZ

Cloz 14a: 11-12 ne

Cloz 14a:24-26 ez npzBOE poatAZCTgo x i . . . bzhhae . . . ez upkes APPENDIX C

THEPREPOSITIONLESS ACCUSATIVE

AZSd

John 4:40 Asm Ost — Mar Z D Mir John 11:6 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir

TpH AhNH

Matthew 15:32 Asm Ost TpcTiM Mar Z — Mir Mark 8:2 — — — Mar Z D —

Supr 388:22 t ii upsTBZ T p m flsau

'teTZipE a ^ nh

John 11:17 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir

398 399

AkNH M

Mark 1:13 — — — (k) (K) Mir Luke 4:2 — — — Mar Z Mir

AKNK h hoijjl

Mark 4:27 — — — Mar Z D Mark 5:5 — — — Mar Z D Mir Luke 2:37 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Luke 18:7 Asm(2x) Ost(2x) Sav Mar Z D Mir

Supr 23:14-15 gzpzuiTdxuiTE cm es CTfcaaxz bs.cl asms t z h t i nourrk

Supr 52:17-18 e s c s oyKo a sm s t* hquits o y ^ d d x x c a

Supr 102:6-7 . . . h s o ra mohhth h asm s h mquits

Supr 110:22-23 e z nocTtxz h uoKHTiaxa a sm s h moihtl npmi Em a

TpH N TpH HOiph

Matthew 12:40{2x) — — — Mar Z Mir

AkNH M N NOIJJH M

Matthew 4:2 Asm Ost Sav — Z 400

BhCh AtkNtk / ELCA A^NH

Matthew 20:6 (SG) Asm Ost Sav Mar Z — Mir Matthew 28:20 (PL) Asm Ost Sav Mar Z — KZ + ACC Luke 1:75 (PL) —— — Mar Z D —

T Z A^Nt John 1:39/40 Asm Ost — Mar Z D Mir

NEMZNOrZI AhHH

John 2:12 Asm Ost — Mar Z D Mir

MdJlO AhNHH

Supr 12:11 a^ahte mh eoiix uaailaw uu ezcTdKi

Supr 111:4-7 no tom x e uano flkHm mhiiithm . , . npwiueA* , , .

MZNOTO A^MHH

Supr 221:1 MCKOyCZ MMXIUTE 401

MOIjJL

Supr 68:19 HSiiix^ npoBdXtflflax* Tpkn aujte CTpocTk

HOipk + M ODIFIER

Supr 67:4-5 kziiu0> no MCH't Bkcac hduitl ctom th Supr 191:11-12 h np'fccziTH kmov ho iieflt gkcz HQIUTk

Supr 194:10 np-fcczi uouiTk on* k z c *

teflHwz H dcz

Matthew 20:12 Asm Ost — Mar — — Mir

NUMBER + Hdcz

Supr 47:3-4 nOXUITC TpETHH HOC* Supr 108:10-12 MXHEHZ IKE EZ1CTZ CKATZIH (lMtONMH MtCiftlJd MOpTO Kl A^Hk CZKOTO fV *iOCZ I npH HONt UtCApM 402

MZNOrZI HdCZI

Supr 34:14 n p tc a ig g u n o m Hacai Kb. T t x i pdHaxa

Luke 1:24 Asm(2x) Ost(2x) — Mar Z D Mir(2x) Luke 1:56 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Luke 4:25 Asm Ost Sav Mar — D Mii(2x)

Luke 1:24 MfcCAijk nftTL Luke 1:56 TpH krtcAijA Luke 4:25 uiecTk,

NUMBER + ifbTO

Matthew 9:20 Asm Ost Sav Mar — — Mir Mark 5:25 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir Luke 2:36 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D — Luke 2:37 AO AO AO AO AO D — + GEN + GEN + GEN + GEN + GEN Luke 2:42 GEN GEN GEN GEN Z GEN GEN Luke 4:25 Asm Ost(2x) Sav Mar — D Mir(2x) «*** Luke 13:7 ____ J — 3rd 3rd 3rd TpM Luke 13:8 — Ost — Mar Z D Mir Luke 13:11 Asm(2x) Ost(2x) Sav Mar — D Mir Luke 13:16 Asm(2x) Ost(2x) Sav Mar z D Mir Luke 15:29 Asm Ost Sav Mar z D Mir John 5:5 Asm Ost — Mar z D Mir John 5:6 Asm Ost — Mar z D Mir John 8:57 Asm Ost — GEN? GEN? (illegible) GEN? NUMBER + rtfcTO, con't

Matthew 9:20 AZEt Hd AECATE a t T t Mark 5:25 AZEt Hd flECATE dtTZ

Luke 2:36 j dtTZ Luke 2:37 ?f atT Z H HETklpE

Luke 2:42 ei a t r t Luke 4:25 TpH atTd Luke 13:7 CE TpH HtTd / CE TpETME atTO

Luke 13:8 CE HtTO Luke 13:11 51 atT Z Luke 13:16 CE OCMOE Hd AECATE HtTO Luke 15:29 CE KOaHKO dtTZ John 5:5 Tpu A^CATE H OCMk dtTZ

John 5:6 MZHord atTd

John 8:57 ndTk aecatz atTZ (age?)

Supr 7:11-12 XHCTd AEBATb CZTZ H a HfcTZ Supr 8:15 EALUTE TpH flECdTZ dtTZ Supr 37:22 XKKZ flKfc atT Z EZ UOEpt CTdpOCTH

Supr 41:11 UHHXI1IA J atT Z Ek TEUkHHI^H

Supr 401:24 7 a t r z xh roy

MODIFIER + /itT O

Supr 103:25-26 touhxo a t n eI ck HjroNATZ ca

Supr 152:13-14 tuko xe TKopddiiJE Eked atT d xhthm c e ro

Supr 203:2 MHzna xe kx .ce atTO 4 0 4 QUANTIFIER +

Mark 2:19 — — — Mar Z — John 7:33 — — — Mar Z D —

John 12:35 BZ + Ost(2x) BZ+ BZ+ BZ+ D M ir ACC ACC ACC ACC John 14:9 Asm(2x) Ost(2x) Sav Mar Z D Mir(2x)

Mark 2:19 icahko E ptm A John 7:33 MdAO RpZMA

John 12:35 m 6 ao R p t M A

John 14:9 t o a m k o K p Z M A

B p’bMift

Supr 49:17-18 gp'fcuA npHCbuiTEHHW npocRkTZcTe ca n«*ie ...

Supr 379:28-29 j g m l m o y g o Bk.ce gpfckiA gecHZWDtg uihiizkz h i m h h h z ijeZ t z

pdCTHTZ

QUANTIFIER + roflz

Supr 212:18-19 nptczi oy aero ro^z uanz 405

TpETkH AkHk

Matthew 16:21 — — — Mar — — r A«k Matthew 17:23 Asm Ost E Z + Mar - -— r AHk ACC Matthew 20:19 — — — E Z + - — r AHt ACC

Mtult 8:31 — no Tpexk Sav Mar Z no Tpexk r A«k AkNEXk AkNEXk

Mark 9:31 EZ + EZ + EZ + BZ + EZ + BZ + M ir ACC ACC ACC ACC ACC ACC Mark 10:34 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D r AHk Luke 9:22 — ■— — Mar Z D r ANk Luke 18:33 — — — Mar Z D r AMk Luke 24:7 Asm Ost — Mar Z D r ahe Luke 24:46 Asm Ost — Mar Z B Z + Mir ACC

Supr 8:22-23 T p E T m a s h s , e z c t

Supr 118:4 TpETHi A kWh. npwujEflzuig

NUMBER + AtNk

Supr 94:13-15 utcAua uiecTduro g flawa m u c t

BkMerAd ca poflM khoxehzi mz^ienhkz

Supr 108:10-12 mxhehz *e kzictz cbatzih IIhwnhh MtcAijd uapra Kl AhNk czKOTd

'idCZ I npH HUHt tpfcCApH

Supr 129:19-20 h m e t e p z t z i h akwk h h a t z TpznA k e j EpauiZNd 406 AkHkCtt / AhNECh

Matthew 6:11 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z —— Matthew 6:30 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z — Mir Matthew 16:3 ——— Mar Z — Mir Matthew 21:28 ——— Mar ——— Matthew 27:19 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z — Mir Mark 14:30 ——— Mar z D — Luke 2:11 — Ost — Mar z D Mir Luke 4:21 Asm Ost Sav Mar — D Mir Luke 5:26 Asm Ost Sav Mar z D Mir

Luke 11:3 — O s t HO RCAKZ HO SCAKZ HO BCAKZ HO RCAKZ —

AkHk AkHk ASMS AtHk Luke 12:28 Mar Z D Mir Luke 13:32 —— — Mar — D Mir Luke 13:33 ——— Mar — D Mir Luke 19:5 Asm Ost — Mar z D Mir Luke 19:9 Asm Ost — Mar z D Mir Luke 22:34 — — — Mar z D Mir Luke 22:61 1 Luke 23:43 Asm Ost Mar z D Mir(2x Luke 24:21 Asm Ost — Mar z D Mir

Supr 20:1 h z T p tK * so ro y ononoHoy t k opHMZ n kneck

Supr 39:13 CTOh I t E flSHECk

t Supr 43:15 OkHECk CZK0H MOTH CA

Supr 70:8 CZIH BkHEpO rONMTEdk flLHECL EyOITEdHCTk

Supr 76:17-18 H IE flSHECS CXTk O OUTp'fc NE KXflXTZ

Supr 115:3-4 OyCltZIUJH UEHE A^HECL

Supr 125:13 . . . AkHECk CXUITO O OlfTp't OyUHpOXUiTO . . .

Supr 222:9 AkHECk 0TZ UpZTBZIHXZ BZCTOA llOTOpk

Supr 321:23-24 AkHECk CZ^ZAOHZ e z i c t z

Supr 374:4-5 AkMECk MOitZIA M0I1JA nOEtAXI CZIUIA

Supr 381:3-4 nOCdOyHTE BkCH HOtpOHKH . . . ASHkCk H BZ CkX NOUtTk

Cloz la:34 AkHECk IKE BZ CTOpZIXZ Wt-CTO

Cloz 3a:33-34 AkHECk ED r Z HOU1Z wcf X I npfcAOHZ E...

Cloz 6a: 15 akHkCk oyatA^TH

The Greek text has orj|Jiepov . . . Tpl£; the Slavic text only has TpH NpoTki (i.e. no 'today1). 407

Cloz 10b:25-26 AkHkCk TZ XZ COAATZ . . .

Cloz 12b: 1-2 -AkHECk BEJMZBkE MHOTO HA JEM I

Cloz 12b: 32-34 AkHECk CnCHkE CJEUITH .Z HA JEM I I OTZ BtKA

Cloz 12b:35 AkHECk cnc'nkE EkCEMoy smpoy

Cloz 12b: 37 AkHECk npllltECTIE T»Te

Cloz 13a:20-23 BZIEpA XE CZMOTpkrtHE ZN A A TEOpA A AkHECk B <1A AZ I HZH'fc A EZHEpA

JltTZCKAA A AkHECk TOCnoAkCKAA A't'5' .ZHEpA 4CKAA A AkHECk

BXCTEkHAA fltETZ . . . (continues; in all, both phrases occur 7 times, i.e. 4 more times)

Cloz 13b: 39-40 I no CptAfc flkHZCZ JKIBZIMZ I MpZTBZIMZ tE rttA CA

+ ADJECTIVE

Supr 124:3-4 HHCE AHHEUJkHHI AHHk Ek S'fcKZI pAAOCTH pAEOy CEOEMOy

AApZCTEOKAEZI

MJTpO / OyTpO

Matthew 6:30 LOCLOC Sav LOCLOC — (roTpfch) Matthew 16:3 ——— Mar Z — M ir

Matthew 20:1 Asm j a oy TpA j a oy TpA Mar — _ oyTpA Matthew 21:18 Mar — — M ir HHH H Mark 1:35 (BZ 0 ) (BZ 0 ) (BZ 0 ) Mar z — (BZ 0) Mark 11:20 ——— Mar z D M ir Mark 13:35 --- — Mar z Oy TpA OyTpA OyTpA 408

wTpo I oyrpo, c o n 't

Supr 51:9-10 h i tmxAfl npcTxriNKZiUE * sptT e Korouz

Supr 94:21-22 unto pwrpo b z r a Ashs «Tti h m z t z e z it h

KEHEpz

Marie 13:35 — Ost — Mar Z D Mir

Supr 67:4-5 tipHUiZAZUioy icuoy &£3££Z

Supr 334:14-15 g E sep z * e kz cxeotx . . . npHAe Mapaw MdrA^fciHH

Supr 442:29-443:1 npHAe * e e e ^ e p z Jfcflo cziiz noy lutehz otz Toro . . .

NUM BER + KpdTZ

Matthew 18:21 — — — Mar — — — Matthew 23:37 Asm Ost — Mar — — KQ/IH4IH Matthew 26:34 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z — Mir Matthew 26:75 Asm Ost(2x) Sav Mar Z — Mir Mark 14:302 — ~ — Mar Z D — _* Mark 14:71/722 — Ost — Mar z —

Mark 14:71/723 — Ost — Mar z TpHl(lM — Luke 13:34 — —— Mar — D Mir Luke 18:12 Asm Ost Sav Mar z D Mir Luke 22:34 — — — Mar z D Mir Luke 22:61 — Ost — Mar z D --- John 13:38 Asm Ost Sav Mar z TpMIJIH Mir

* AZKa KpaTki added in margin 409 NUMBER + KpdTZ, con't

Matthew 18:21 KOHk KpdTZ

Matthew 23:37 KOitk KpdTZ

Matthew 26:34 TpH KpdTZI

Matthew 26:75 TpH KpdTZI

Matk 14:302 TpH KpdTZI

Mark 14:71/722 flZBd KpdTd

Mark 14:71/723 TpH KpdTZI

Luke 13:34 K0<1k KpdTZ

Luke 18:12 AZBd KpdTd

Luke 22:34 TpH KpdTZI

Luke 22:61 TpH KpdTZI

John 13:38 TpH KpdTZI

Supr 77:29-78:1 H£MtHHBUIEMZ CA APPENDIX D

THE PREPOSITION LESS INSTRUMENTAL

tEAHN'tMk AtNtkMt

Cloz 8b:17-18 m oxem z so ce CTKOpiTH . . . E fliH tut, n^HEMa

TpLMH AbHh.MH

Matthew 26:61 Asm(2x) Ost(2x) Sav(2x) Mar Z — Mir Matthew 27:40 Asm(2x) Ost(2x) Sav Mar Z — Mir(2x) Mark 14:58 — Ost — Mar Z D — Mark 15:29 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir John 2:19 Asm Ost — Mar Z D Mir John 2:20 Asm Ost — Mar Z D Mir

HETZI[>LMH AECATZI A^HHH

Supr 68:24-25 e*e noiEdx ech metxi paua nectfiTzi aehhh nocTd

Supr 68:25-26 hetxi|>euh aecatzi aehhh nocT ouz hahm hjhckokz rocnoAd a«A't/iz

410 411

METZlp^MH flEC/fcTZI M UIECTHX rttT Z

John 2:20 Asm Ost — Mar Z D Mir

TpLMH fl6C(9iTZI /itT Z

Luke 3:23 — — — DAT Z DAT DAT

MZNOrZ! /itTZI

Luke 8:29 Asm otz otz otz otz otz otz + GEN + GEN + GEN + GEN + GEN + GEN

74 X

Matthew 2:14 Asm Ost Sav — —— Mir Matthew 28:13 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z — Mir Luke 21:37 — Ost — Mar Z D BZ + LOC (2\) John 3:2 Asm Ost — Mar Z D Mir John 7:50 Asm Ost Sav Mar z D — John 11:10 Asm Ost Sav Mar z D Mir John 19:39 Asm Ost — Mar z D Mir 412

HOlllHX, co n 't

Supr 11:10-11 . . . otzeeae CTpttrzuiTAA eohnzi hoiuthz

Supr 68:2 IC ahnoz Hquithx EkCk E tx z hjwUhm uz

Supr 137:3-4 e z h e t b p z t z i h ike a ^ n l noczaa knajz hqujthz

Supr 151:19 to HjzxoxtflaawE houjthz

Supr 214:18 . . . m CTpauikHd xpaHAiuT* h hoiuthk m a ln h x

Supr 392:10 Hk hqiuthz he octNkUGTZ c a

C Cloz llb:2-3 houitwz KEjanoH h z x KDTopdETZ a p * ? o c t z

Cloz 14a:7-8 houitzz xz ez siTkaoMZ pd»AdETZ c a

Cloz 14a:8-10 h o iu tz z n ax zi Bk ciont . . . nopaxAdeTZ c a

Cloz 14b:37 npiiUEAZKZ Hc’eh h o iu tz * t a i h z i

(7 tim es +) AbMkMk.

Luke 17:4 Asm Ost Sav Mar(2x) no D(2x) Mir’"

AkHkMk

* 2 nd time—no A^HkMk

KO/IMUIkAH (various spellings)

Matthew 23:37 icoak xoak Koak Mir

KpdTZI KpdTZI KpflTZI 413

MZHOKNIJEX / MZMOrdlUthAH (various spellings)

Matthew 17:15, 1 2 1 — — 2 Matthew 17:152 2 2 1 —— 2 Mark 9:22 ~ 1 2 2 1 —— Luke 18:30 ——— 1 — 1 John 18:2 1 2 2 1 (illegible) 1

1 = MZHOKHLJEX

2 = MZHOrdlllkAH

Supr 62:90-91 MKO H flOK/1LCTE<3 nOEp<3NECKdHJ MHOrdlUflH . . . NdHpLTdXT

Supr 133:4 uzi MHorawflH p’fcxouz th

Supr 135:13 radrojiaxoKlt th MHorauJAH

Cloz 4a:l-2 rTfxiUE i uhomciuez Ep a r z i csoa

Cloz 9a:9-10 HZHoruuiTH ua CEMk x itih naxocTfc. TBOpMZ e c i

>€A(h )NOZ / tEflfcNOX

Supr 166:21 aczpk<)H leflwox < iZ ta crtaflEXd Kpaiima noA dktxz hmz

Supr 210:26-27 tertHo* ouso o t z a^ h h i nosE/rfc o t z i ^ z HuaHZ Muceoy h t h

Supr 409:4-5 E ttaA zixzi XpHCTOca he k ^ ’h o z . . . oTzspzrz ca

Cloz 8a:23-24 p e *ieho e z i ea h d x e z in x na cxct «tT

BZTOpHUeX

Matthew 26:42 Asm BZTOpQE Sav Mar z — Mir Mark 14:30, ——— Mar z — Mir

Mark 14:71/72, — B ZTOpOE _ Mar Z EkTQpQE John 3:4 Asm Ost — Mar Z SkTOpOE Mir John 9:24 Asm E ZTOpOE — Mar Z D Mir John 21:16 Asm E ZTOpOE Sav — Z D Mir

Supr 444:1-2 H (ldKZ 1 KZTOpHUEX . . . CZTEOpH tewoy CZEpZIUEHkie

Cloz lb:2-4 h naKzi r p . A . . . EZTOpiUEX Nd OKlldlJ’bXZ EZ HECE

AZEdUJkAH

*> Supr 409:4-5 K /iaflzikzi XpHCTOca he . . . a gaui^H . , . o T Z E p zrz ca

Supr 411:3-4 flgamflH tk hea Z jih AEtpkUA OTBpzjdA

TpeTHII*6X / TpETHIIJI

Matthew 26:44 1 TpETHEE 1 1 1 — 1 Mark 14:41 ——— 2 1 1 — Luke 23:22 ——— 1 1 1 1 John 21:14 2 — 2 — 2 2 1

John 21:17, 1 TpETHEE TpETHEE — 2 1 1

John 21:172 2 TpETHEE TpETHEE — 2 1 1

1 = TpGTHIUeZ

2 = TpETHIU I 415

TpETMiyex, con't

Supr 444:1-2 h n ix z i . . . tpethue* czTgopH icMoy czKpzuiENtie

TpHUlL^H (various spellings)

Mark 14:723 — ACC — ACC ACC D John 13:38 ACC ACC ACC ACC ACC D ACC

Supr 409:4-5 e /k ia z ik z i XpHCTOCd . . . Tpmu jh iero oTZspzrz cie>

HETROpHlJE SC

Supr 266:8-9 ;« kqhz h etsopo h etbo ph u ex oypEME 416 "seven times"

Matthew 18:22 — — — Mar — — Luke 17:4j Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir Luke 17:4-> Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir

Matthew 18:22 Mar CEAMHIJEX

Luke _LZi4 Luke XM-

Asm CEAMhKpdTHIJEX AtMEMt Asm CEAMHIJEX

Ost CEAMHUJ^AH A^NM t Ost CEAMHlUh AH

Sav CEAMHIJEX A^HLMk Sav c e a m h i j e x

Mar CEAMOpHUEX A^^EWZ Mar CEAMOpttyEX A^HEMk

Z CEAMOpHIJEX z cEAWOpHyex

D CEAMO|>HIJEX A^NEWh D CEAMOpwyex AhHEMh

Mir CEAMOpHyEX AhNEMh Mir CEAMOpHMEX

Supr 266:7-8 a te/ihux fl<3 x /iX aetz CEflMOpo ceamhuex APPENDIX E

THE PREPOSITIONLESS LOCATIVE

TOMh H<9Ct

Matthew 15:28 O s t EZ EZ EZ e z + ACC + ACC + ACC + ACC Matthew 17:18 Asm Ost OTZ Mar Z Mir + GEN

Supr 264:21 H ojt >euoy oyTEpkAHKZ

Supr 434:20 t o ms . MflcH npornaronHTM

n0i10lfN0l|lH

Matthew 25:6 Asm Ost Sav Mar — — Mir Mark 13:35 — Ost — iz Z D M ir + L O C Luke 11:5 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D z z + L O C

Supr 273:4-5 nonoy mduith * e E tn a t e z ic t z

417 418

Matthew 24:20 Asm Ost JMMSMO Mar — — Mir(2x) Marie 13:18 — — — Mar Z D —

TOMh A'ST'S

John 18:13 DAT DAT Sav — DAT DAT DAT

(O TfCt

Matthew 6:30 Asm Ost ACC Mar Z — ACC Luke 12:28 ——— Mar Z D Mir Luke 13:32 — — ——— — Mir Luke 13:33 ——— Mar — D Mir

Supr 76:17-18 HXE AkNECk CXTk <3 QUTpt NE EXftXTZ Supr 118:3-4 H nptMOyflpHBZWE DVfTpt Supr 125:13 . . . AkHECk cxuiTd a jm i£ t oyMHpaxujTa Supr 442:29 OUTpk OTZKtlUTdX KdhlZ APPENDIX F

THE PREPOSmONLESS GENITIVE

BkHEpa

John 4:52 — Ost — Mar Z D Mir

Supr 70:8 c iih ga^Epd roNHTEHb flSMecs EyorrEUHCTk

Supr 166:21 BSHEpd CZMOTpkriHEZHdkl TBOpA (used 5 more times in immediate sentences)

Cloz 13a:20-23 EZHEpd XE CZMOTpktlHBZNdd TEOpA d AkNECL ElldflZI IZN'fed EZMEpd

fifeTzcKdd d ashecs rocnoAs,CKdd A ta .z^Epd nckdd a A^UECb KXCCTELHdd A^ETZ . . . (continues; in all, both phrases occur 7 times, i.e. 4 more times)

teA H N oro ^ aca

Matthew 26:40 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z — Mir Mark 14:37 — — — Mar Z D —

419 420

EpfeMENE c e ro

Luke 12:56 — — — Mar — D Mir

lliftTH flECA TZ (I’feTZ

John 8:57 ACC ACC — Mar Z (illegible) Mir

Azsoro na aeckste /itTZ

Luke 8:42 — — — Mar Z D Mir(2x)

TpEThMdrO AhNE

Supr 359:4-6 aba KtCT

n p tK Z icT e k x e pEse hmz . . .

TO (ft C X EOTZI

John 19:31 Asm(3x) Ost(3x) Sav(3x) Mar Z D Mir(3x) 421

ICAHNOrO A^WHH

Luke 17:22 — — — Mar Z D Mir

Supr 166:21 xzpbijH eanox iffcTd CiidAkKd spduiNd noAdMXX mmz

MfccAija + N AM E

Supr 10:19-20 KZ lETEpZTZH AbHh. MJMAOCTd . . .

Supr 47:11-12 czKOHbHduiA me ca c ea th i . . . MdpTd u’fccAqa e z a

Supr 61:1 CH ptHL EZ kS IpEUpOdpd

Supr 94:13-15 MfcCAiid mecTddro e aenh NdCTdxuiTH cxKOTfc BEUHjtH be aehm

EbHETAd CA pOAH ElldXENZI MXHENHKZ

Supr 108:10-12 MX'IEHZ 9KE EZiCTZ CEATZIH IIh UNHH MfcCAqd MdpTd KI AkNL ft" CXEOTd ‘IdCZ I npH NdNl IJ.tCApH

Supr 204:15-16 sz IT aehe emfdpd u tc A u a ez hetepztoie atlTO wdpKHdUM UtCdpkCTEd . . .

Supr 148:24 czEpdiud x e c a n-fccAUd uawa EfiHCkonH x e h u tc d p bm . . . APPENDIX G

THE ACCUSATIVE WITH PREPOSITIONS

n a

m a flKHh.

Matthew 20:2 Asm (a ^ hlcs ) — Mar — — Mir

N6 ShCtKZ A^Nt

Matthew 27:15 Asm(2x) Ost(2x) Sav Mar Z — Mir Luke 11:3 — — Sav Mar Z D Mir Luke 16:19 Asm Ost Sav Mar z D na ace

AHH

Cloz lb:38-39 icnziTdHkEUk ha EkCfcKZ akHk pdzapfciuaziiiTE

Cloz 2a: 12-13 npooynaTH B k c tu z ua bl c S h i flkHL

Ha a^hh + MODIFIER

Supr 23:17-18 . . . eapHez Ha apourzi*. almh ja oyTpa e z c t a e z .

Supr 39:2-3 . . . sz a’ m kK ax1 H uoriHTEdxz

Supr 78:27 h he ep'trouiA rero toko aa uaorzi aehw

Supr 419:22 nexaaiToy xe wuoy ua uhptzi a ***h

Supr 431:8 he AOEkataxx boazi pajat Ha uaao a hhi

Supr 434:26-27 H to TBoptauiE TzrAd cTpd*A«»

422 423

Nd CXflZHZI

Cloz 9a: 10-11 cdMZ eo ceee eci CTEopiaz . . . ua c z f lz n z i flEHk

Nd OyTpHM / Nd OyTptH / Nd OyTptNkH

Matthew 6:34 — — 2a 1 1 — — Matthew 27:62 (4) (4) 2a (4) (4) — 2c Mark 15:1 — — — 1 2 b 2c — Luke 10:35 2a 2a 2a 3 2 b 3 3

1 Nd OyTp'tH (MASC SG ACC ADJ)

2a = Nd OVTpHM (NTR PL ACC NOUN)

2b = Hd OyTpfc'fe

2c = Nd oyTpHfc

3 Nd OyTpbHkN (MASC SG ACC ADJ)

(4) = SZ OyTpLNLH

Supr 14:23-24 aoiueaziueuz ike huz Hd ouTpkM . . .

Supr 33:26-27 Hd oyTpkM mce npk^zckflz uarwz noEEdk npHB e c t h

Supr 42:26-27 oycTpoy mh Hd oyT ptM

Supr 43:24-25 Hd oyTpkM Hd ptyS THrpkCTk fia CA OEpAIUTXTZ .

Supr 88:8 Hd ovTpkM noBErtlt . . .

Nd t€AHHZ NdCZ

Supr 319:27-28 h durre m ua icahhz idcz HdATZ e z i c t z Nd MZNOTZ MdCZ / Nd WZNOrZI 4dCZI

Supr 35:28-29 Mdraz noEEiit mx'uith Hd HNorzi Hdczi

Supr 451:16-17 . . ua unorz Hdcz rpzuA

Supr 134:13-14 ae|>omomz xe ceatzihmz h a uworzi naczi ci/tz fias t z

Supr 403:1 Hd uHorzi Hdczi e e t radCd nExaaiue

+ Nd KtkCtKO KptMA

Luke 21:36* Asm — Sav Mar Z — Mir John 5:4 2 Asm * — * * (PL) *

Supr 289:20-21 Hd Escfcxo gptuift AOEpo h czndCNO noxadNHie ApzKduiTMHMZ ca

rero

Cloz 2b:7-9 dUITE E dEJ'fe nOyUJTdTH HCEHA CEO* Hd ESCtXt) EpfrUA

*Nd BkClfi iffcTd

John 5:4 + Ost — Mar Z + Mir

T Cloz 8a:23-24 peheho e z i eanox e z ih z Hd Escfc a^Td cux fldETZ

1 Only some very old mss. contain this expression— K B, D; all others have ouv instead. - Many Greek mss. are missing this verse altogether— p66-7^ ^ qj C*, D, Ws, 1025, 33. 425

Nd MZHOrO KpfeMA / Nd MZNOrd gp'feMENd

Supr 141:20-21 ApzKd x e t dKOEdtd NeyTtujHMdw cxpics. Hd usorn BptMEHd

Supr 266:22 . . . OHtutuJA nd uworo Ep-fcug.

Hd nptwEO Sp'kMA

Supr 304:17-18 ee/imk* riixsHHX pdjoyMd Hd npuKoie gptMft

Hd /P tT d MZNOrd

Luke 12:19 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir Luke 20:9 — Ost — Mar Z D

Nd + ADJ + rftT O

Supr 41:5-6 k’ci* bom cboa oyrrpOMBZ Hd flpoyroE

Supr 220:17 Hd HtTO ce cz TpH cmokezi poflH

Hd n d c x x

John 2:23 — — — i z ez D + ACC + ACC John 18:39 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir no

no BK.CA AkNH

Matthew 26:55 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z Mir Mark 14:49 ——— Mar z D — Luke 9:23 Asm Ost — Mar z —— Luke 19:47 ——— Mar z D — Luke 22:53 — Ost — Mar z D —

Supr 151:12-13 H npHXOXfldajKX OTZ EkCXflOy KZ HEWOy no KkCA flkNH

Supr 190:29 Toro so no e e c a AkHH o x n a a x

Supr 294:14-15 H no EkCA flfc.HH HdMK MflOUZ IECTZ

Supr 333:3-4 HXflE UEMH H . . . M KE'IMCMeNkNX lift no EkCift flfc.HU CkMpkTH

Supr 430:15-16 H no EkCA flkNH . . . npHXOXflfldXX UKOJH KHEMOy

no EkCt dtTd

Luke 2:41 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D

Supr 205:2-3 no Ekca x e atTU kjmoctm ckoiga mhopo no/iaraaiue cnkuiENHis

Supr 314:19 h z no Bfcca aXta flkno ezieuw tz Supr 329:12 nQ_Kkta._fl^T:d r/t

Supr 447:29 . . . noEknx czTEOph no aca akTa

Supr 102:11 MNorz n/iauk TEOpiftuiTE no Kkcift n a c z i

Supr 201:6 no »^c#i maczi x zu p k T k noMZiUM^A

426 OC'L

OKZ MOUJTk B kC Z

Luke 5:5 Asm Ost — Mar Z D Mir

427 APPENDIX H

THE INSTRUMENTAL CASE WITH PREPOSITIONS

John 4:31 Asm Ost — Mar Z D Mir

npfcjKAE w e c t h x n a c x z i

John 12:1 * * * * * D **

* npfc*Ae ujgctm A^nb. nacxzi

** nfj'fencAG r a u h r i a c x z i

428 APPENDIX I

KIs WITH THE DATIVE CASE

kz TOMoy (+ negative)

Matthew 22:46 Asm Ost HHKOrAd Mar —— Mir Mark 11:14 — —— Mar Z D Mir John 8:11 — — — Mar ZD —

John 14:19 Asm — tOJKE Mar — D Mir{2x) John 16:10 Asm Ost Sav Mar z D M ir John 16:16 Asm(2x) Ost(2x) Sav Mar z — Mir<2x) John 16:21 — Ost(2x) Sav Mar z D M ir John 16:25 Asm Ost Sav Mar z D M ir John 17:11 Asm Ost Sav Mar z — M ir

Supr 143:12 to kz touov * hbo me HTa'fcTETZ

KZ KEMEpOy

Supr 57:2-3 m EE^epou eo eZoiiie

kz + NUM BER + Hdcoy

Supr 7:13-14 no moahtk Z k z uiECToyoyuou Hdcoy hoiuth h m a c z e z i c t z k ’ hhwz

Supr 328:3-4 npHXOAHTZ eo h « mz c/ioko . kz aECiftToyoyuoy nacoy asmh

Supr 328:21-22 h kz tEflHHoyoyuforn Md j e c a t e u c o y npHUiZAZWHMMZ 4 2 9 APPENDIX J

THE PREPOSITIONLESS DATIVE

(I’feTOV TOMOV

John 11:49 Asm Ost — Mar Z D John 11:3! Asm Ost — Mar Z D John 18:13 Asm Ost LOC — z D

TpEHZ AECiftTEMZ /ffeTZ

Luke 3:23 — — — Mar INS D Mir

430 APPENDIX K

THE LOCATIVE CASE WITH PREPOSITIONS

EL

K Z A kN £

John 11:9 2 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir

Luke 21:37 — Ost — Mar Z s z a«m a^mhio (2x)

KZ A^Nfl

John I1:9j Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D s z AN£

Supr 387:6 Ad aouiTk s z ahm czTsopa

KZ AkNkXZ CEOHXZ

Luke 1:7 Asm Ost — Mar Z D Mir Luke 1:18 Asm Ost — Mar Z D Mir

431 432

KZ AkNkXZ MZNOJ'fcXZ

Luke 2:36 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D

KZ TpLXZ A^HIkXZ

Supr 333:29 b z TpKXZ pifgp a e h e x z XTpb. nofloKa k z itm

KZ T tx z A^NkXZ

Supr 430:13-14 t z a k w ex z me T’tx z h< hauia cTpaNHH npH x o a h th

KZ H0l|iH

Luke 21:37 — INS — INS INS INS M ir (2x)

Supr 60:17 npHAH o y c o i z houith

Supr 334:25-26 h »z houith to ezictz

NOIJJfa. KZ NEHHCE

Supr 66:16-17 n o u itl czraAflaez ez hehm e nane awTOCTk k z i b o e t z 433

KZ H)Tf)’fe

Mark 11:12 — — — ez ez — M ir + ACC ADJ + ACC ADJ

ez nortoyNoijiH

Mark 13:35 — LOC — Mar LOC LOC LOC Luke 11:5 LOC LOC LOC LOC LOC LOC M ir

Supr 135:25 e z nn

Supr 139:5-6 no okzihok ) MOHAUiToy ca K«oy e z nonoy hoiuth

Supr 184:20 ez noaoywoujTM npmuzflziuoy knajov . . .

Supr 275:20 ez noaov houith * e Bknut ezictz

BZ SpfcMENIkXZ + ADJECTIVE

Supr 61:10-11 MKO XBtXIAIUTEH A«Ei1A UEXA EZ TZMUHfcXZ EpfcUEHEX*

BZ E[>1iMENkXZ + PERSON

Supr 17:19 e z EpkuEHEXz c e a t z ih x z anocTOrtz . . ,

Supr 100:18-19 rocnoxfld co km ez ep^ mehsxz fopdHMNfl ufrcapd 434 sz rt'fcTfcxz + PERSON

Supr 50:1 t i jffcTfcxz hhkhhhm ufrcapa E tduiE tohehhe eeuhko . . .

e z /1’fc T t x z + NU M BER

Supr 212:29-213:1 h k e b z noj/CTZ i hh , . . b z H E T Z ip s x z f lE c a T E x ’ jffcT'fcxz

B Z NGflfcilH

Supr 209:5-6 fiATk bl HEnfcjiH aknhk ne m e b m c a ‘iiiOEtkoy Supr 411:3-4 ABdUJflH Kk_HEA*ilH ABkp^UA OTBpzjdA

Luke 8:13j b z b z S a v BZ BZ BZ

BpZMA EpkWA Bp'bMA BptUA BptMA

+BZ HdCfc Bp'kWEHkHt

Luke 4:5 Mar M ir 435

* E Z Mdrife Bp'feHGHM

Luke 4:5 — — — + — D +

B Z Wdd'fe

Mark 14:70 — * — * * D — John 16:16(2x) Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir John 16:17(2x) Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir John 16:18 — Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir John 16:19(2x) Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir

* Ost, Mar and Z all have he no MZHoroy

Supr 344:12-13 h E z iid d T Z (sic) k z m aak e e t fly x a

Cloz 3a:19-20 n uaak h e z i c t z ak p ew z

Cloz 12b:7-8 e z e z u a a k owcznei czna ujta a otz s k ita

B Z CKOptt

Luke 18:8 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir

Supr 12:14-15 b z cxopt NdHkHX mckoth t eee

Supr 14:29-30 b z cxopk czsipkTHX noroycHTH i

Supr 142:25 a « b z citopk cztboph tz nououjTk 436

BZ CTdpOCTH (CBOEH)

Luke 1:36 IZ BZ BZ EZ BZ I) BZ + ACC + ACC + ACC + ACC + ACC + ACC

EZ CTdpOCTH M01SH

Supr 407:14 TtMM BZ CTdpOCTH MOtSH jtilO CZTBOpHBZ

BZ AOBp'b CTdpOCTM

Supr 37:22 ZCHEZ d t T ' t BZ flOEpZ CTapQCTH

Supr 152:24-25 C ZCTO ptBZ IKE Cift OyEO BZ flOEpfc CTflpQCTH

Supr 414:1-3 no Md/l'bxz AEHEXZ CZKOHLia C<9i . . , E<163KEMZtH HmKCOBZ

BZ CTflpOCTH ZLOEpfr

BZ BZ^ZflpdCT't HJH'fe

Supr 404:25 b z EZ?Ap

b z KoypurrtdmeNH'fc

Mark 13:35 — ez — ez ez D Mir + ACC + ACC + ACC

BZ np’fcCE/IENHH BdBH/IOMb,CT'fcMk

Matthew 1:11 Asm ez + kz + — ACC ACC

BZ JKHBOTfc TBOEMk

Luke 16:25 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir

BZ JKMJNH / JKHTHH

Supr 184:6-7 TzrA« BkCE icjke el cehl mhthh nptoKHfltKZ . . .

Supr 407:13-14 hwhske e z ntmfMH uoien TpbtikEZ noK’kflMXZ

Supr 429:22-24 no M N O jtv z *e d tT tx z npfcEziBdHku mm a e z Koyn'B h chmhem

EZ MHTHH . . . A CA E/14XEHZIH dNHNd

BZ NdHdrffc

Supr 426:13-14 KZiBZUioyoyuoy bhhoeznv ez Hdnftat na

Na A 'lZ jt Bp'bWENH

Luke 18:4 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir

Supr 128:12 na a a z r t gpfcMEKH cz ceaa gztuEflz a i flowz

n a A < izjfc

Supr 13:22 mohhtcx czTKOpi wa fla z y t Supr 399:17 MdjH mh cpkflkijE na A'izT'b

Ha MZNoaffi, HdCfc

Supr 81:26-27 KpHHk KE/IHKZ CZTKOphUIEMZ

n a r o A ^

Supr 29:25 KkjA na ronZ 438 439

Na C6Wh. 3KHTHH

Cloz 9a:9-10 MZNordWTH na ceml hmtih naaocTk TKOpidz eci

Ua KEH€|>H

John 21:20 Asm Ost Sav — — D Mir no

no IGAHOMtk AtHH

Supr 443:3-4 no le ^ ’woMa j ’hh npHAE cz unoxlcteomz eoigeoaz

no a z b o k ) A^Noy

Matthew 26:2 Asm(2x) Ost(2x) Sav Mar Z — Mir Mark 14:1 ——— Mar Z D Mir John 4:43 ——— Mar Z D —

Supr 142:26-7 no a z e o h i * e flkHHto y-i£HMBZ ipfccopk b o a c e o a

Supr 212:3-5 no a e o i o x e p l h h w h u m hd T p k x z . . . Mcxowfldeauje h c riEUJTEpzi

no TpEXZ A^NkXZ

Matthew 27:63 Asm Ost Mar Z — Mir(4x) Mark 8:31 Asm Ost TpETHI TpETHI TpETHI

flkHk flkHk AkHk ANk Luke 2:46 Asm Ost Sav Mar z D Mir{2x)

Supr 60:5 no T p s x z ike flkHEXz m e h u i a c a . . .

Supr 383:19 no T p k x z ate U k H E x z bzct

Supr 212:3-5 no a e o h j x e AkHHto h u h no T p k x z . . . h c x o x a

440 441

no 1UECTH AkNZ

Matthew 17:1 (bz o ) (bz o ) — Mar H Mark 9:2 — — — Mar Z no TOMk (BZ o)

no C€A*tMH AhHHI

Supr 5:9-10 no cea ' mh a ^ hhi h jh a e uypmiHwuz

no OCMH AtNZ

John 20:26 Asm Ost — Mar — D Mir

no TfiEXZ ACCATEXZ A^Nk

Supr 341:2-4 . . . XpwcToc no TpExz flEtftTExz flh.ns b l n h a e e z j e m z n z i h HepoycadHMZ

no HEThlpEXZ AGCATEXZ AhNh

Supr 341:6-7 . . . no ‘teT zip ex z u e i a t e x z u^hhh b^jhae . . .

Cloz 14a:24-26 . . . x i . . . no HETZipsxz aecatexl alhl ezhiae . . . bz ypHBk Cloz 14a:28-29 x i no 7 flkwz BkjHflE bz ezicnpkNH imz 442

no M d/lfcX Z

Supr 532:1 no iiddfrxz czKOHkHO ca

no MZNoj'kxz flhNbxz

Supr 146:11-12 oycTpatuHEZ xe ca no uhot'Exz /^lhexz . . .

+N6 no MZHOJ'bXZ flbNtkXZ

Luke 15:13 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir Matthew 25:19 * * * * * — Mir

*00 MZNOjfc Kp'fcMENH

Matthew 25:19 Asm Ost(2x) PL1 PL PL — +

no c h x z * e flb.Hh.xz

Luke 1:24 Asm Ost — Mar Z D Mir(2x) Luke 9:28 — * — * * D ( tz o)

* Ost, Mar and Z all have here [no choeecexz chxz], which is a more appropriate correspondence to the Greek: h «t 6 tous \6yotJS toutous

Sav, Mar and Z all have he no uzNojfcxz EptuEMEXz. 443

no chobeclxz chxz

Dike 9:28 Ost — Mar Z * (bz o)

* cf. above

no flkMKXZ

Mark 2:1 — Mar Z (BZ 0)

no Mdtffc H6Cb

Supr 194:22 no ua/iZ nacZ rnartxia uZcapt k z BiiaKEHoyoyMoy

no AEGATtH roAHHt

Matthew 27:46 npn npH npw npH npH M ir + LOC + I.OC + LOC + LOC + LOG

no MfcCMlJHXZ

Supr 129:25 Mt no noamiZxz mZcai ^hxz czTBOpn tKMoy xzijhna 444

no + NUMBER + / i t T t x z

Supr 7:13-14 KOHeubi npHebTiuou no a e r ^ th l z t z m TpwflECftTM M t T t x z , . .

Supr 273:19 no tfcT'fc MCE EflHQUk QTXrMdN'fc KZIEklUM MJKt TOM

Supr 5317:24 no AEEiftTZ Hfl AECiftTkHfrMk HfcTfr . . . HJHflE . , .

no MZNOJ'feXZ / I t r t x z

Supr 429:22-24 no_MHD^Zxz ute n tT tx z npfrsziRdHkM mm a ez xoynt h chmnem

BZJtCHTHH . . . A Cift CildXEHZIH dNHHd

no n t T o v

Matthew 2:16 Asm no EpZuENH no Ep'hME mm — — — Tora«

no EptlMEMH

Matthew 2:16 no rfffcToy Ost Sav Torfla 445

no MZNOJffc Kp'tMEHH

Matthew 25:19 Asm Ost(2x) PL2 PL PL +

(+Mir has here he no mzhoj I x z a ^nlxz , as listed earlier)

no A'lZjfc Kp'feMEHH

Supr 142:26-27 no EpfcuEHH jke a ziiith . . . MZiHMd eenmmuie

00 T tX Z Ep'tMEHEXZ

Supr 433:9 no T tx z *ce Ep-feMENEXz o y a tfltE Z IldTpHKHH . . .

no OATZl^'b / ndpdCKEBkhH I

Matthew 27:62 2 1 1 2 2 1 & 2

1 no nATZijfc 2 no OApdCKEBkhHI

Sav, Mar and Z all have he no mznoj'Exz kpZmenexz. 446

no CZKpZKH AkNHH T t / Z

Matthew 24:2? Asm * Sav Mar Z — Mir(2x)**

* CZKpZCfc EXAETk TOTfld . . .

** 1st time has no nenddH aehhh t S x i

no CZKpZKH TOM

Mark 13:24 — — — Mar Z D

no npfcCEHENHH EOKH<10NkCT'&

Matthew 1:12 Asm Ost Sav — — — Mir

no KZCKpkC(NOB)ENHH ETO

Matthew 27:53 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z — Mir{2x)

no xn'feK’fe

John 13:27 — — — Mar Z D 447

no OyEkEHHH

Luke 12:5 Asm Ost — Mar Z D —

'after death'

Supr 31:17 no czupkTH ero cnaskH'tHUiA czTBopw. . .

Supr 47:9-10 no czKOHknaHKH ike xpHCTOBa mxmehnko . . .

Supr 332:4-5 h no oifupzTBHH

Supr 407:1-2 h no ckKOHkHdHHW criaroAdpkCTBHM n«KZi cE/joct *

no EZJMXI|ieNHtt EOflZI

John 5:4 Asm Ost — Mar Z D Mir

no np’ferlLUJTeMHK)

Supr 8:19 no np-tiikiuTEHHW HHMEOtiw . . .

no MO/IHTB

Supr 56:15-16 no uoawTg'fc k z uiECToyovuoy lacoy noiuth h rnacz k zictz k’ hhmz . . . 448

no M d jft / M

Supr 232:21 ero me no xoTt kzctoshth

Supr 201:3-4 hz no na

+HE no MZMOjH

Matthew 26:73lst Asm * Sav * * — Mir Matthew 26:732nd — Ost Sav — — — — Luke 22:58 — * _- * * D —

*ne no MZNoroy

Matthew 26:73lst + Ost + Mar Z — + Mark 14:70 — Ost — Mar Z e z Man'S. — Luke 22:58 — Ost — Mar z + —

+ no c h x z ( ik e )

oo Mark 16:12 (no x z) Ost — Mar Z Mir Luke 5:27 A A — Mar Z D A Luke 10:1 A — — Mar Z D A Luke 18:4 Asm Ost nocnZAH no ca t ah nocdkAH D nocdt* * John 3:22 A A — Mar — (e ra a) John 5:1 A A — Mar Z D A John 6:1 Asm Ost — Mar Z D Mir John 7:1 A A — Mar — A A John 13:7 Asm(2x) Ost(2x) Sav Mar Z D Mir John 19:38 A A — Mar z D A

Supr 29:5 no cm xz nocaoEZ aypmmuMZ nose n’t 449

* no CEMk

John 2:12 A A — Mar Z D — John 3:22 A — + — — D — John 11:11 Asm Ost Sav Mar z D Mir John 19:28 oo Ost Sav Mar z D oo John 21:1 AA — Mar z — A

°°n0 TOMts

Marie 9:2 (no UJECTH A^Hk] DA Mark 16:12 + + — + + D + Luke 8:12 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D — Luke 12:4 Asm Ost — Mar ZD Mir John 5:14 Asm Ost — Mar z D Mir John 13:5 Asm Ost Sav Mar z TorkA* Mir John 19:27 Asm Ost Sav Mar z — Mir(3x) John 19:28 Asm *** * * Mir

A in all of these verse, the Aprakoi have kz a instead of no chxz (xe), et al.

Supr 8:17 no Touk npHrsaxfldETZ on ho Ap'bKt Supr 10:1-2 no toms no Bkcsuoy Ttnoy npH*njoTH Supr 12:12 no tom* x e npMfl* . . .

Supr 111:4-7 no tom ’ x e uoito a ^hhi mhuithh . . . npHWEAZ . . .

nocnfeXAe K b c tx z

Supr 6:23 nocrttatdE xe Bkcfcxz c z j a * ‘IOOb^ ko . m>H

npH + PERSON

Luke 3:2 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir Luke 4:27 Asm Ost — Mar — D Mii{2x)

*

Supr 108:10-12 MXHENZ X€ KZICTZ CSftiTZIH IlHCOMHH , . . npH wawb

npH AEEftTtH rOflHN'S.

Matthew 27:46 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z — no + LOC

tlpH HETKpkT'fc.M CTpdlKH NOlUTkN'fcH

Mark 6:48 — — — Mar Z D Mir

OpH EEHEpfc

Luke 24:29 Asm Ost — Mar — D Mu-

450 APPENDIX L

THE GENITIVE CASE WITH PREPOSITIONS

O T’L

OTZ Toro A^NE

Matthew 22:46 Asm Ost Sav Mar

John 11:53 Asm Ost — Mar N N

Supr 43:26-28 otz flsHE Toro . . .

o t z £ LKE

Supr 148:4-5 mko o t i mnEiiiLHHiiaro auhe noeeatwo hzi ie c t i . . Supr 210:14-15 hz o tz akiteiukHMro dkHE p.a miilhhtz

OTZ AkNEI HOdHNd Kpc/I'b

Matthew 11:12 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z 452

o t z ro ro ^aca

Matthew 9:22 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z — Mir Matthew 17:18 LOC LOC Sav LOC — — LOC John 19:27 Asm(3x) Ost(3x) Sav(2x) Mar Z D Mir

□ TZ HdCd flEKiCsTddrO

Supr 43:26-28 czTsopHUJA *e iuuctbme . . . o tz maca flEg^Tdaro p,a c e tr a

OTZ UJECTZIA rOflHHZI

Matthew 27:45 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z — Mir(2x)

OTZ MZNOrZ Ep'tHEHZ

Luke 23:8 — — — Mar (SG)+ (SG)* Mir

* OTZ MZNOrd KpthlENE

OTZ tfbTO

Supr 31:9-10 H*e . . . tlpHHOCtfiTZ OTZ U tM H a CBATZZ H C/l4EkNXX (ldMiftTk 453

OTZ rifcTZ MZHOrZ

Luke 8:27 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir Luke 8:29 INS Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir

OTZ flZBOK) /itTOV

Matthew 2:16 Asm Ost Sav — — — Mir

OTZ AZBOtO Ha AECATE iltTOV

Luke 8:43 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir

O TZ B'fckd

Supr 43:26-28 . . . o tz tUtta rocno aa . . .

Cloz 12b:7-8 e z b z w a n t o y c z n e i czm»uiT

Cloz 12b:32-34 a w h ee l cncusE cxiiith .z h a jemi i o tz gk.ita

Cloz I3a:3-4 cziiauiteh o tz

OTZ pOXAbCTEd

John 9:1 Asm Ost Mar Z D Mir 454

OTZ |)OAd

Supr 238:10 Kl/ffcuiA catnaaro o t i pofl

OTZ fONOCTH M0E£i

Matthew 19:20* Asm Ost Sav Mar __ Mark 10:20 —— — Mar Z D Mir Luke 18:21 Asm » j a Sav " j z H J Z D + GEN + GEN + GEN

OTZ M/ldAENlkCTBd / MridAd B Z JA p d C T d

Supr 163:24 a jZ OTZ M/ldflESLCTEd kpLCTMWUZ (CCMZ

Supr 428:9 o t z mi afia go Ez^apacTfl KpoTOCTL el memz k>bh ca

OTZ A^BLCTBd CBOEPO

Luke 2:36 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D

Not all Greek mss. contain a temporal expression in this verse—only C, D, W M . 455

OTZ tUHArid KCero MHpd

Mattliew 24:21 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z — Mir*

* 1st time has u NdMEad TCdpH c e a

* 2nd time has w Nd^teao MHpo c e ro

OTZ NdHAdO JZ

Mark 13:19 — — — Mar Z D

otz + person

Matthew l:17j Asm Ost Sav Mar — — Mir Matthew 1:173 ^ sm ^ ®av ^lar — —

OTZ nptCEd€HH'& BdBHflONkCKddrO

Matthew 1:17S Asm Ost Sav Mar — — Mir

o t z cero

John 6:66 Asm Ost Mar Z D Mir 456

OTZ T o ro

John 19:11/12 otz otz otz Mar Z o t z M ir TOflM TOOK TOrtH TOfl’t

Supr 143:3 czictz ike otz Toro noauiTZ

Supr 314:21-22 . . . |>ehenz kz khz Tpenejx k z ijphKZEdxz o t z T oro flo ahnecl . . .

OTZ c e n t2

Matthew 26:64 Asm Ost(2x) Sav(2x) Mar Z — Mir Luke 1:48 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir Luke 5:10 Asm Ost — Mar Z D Mir Luke 12:52 ——— Mar Z D Mir Luke 22:16 ——— Mar Z D Mir Luke 22:18 ——— Mar Z D Mir Luke 22:69 ——— Mar Z D Mir John 1:48 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir John L51/23 Asm Ost — Mar Z — Mir John 8:11 ——— Mar Z D — John 13:19 ——— Mar Z D— John 14:7 Asm(2x) Ost(2x) Sav Mar Z D Mir(2x)

Supr 12:22-23 o tz ce

Supr 30:26-27 h«ka;*bz Ero he H

Cloz 2b:4-5 ijke oyco o t z c e n t xpzuiTEHZ czi

2 The Slavic text here contains no correspondence for the Greek phrase ott apTL in verses Matthew 23:39 and 26:29. 3 Not all Greek mss. contain a temporal expression in this verse—only A, ©, 4r M . 457

OTZ TOdM / TOrf't

Matthew 4:17 Asm Ost Sav — Z — Mir Matthew 16:21 — —— Mar Z — Mir Matthew 26:16 Asm Ost(2x) Sav Mar Z — Mir

John 19:11/12 Asm Ost Sav OTZ OTZ D OTZ Toro Toro Toro

Supr 33:22-23 o n touh noycTM k e j MifiTEXd. . .

OTZ NE/1HXE

Mark 9:214 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z — Mir Luke 13:7 ———— Z — Mir

Luke 13:25 (no x e ) Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir Luke 24:21 Asm Ost — Mar z D Mir

None of the major Greek mss. contain a temporal expression in this verse— A, C3. D. f 1, M. CL

cz ee^epa

Supr 25:22 ca genepa HflxuiTE . . .

458 H J Z OTpOHHMXI

Mark 9:21 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z — Mir

H JZ tONOCTH MOE£i

Luke 18:21 o t z Ost o t z Mar Z o t z + GEN + GEN + GEN

MJ flUTZCKd EZJflp

Supr 23:10 CZTKOpH T«HNX TOO* Ht fltTZCka EZTflpdCTfl ■ . .

HJZ MrldflZI BpZCTZI

Supr 184:23-185:1 tsroze 0 5 Mdflflzi gpzcTZi hm cth N d R Z ix o x z

459 460

+HCK0NH

Matthew 19:4 ** * Mar —— Mir Matthew 19:8 * * * Mar — — Mir Luke 1:2 * *4* — Mar Z D Mir John 1:1 Asm Ost — Max Z D Mir John 1:2/3 Asm Ost — Mar z D Mir John 6:64 Asm * — Mar z * Mir John 8:44 Asm * — Mar z D Mir John 15:27 Asm Ost Sav Mar z D Mir

Supr 12:28-29 hckohh NdpaijdEMZ HitETdcz

*HcnpLEd

Matthew 19:4 Asm ® Ost Sav + — — Matthew 19:8 Asm Ost Sav + —— Luke 1:2 Asm Ost — + + + John 6:64 + Ost — + + D John 8:44 + Ost — + + + John 16:4 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D

Supr 30:26-27 EXE Nd MrflOB'fckZH EZITH HCrtpEEd

Supr 112:1 MCflpkEd HIUTEUZIH OTZ BrflUEA BjfdCTH

Supr 254:16 Hcnpsea s t caoso

Supr 288:25-26 t z i Hcnpzaa dfldwoy ez nopoAH BzjdEMfl’fc Supr 364:10 HcnpkEd czTEopaaz Eorz need h ^emex

Cloz la: 18-19 KdKO HCnpZBd r^E T Z IlpOTHEriEMkE KdlllE

Cloz 10b:33-34 HCnpZEd KpecTZ OCXKAENZIUZ NdHSSTZ CBOEOAX AdtLTH

H JAdRbHd

Supr 13:26 th to ctA ttxx m h? fldEzaa coyxz

5 Asm has HcnnpkEd [sic-SF] added in in smaller letters. 4 0

AO Toro ALH6

Matthew 26:29 Asm Ost Sav Mar Made 14:25 — — — Mar

AO c e r o a ^ n e

Matthew 27:8 Asm(2x) Ost(2x) Sav Mar

Matthew 28:15 Asm Ost Sav Mar N N N N

AO CKXZ AtNHI

Supr 13:27 g c t z ace h no raxx aaam

AO A^HEChNM^rO A^NE

Matthew 11:23 — — — Mar Z

Supr 25:19-21 chh x e rau cz flkHecLH'fcarp BanaxcTZ . . .

Supr 38:22-23 c x t e no V neuih.Htro

461 462

AO AkNECh.

Supr 420:26 OTa t o t o A p flSHELS . . .

Supr 314:21-22 . . . pehehz ex hnx TpEnejx ez upLKZEdxz otz Taro a° ashecs. . , .

AO T p E T tM d rO A^HE

Matthew 27:64 Asm Ost — Mar Z — Mir

Supr 338:18-19 h fln TpETHMro flSHE nog£trtuii» oyTpLflHTH

AO A^NE dKHENHM CKOETO

Luke 1:80 Asm Ost — Mar Z D Mir

AO HETO XE AkHE

Matthew 24:38 Asm(2x) Ost(2x) Sav Mar Z — Mir Luke 1:20 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir Luke 17:27 — — — Mar Z D Mir 463

AO A EE A TZ IA rOAHHZt

Matthew 27:45 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z — Mark 15:33 ——— Mar ZD Luke 23:44 Asm Ost(2x) — Mar z D

AO uiECTddro HdCd

Supr 326:29-327:1 ce flo uiECTaaro * a c a TEOpH Cift

AO n0<10VH01|JH

Supr 51:20 nowxx no nonouHouiTH

AO sp'&.MENE + G E N IT IV E

Supr 19:16 no KpkMENE meiehhm euou czxpdNk

AO BpfcMENE

Luke 4:13 Mar D Mir AO OCMH AECfftTZ M HETZI[>Z d t T Z

Luke 2:37 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z ACC? —

AO + PERSON

Matthew 1:172 Asm Ost Sav Mar _ — Mir

Matthew 1:174 Asm Ost Sav Mar — — Mir Matthew 11:13 Asm Ost Sav Mar z — Mir

AO OyMpZTBHkl HpOAOEd

Matthew 2:15 Asm Ost Sav — — — Mir

AO XtfeTEZI

Matthew 13:30 Asm Ost — Mar Z — Mir

AO CZKONkHdNHM B'feKd

Matthew 28:20 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z — Mir 465

AO C B tT d

Supr 43:26-28 czTEopaiUA xe uikCTEME . . . o t i vaca ageAT

Supr 51:25-26 . . . nptcztiiJA a ° a t r a

Supr 191:14-15 . . . octoehezuje h Totf p a cg'fcTd

AO BZCkpZCENHM

Supr 126:29-127:1 a ° * h " fl° EZCkpzcEHHM

AO npHUIkCTBHM

Supr 314:21-22 . . . peieNZ i z hnx TpenEjz iz ijpkkZEdxz otz toto ao AkMECk m

AO npMIUZCTBHKI lEklOlf

AO + NUMBER k p d T Z

Matthew 18:21 — — — Mar Matthew 18:22} — — — Mar Matthew 18:222 — — — Mar

Matthew 18:21 ao CEAUk k p arz

Matthew 18:22} ao CEAMk kpaTZ

Matthew 18:222 A° CEAMk a ^ catz apdTZ 466

A O k O N L i j a

Matthew 10:22 Asm — — Mar Z — Mir Matthew 24:13 Asm(2x) Ost(2x) Sav(2x) Mar —— Mii(2x) Mark 13:13 ——— Mar z D Mir Luke 18:5 Asm(2x) Ost(2x) Sav Mar z D Mir John 13:1 — Ost(2x) Sav Mar z D

Supr 51:23-24 HZ HXE CZTpkflHTZ nO KDNkLid

Supr 86:9 h noKtflx AOJKHH AtLJtiNkUia

Supr 151:4-5 AOXHH fiO KONklJd XH?MH U D K A

Supr 198:26 AOXHH A0...K&8UJA Cloz la: 18-19 nOCTIXE X E B Z HIXZ rWfcllX flO KOHkl/d

A o c e r o

Luke 22:51 — Ost — Mar Z D

Ctoz 1 la: 15-16 i h e flo c e ro ike a o b o /iz h u x u i t e

a o NZ ItfkUJkHMrO

Supr 30:29 ce x e AO .HZlXMUl\Hliflno czxpaNENZ

Supr 94:12-13 H no HziHfciukHhiro h u Z t h h « u z nuuATk oyneHHW e t o

Supr 97:16-17 flo HziHkuiWHharji n o cxoyiu zcT B oyxu iT oy c z is u io y hu h e h 467

A O N Z I N * f c

Matthew 24:21 — — — — — — (2nd time)* Mark 13:19 — — — Mar Z D —

* see below: flc ceafc

AO CE/lfc (TO/lfc)

Matthew 11:12 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z — M ir Matthew 24:21 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z — (1st time) John 2 : 1 0 Asm Ost — Mar Z D Mir John 5:17 Asm Ost — Mar Z D Mir John 16:24 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D 6 Mir

Supr 22:21 octukhbxilI£ ma flo cent . . .

Supr 93:5-6 h e oyeo Efcatue flo TO/ffc BHflkiix arre/ta

AO KO/lfe

Matthew 17:17] Asm Ost Sav Mar —— Mir Matthew 17:172 Asm Ost Sav Mar — — Mir Mark 9:19] Asm Ost Sav Mar ZD Mir Mark 9:192 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z — Mir Luke 9:41 Asm Ost Sav Mar z D M ir John 10:24 Asm Ost — Mar z D Mir

6 D has fta added in margin. 468 Ao KOrtt, con't

Supr 2:3-4 AB­ K □ * AOCdXAdEUJM HE CpdUkMA CA

Supr 6:15 AC j u u d k xoyazi r/idrortEuiH . . . Supr 9:9-10 AB­ uoift OtfkdpdEUJH Supr 24:23-24 AC KOItfc nptCZIKdETE SZ EEJOVMHI

A0HLAG3KG

Matthew 5:25 ——— Mar Z — Mir(2x) Matthew 9:15 —— — Mar — — Mir Matthew 13:33 ——— Mar z — Mir Matthew 14:22 Asm Ost Sav Mar z — Mir(2x) Matthew 17:9 Asm Ost _ Mar — — Mir Matthew 18:34 Asm Ost Sav Mar — — Mir Matthew 23:38/9 Asm Ost — Mar — — Mir Matthew 24:34 Asm Ost Sav Mar z — Mir Matthew 26:36 Asm Ost Sav Mar z — Mir Mark 2:19 ——— Mar z —— Mark 6:45 ——— Mar z D Mir Mark 13:30 —— — Mar z D — Luke 5:34 7 _ —— Mar z D — Luke 13:8 — Ost — Mar z D Mir Luke 13:21 Asm Ost — Mar z D — Luke 15:8 — — — Mar z D — Luke 17:8 Asm Ost (fl.QHErt't HCE) Mar z D Mir Luke 19:13 Asm — — Mar z D Mir Luke 21:24 ——— Mar z D Mir{2x) Luke 22:16 ——— Mar z D — Luke 22:18 ——— Mar z D — Luke 22:34® ——— Mar z D Mir Luke 24:49 Asm Ost — Mar z D — John 9:18 Asm Ost — Mar z D Mir John 13:38 Asm Ost Sav 9 Mar z D Mir

Supr 28:28 . . . /ion/iEttE flOHflOUlA utCTO

7 Only the Greek ms. D has a temporal expression here— OOOV. ® Only a few Greek mss. have a prepositional temporal expression here — S

OU in K and 1241; all the other mss. have a conjunction: either — N, B, L, T, © , / 13, 892 — or np'Cv -A , (Q), W, 0 , / y, M.

9 Sav has aohsaexce added in by a later hand. 469

AO + NUMBER + AtNHi

Supr 22:27 HE HhlOTZ AOMTM M tCT« no HETZipfc. UkHHI

Supr 129:11-12 T oro pn/^H HE KLHHAE flO TpHH flkNHH Supr 160:1-2 BE/1^K*nOU MCE OCT4EEHOM EZIEIUOV TOV no HETZIpk nkHHH

Supr 162:3-4 CZTEOpM WE KOMHCZ . . . no npOUrZIHXZ RATH 4HHMH

Supr 8:26 nHA c z anocTOitzi n o lETZipn nEC#iTz ntHHi

AO CEA'MH AtNHI H HOIUTHI

Supr 11:5-6 h CMije Tsop’fcnxx no can* u h a ihhi h houithi

AO + NUMBER + ‘iacz

Supr 148:6-8 4 0 ^gora miih flo TpHH Hacz . . , ritnxx p*K* k z orHto np H A t A

T p k d ’fcaiilE

AO + NUMBER + /ifc T Z

Supr 148:6-8 Tdttoro x e npHAHH no METZipz x e c a t z iitn npnsoE'kpZHZiHxz

IJpZKKH ApZXCniUA

Supr 211:12-13 p n jg 'b k z CHywiAUJTiSoyMoy reuoy 4 0 ^ETzipL iitT i n i> tw flE

nptHCAE HE EZICTZ MHpZ

John 17:5 Asm Ost(2x) Sav 10 Mar Z Mir(2x)

npfc*fle ujecth AhHh n a c x z i

John 12:1 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z 4**

* np'fc.JKAE U1ECTHZ AEHbi n a c x z i

np'k)«AG r anh n a c x z i

nptiKAe + NUMBER + AhNb

Supr 94:19 tiHOHHH ate BHflt np-fcatAe e 4 n o m 4 s.se BbMErfld ca poah . .

Supr 127:27-28 npooyB'fcA'fcBZ np-fcxAE Tpww n.annn czhohs'kinhe caoe

This verse also occurs twice in Sav; the first occurence has instead:

llpfcXAE EZITH SCEMOy HMpOy 0 T E E t

The second occurrence has the expected npt.XAE he e z i c t z MMpz. 470 nptUKflE + DATE + M

Supr 61:1 . . . nptatj e

Supr 61:2 . . . nptMtne j AtMb. uapTa . . .

npfcXflE EptWEHE

Matthew 8:29 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z —

Supr 304:23-24 npfcxtAe T o r o eptuewe npt,*Ae Toro maca npMfle c

Supr 450:28-29 npitatAE gptuEHE npHrpTogkMiue oij'iemhkzi croa ha moohtex

npfexA E m ana spfcMEwe

Supr 342:26-27 OMptnkiuddro chenue (sic) npfcXAE MArt a KptUEHE

nptXAE Toro iaca

Supr 304:23-24 np'txAE Toro RpfeuEHE np-fcxaE Torn «iaca npHAE c o x anhija 472

npfcxAE n|>0jALNHKd nacxzi

John 13:1 — Ost(2x) Sav Mar Z D —

np’fexfle ndcxzi

John 11:55 — — — Mar Z D

npt)KA6 EfcKZ I EtK d

Supr 124:17-19 o c t h e h e z XHEddro . . . OTpOKd icoyc xpHCTOCd . . . np-fcatfle gfruz

Supr 177:6 np-batuE E-texa pOflH c a

Supr 357:11 n p ta tfle x t m owroTQEH c a

np'fcXAE CMXZ

Luke 21:12 — Mar Z D 473

nptXAE MENE

John 5:7 Asm Ost — Mar Z D Mir

( e z a ^ nh ) np'tiKAE noTona

Matthew 24:38 Asm(2x) Ost(2x) * Mar Z — Mir

* np'fcxAE e z AkMM noTona

np’feXCAE CZ/10JKENMM MH pa

John 17:24 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z — Mir(2x)

nptiKAE K*bAZi

Supr 114:1 HcnostiKAZ oyKO no kqjih npfracae E tjzi j a toTpd

Matthew 20:1 ACC Ost Sav ACC —— Mir Mark 13:35 — Ost — A C C A C C D Mir Mark 16:2 Asm Ost — Mar Z D Mir(2x) Mark 16:9 Asm Ost — Mar z D Mir John 18:28 Asm(2x) Ost(2x) Sav(2x) — z D Mir(2x) John 20:1 Asm Ost(2x) Sav Mar z D Mir

Supr 23:17-18 . . , EdpHEZ Nd ApOyrZIA ASHH 7d OUTpd EZCTdEZ. Supr 137:11 a EZCTdEZ *d OlfTpd pdHO

Supr 257:3 7;a oyTpd pE^e EzcxaflA ez rpdflz Icoyc

3 a p o n d

Supr 38:23 oTZEpzroujA ca ?d poKd icuoy Keen

J d n p k E d

Supr 29:5 no nexe Ero ja npaga he noc/ioyutduiA

Supr 64:25-26 *d npksd oyKO aaiUTd'ujE hxz ddcxdHMHUz

Supr 6 6:22 ^d npKEd Kb.CE OCHMMICTZ

Supr 382:5 . . . ocziHdH jd npasd c e c t vcTpOMwz bz cero a^ne

Supr 319:26-27 Ek ceto go ashe schjnh ncn

B Z CETO MtHTMM

Supr 52:19-10 ApoyxHMd ezixom z t z M dnogptuEHkHdaro CEro mchthm

Supr 397:19-10 h e z Mdnogp'fcuEMkHfldro c e t q ttHTkka 11 c q u i e t JMaaro oTzgpzrx c#>

Supr 427:5 gk CEro gdaraaro xhthm oyroAHO kotokh KpOTOCTk

11 This particular edition actually shows tz. MdjiogptuEUkMddro cero khtlm here, which 1 believe is either a typographical error or a conscious change on the part of the editor of the publication; cf. the discussion on this subject in Chapter 10. A P P E N D IX M

ADVERBIAL EXPRESSIONS

nociifcA^

Matthew 4:2 Asm Ost Sav — — — — Matthew 21:29 — — — Mar — — — Matthew 21:32 — — — Mar — —— Matthew 21:37 Asm Ost Sav Mar — — Mir Matthew 25:11 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z — Mir Matthew 26:60 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z — Mir Mark 16:14 Asm Ost — Mar — D Mir

Luke 18:4 no c h x z no c h x z Sav Mar z no c h x z Mir

Luke 20:32 — _ Mar z D Mir John 13:36 Asm Ost Sav Mar z D Mir

Cloz 1 lb:32-34 nozxit BtpoBdEZ a CKopo icnon-tA*** nocilUJKflfi nprnjeflz i npjsfite CA EtNSHaEZ

niifcWAE

Matthew 5:24 ——— Mar Z — Mir Matthew 6:33 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z —— Matthew 13:30 Asm ApEEflW — npZEtE n p Z E te — npssoe Mark 16:9 Asm Ost — Mar Z D — Luke 11:38 ——— Mar ZD Mir Luke 17:25 ——— Mar z D Mir Luke 21:9 Asm Ost Sav Mar z D — John 6:62 Asm Ost — Mar z D Mir John 7:51 Asm Ost Sav Mar z D Mir John 12:16 Asm Ost Sav Mar z D— John 19:39 Asm Ost — Mar z D — 476 477

npfcXAE, c o n 't

Supr 10:19-20 np'blKdE nOBEOtEZ NEHMCTOVOUMOV dOUXOU OTMTM

Supr 145:20-21 HIKE AEHE npMUJEflZ BZ flp^XAE MApE*1ENZIM rpAAZ

Supr 180:12-13 CE EO npOpOKZ npt*£fl£ H?Adri£'tE npDrrtdCH

Supr 266:21-22 nptatA E BZ1KNM TM TZTAA

Supr 342:26-27 e ro K E EMA'fcEZ a ^ a u i . cz^zaanzih npfcxAE

Cloz lb: 34-35 nplEM/IX npHXAE EHHKO DTZ Ed ErtACTk nplEMZUJE

Cloz 9a: 26-27 CTBOpi OyEO nptjBilE

npksoie / npkBfcE

Matthew 13:30 nptXAE ApeKdK — Mar Z — (npkso) Luke 12:1 — — — Mar Z D Mir

Supr 13:28-29 k ' t O npZEOtG npHkOCMETZ CM KZ NEMOV

Supr 43:25 . . . Hwne h npaste EtuiM Supr 108:-6-7 EpdA* EMOy AKH TO tlpkEO EpAA'kXUJT& CBtTfcAUIE CM

Supr 174:20 npkBoie ezikhh th t z t a a rikpn cm c f. < Supr 183:13-14 TOUnpkBtE EpAHk EZIAHIE flpHAArAtETZ

Cloz lb:2-3 h ndkzi rpMAM i b z cjidst npzstLE ha x p tE k iji Cloz lb:4-5 npZEOE KpOTZKO UrfAAtMUl XEAitHUZ

Cloz lib : 32-34 n o r d t BUpoEAEZ a CKopo icnoBtdtBZ nociitxAE npiuiEdz i npk.s'bE

CM BtNkHABZ 478

K ZT opote

Matthew 26:42 INS O s t INS INS INS —INS Mark 14:72 — O s t — INS INS 1) — John 3:4 INS INS — INS INSI)INS John 9:24 INS O s t — INS INS INS INS John 21:16 INS O s t INS INS INS INS

Supr 43:25 UdHHtTd H BZTOpQIE Cloz lb:5-6 EZTQpOIC EKdrflCKZIMI CMdMH c r a z rpAfieft BZ IMA THE

T|ieTMI€«€

Matthew 26:44 INS Ost INS INS INS — John 21:17! INS O s t S a v — INS INS John 21:172 INS O s t S a v _ INS INS

Supr 91:9 TpeTHie s z t z x a e a»>hl npHfle

HETEOpO

Supr 266:8-9 jokdhz lETEopo METKopnijEX oype*iE

CEflMOpO

Supr 266:7-8 a TEitmj* p ,a skjiI a e t z ceflwopo ceam huex nocTd 479

Md/IO

John 13:33 Asm Ost — Mar Z D Mir John 14:19 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z D Mir(2x)

Supr 189:7 watE nano noatHgz oyMHpaieTZ

MOEZ

Matthew 26:29 Asm Ost Sav Mar Z — Mir

Mark 14:25 — — — — Z (hokde) —

Supr 388:13 t z i corz m o m h rocnofls npfcflz E'fexzi Kb. Koyrib h h o k z APPENDIX N

GREEK PREPOSITIONLESS DATIVE

T?j Tpl/ctj flM.epQ

Matthew 16:21 17:23 20:19 Mark 1 0 :3 4 Luke 9:22 18:33 24:7 24:46 John 2:1

T?j TpLTtJ

Luke 1 3 :3 2

T13 e£fjs nuepa

Luke 9 : 3 7

xFj epxa^ievrj [r^epa]

Luke 1 3 :3 3

xr| ecrxatrj fmepa

John 6:39 6:40 6:44 6:54

480 t t o u q r ) n e p Q

Matthew 24:42'

13 n u e p a

Luke 17:29 17:30

Luke 22:7

T vj e n a u p t o v

M atthew 27:62 M ark 11:12 John 1:29 1:35 1:43 6:22 12:12

t ? | TTp&rcij [ r in .e p a ] ( tw v q ^ u | 4.(jv)

M atthew 26:17 Mark 14:12

T?j m,a [vmepa] ( tu v crafJpaTwv)

M ark 16:2 Luke 24:1 John 20:1

Some mss. have here itolq upa(K, L, 1241, M). nM-EpO eKELVtJI T?j I4.LQ ( c a p p a T a jv )

John 20:19

Ttj TTpwTrj [fm epa] (crafifiaTou)

Mark 16:9

TKj flH.EpQ ( t o u Crap^QTOtl)

Luke 13:14 13:16

nao-QLj tq lj fi^epats Luke 1:75

CTQPpQTW

Matthew 24:202 Luke 14:1

t u > crappaTto

Luke 6:9 13:14 13:15 14:3

Some mss, have the GEN here (D, L); perhaps because they follow the GEN xeip.u»vos- 483

TOLJ O" QpfiQCJLV

Matthew 12:1 12:5 12:10 12:11 12:12 Mark 1:21 2:24 3:2 3:4 Luke 6:2

tkj wpa (+ GEN)

Luke 1:10 14:17

auTij Trj topa

Luke 2:38 24:33

EKELvrj Trj wpa

John 4:53

TTOLQ Upa

Matthew 24:423 Luke 12:39

w p a

M atthew 24:44 Luke 12:40

3 The preferred reading here is with ttolq r)p.epa; only some mss. have here tiolq cSpa (K, L, 1241, M). 484

evaxij topa

Mark 15:34

T U K ,Q tptJ

Mark 12:2

Kaip w

Luke 20:10

TQXJTV) tijj VUKTL

Mark 14:30 Luke 12:20 17:34

Texapxtj tpuXaKrj

Matthew 14:25

irota tpxjXaK^

Matthew 24:43 485

x p o v w l k q v u

Luke 3:1 8:274

TOCTOXJTW x p o v u

John 14:9

TToXXoiJ XpOVOLJ

Luke 8:29

TECTCrepQ^OVTQ KQL cE, ETECTLV

John 2:20

enctpcjCTKOuo’y)

Matthew 28:1

Trj eopTfj tou n a t x x a

Luke 2:4!

4 Only some mss. have the DAT hcrc—P^Svid jj*.2 B, L,

GEN; but many mss. have e* + GEN intcad--^, A, R, W, 0, ip, 0135,/^-?, M. A PPEN D IX O

GREEK EN + DATIVE

ev cKeuvKj Trj fyiepa

Matthew 7:22 13:1 22:23 Mark 2:20 4:35 13:11 Luke 6:23 10:12 17:31 John 5:9 14:20 16:23 16:26

ev TQUxrj / QUTKj Tfj finepa

Luke 13:31' 19:42 23:12 24:13

ev x?j v^epa Trj d-fSotJ

Luke 1:59

Some mss. have here ev tqutij / qutij u p q (P7“\ A, B*, D, L

4 8 6 ev xfj eo-xaxvi ripipa

John 7:37 11:24 12:48

ev npipa rj

Matthew 24:50 Luke 12:46 John 9:14

ev ^.la (tcuv fm.epcov)

Luke 5:17 8:22 20:1

ev Tfj fmepQ (twv crafifiaTejv)

Luke 4:16

ev Tfj fmepa

John 11:29

ev Tfj n| 4 .epa + GEN phrase

Luke 17:242

The lime phrase is omitted from a lew mss.: (P7;\ B, D). ev tinepa (tou cra^aTOu)

Luke 14:5

ev nn.epa Kpurewj

Matthew 10:15 11:22 11:24 12:36 Mark 6 :1 13

tv eKetvais xats rin.epaLS

Matthew 3:1 24:19 24:38 Mark 1:9 13:17 13:24 Luke 2:1 4:2 5:35 9:36 21:23

ev TauTaus tats ri^epaus

Mark 8:1 Luke 1:39 6:12 23:7 24:18

ev f)(j.epQLj noXXaCj

Luke 2:36

ev r|H.epQL5 + GEN phrase

Matthew 2:1

The time phrase is included in aonly a lew mss., inc. M. 4 8 9

ev TaCj fin.epaL£ + GEN phrase

M atthew 23:30 24:38 Luke 1:5 1:7 1:18 4:23 I7:26(2x) 17:28

ev q u t q Cs

Luke 13:14

ev Ktp.epQLS QLS1

Luke 1:25

e v o.Ls

Luke 13:14 21:6 23:29

ev TptcrCv f)|4.epaus

M atthew 27:40 M ark 15:29 John 2:19 2:20

ev ( tw / xrl) e^ris-

Luke 7:11 490

ev c ra ^ a T u

Matthew 12:2 Luke 6:1 John 5:16 7:22 7:23(2x)

ev xu crafifldTU

Luke 6:9 John 19:31

ev eTepco crafjpdTto

Luke 6:6

ev "cols ' o'dppaoxv

Mark 2:23 Luke 4:31 13:10

ev TQXJTri TtJ VUKTL

Matthew 26:31 26:34

ev cKetvri t ?j vuktl

John 21:3 491

e v xri v u k t l

John 1:10

ev xr) wpa EKeevrj

M atthew 8:13 10:19 18:1 26:55 M ark 13:1 1 Luke 7:21

ev aviTVj wpa

Luke 10:21 12:12 13:3H 20:19

ev wpa Kj

M atthew 24:50 Luke 12:46

ev rj

John 4:52 4:53 5:28

ev Kaipw

M atthew 24:45 Luke 12:42

Some mss. have here ev TQUTtj / q u t ij Tfj fin.epa(B*, W, 0, iv, 070, M). 492

e v w

Luke 5:34 19:13

ev ^ a ip u + GEN phrase

Matthew 13:30 Luke 8:13

ev eKetvto xto Kdipw

Matthew 11:25 12:1 14:1

e v TOXJTWL / QUTCO L TCO L K 1 Q lptO L

Mark 10:30 Luke 13:1 18:30

ev ttovtC Koipw

Luke 21:36

ev toCs KQipoCs (qutcjv)

Matthew 21:41 493

ev t o O tgo t t o a u j v t

Matthew 12:32

ev tw qlcovl tu epxo( 4.e v w

Mark 10:30 Luke 18:30

ev xu ^.eXXovTt [ cllwvl ]

Matthew 12:32

e v TU (4.11 VL XU EKTW

Luke 1:26

ev erei TTevTeKacSenatw (tris TVfenovLas)

Luke 3:1

ev SeuTepQ [cpuXaKijj]

Luke 12:38

EV T?j TpLTlJ CpuXdK,?)

Luke 12:38 494

e v a p x t j

John 1:1 1:2/3

ev tco iracrxa

John 2:23 18:39

ev Tti n.exa.f.O

John 4:31

ev xf) CTUvxeXeLQ (xou auovos xouxou)

M atthew 13:40 13:48

ev -prjpec auxris

Luke 1:6 ev tkj eopxfj

Matthew 26:5 Mark 14:2 John 2:25 s 7:11 12:20

ev xw SeLTTVto L L John 21:20

’Ev tf) eopTfj is omitted in B. Em + DATIVE

enC touTt*) John 4 : 2 7

496 APPENDIX P

GREEK PREPOSITION LESS ACCUSATIVE

N ( / Ttiv r)n.epav

Matthew 2 0 : 2 2 5 : 1 3 John 8 : 5 6

oXriv xr|v fmepav

Matthew 20:6

Hlqv Ttov 1'in.epcov Luke 1 7 : 2 2

CKELvriv ti^v rjn e p a v

John 1 :3 9

vxjktq k q l r i n e p a v

Mark 4 : 2 7 Luke 2 : 3 7

5uo n u e p a j

John 4 :40 11:6 497 T pets >iM.epas

Matthew 12:40(2x)

TECTCTEPQS np.Epas

John 11:17

TeaCTEpaKovTQ fm spas

Matthew 4:2 Mark 1:13 Luke 4:2

TTatras xas rip.Epa£

Matthew 28:20 Luke 1:75

OU TtoX^-QS fjH.EpQS

John 2:12

Tas fip.Epas

Luke 2:43 9:51 21:37

TpELS VUKtaj

Matthew 12:40(2x)

TECTCTEpQKOVTQ VUKTQS

Matthew 4:2 499

Luke 21:37

TO CTQfifiaTOV

Luke 2 3 : 5 6

H.LQV copav

Matthew 20:12 26:40 Mark 1 4 :3 7

tv |v copav

Matthew 2 5 : 1 3 John 4 : 5 2

upav epSo^y

John 4 : 5 2

Knvas Tpeis

Luke 1 :5 6

H.T)VQS TTEVTS

Luke 1:24 500 T0UT0 TO EXOJ

Luke 13:8

TOO" CXXJTd ETl'l

Luke 15:29

TpLQ exr]'

Luke 13:7

ettxgl exti

Luke 2:36

ScoSekq ’6 xy]

M atthew 9:20 M ark 5:25

o / r KT f N oekq LkqlJ okxw ETri

Luke 13:11 13:16

x p caK o v x a [ k q l ] o k x u e x >i

John 5:5

TtevxfiKovxQ exri

John 8:57 501 TOV KdLpOV TOUTOV

Luke 12:56

TOV KQipov + GEN PH RA SE

Luke 19:44

ocrov xpovov

Mark 2:19

toctoxjtov xpovov

John 14:9'

TTO^lUV XpOVOV

John 5:6

H.LK.POV XpOVOV

John 7:33 12:35

Only occurs in a handful of mss.: P6(\ >S', A, B, 0 , M. APPENDIX Q

GREEK ACCUSATIVE CASE WITH PREPOSITIONS

E I £

c l s xr|v f|n.epav

John 12:7

el’s nuav crapfiaTuv Matthew 28:1

eu’s t o v a ijp L o v Matthew 6:34

ec’s tov Katpov auxwv Luke 1:20

ELS ETri TToXXa Luke 12:19 503

ELJ tov qlcovq

Matthew 21:19 Mark 3:29 11:14 John 4:14 6:51 6:58 8:35 8:51 8:52 10:28 11:26 12:34 13:8 14:16

ELS TO\JS QLCJVQJ

Matthew 6:13* Luke 1:33

ec’s t e X o s

Matthew 10:22 24:13 M ark 13:13 Luke 18:5 John 13:1

e l s n a v T a X s s

Luke 13:11

i Only one Greek ms. (1253) has a temporal expression here. Eni

cttC c t i i Tpua kou w riv as e£

Luke 4:252

e m xpovov

Luke 18:4

ettl Triv aupiov

Luke 10:35

etp ’ ocjov Matthew 9:15 M ark 2:19^

Three Greek mss. omil ihc preposition enu here (B, D and 1241) Only one Greek ms. (D) has a temporal expression here. 504 KATA

K,a0’ rmepav

M atthew 2 6 :5 5 M ark 14:49 Luke 9:23 11:3 16:19 19:47 22:53

KQ t ’ e t o s

Luke 2:41

KQTQ TOV XPOVOV

M atthew 2 :16

5 05 META

I4.ETQ SxJO f||4.epQS

Matthew 26:2 Mark 14:1 John 4:43

|4.eTQ T p e ts fi|4.epQ5

Matthew 27:63 Mark 8:31 9:31 10:34 Luke 2:46

H.e'ca finepas e£

Matthew 17:1 Mark 9:2

(4.ETQ fl|4.epQS OKTW

John 20:26

\ / HETa TaviTQS t q s ri^ E p a j

Luke 1:24

I4.STQ ou noXXas rin.epas

Luke 15:13

506 507

^.exd Be t t o X u v xpovov

M atthew 25:19

H exa M.LK,pov

M atthew 26:73 M ark 14:70

l^exd fjpaxu

Luke 22:58

14.8X0 XQUXQ

M ark 16:12 16:? Luke 5:27 10:1 12:4 17:8 18:4 Jo h n 3:22 5:1 5:14 6:1 7:1 13:7 19:38 21:1

I4.CTQ XOUXO,

Jo h n 2:12 11:11 19:28

H.exa xr|v 0XCtJ;uv

M atthew 24:29 M ark 13:24

(4.8X0. XK|V H.eTOLKCO’LQV

M atthew 1:12 508

H.CTQ Tr)v e-j'epo'tv q u t o u

M atthew 27:53

H.ETQ Triv TTQpacr^eufjV

M atthew 27:62

J4.ETQ TOUS Xo-fOUS TOUTOXJJ

Luke 9:28

[4.ETQ TO t|JWH.U3V

John 13:27

I-l e t o L t o q t t o k t e Cv q l

Luke 12:5 nEPi

rrepC ( t ^ v ) T p tx riv topav

Matthew 20:3

nepL eK.xtlv K,ai evaxriv wpav

Matthew 20:5

nspt evaxriv upav

Matthew 27:46

nepC Triv evSei^QTriv wpav

Matthew 20:6 20:9

nepL TeTQpxriv tpuXaKtiv

Mark 6:48

509 iip o e

TTpOS KOCPOV

Luke 8:13

TTpOJ copav

John 5:35

npos ECTTrepav Lk 24:29 APPENDIX R

GREEK PREPOSITIONLESS GENITIVE

MM.epas

Luke 2:44

Luke 17:4 John 11:9

rmepas Kat vxjkxos

Luke 18:7

v u k t o s

Matthew 2:14 28:13 John 3:2 19:39

x r is v u k x o s

Matthew 14:25 Luke 2:8

511 512

n e a r i s v u k t o j

Matthew 25:6

H.E

Luke 11:5

(S u s) t o u cafJfiQTOU

Luke 18:12

e k e iv o u t o u a a p ^ a T o u

John 19:31

crafJfiQTWv

Matthew 28:1

XEL^WVOS

Matthew 24:20 Mark 13:18

TOU EVLQUTOU e^ELVOU

John 11:49 11:51 18:13 513

CTUV Su S e KQ

Luke 2:42 8:42

CTWV TpLQKOVTQ

Luke 3:23

aXcKTopocpuvLas

Mark 13:35 APPENDIX S

GREEK GENITIVE CASE WITH PREPOSITIONS

AIIO

a n ’ eKELvvis xfis fyiepas

Matthew 22:46 John 11:53

QTTO TWV f|J4.ep(ji)V ’ IOJQVVOU TOU fiaTTTUTTOU

Matthew 11:12

duo ctcjv ScjSeKa

Luke 8:43

and xns topas

John 19:27

ano t% copaj e^eiv^s

Matthew 9:22 15:28 17:18

514 and 6e etvriis upas

M atthew 27:45

a n d n.Las

Luke 14:18

I 9 */ a n apTL

M atthew 23:39 26:29 John 1:51 13:19 14:7

a n d t o t c

M atthew 4:17 16:21 26:16

and xou vuv

Luke 1:48 5:10 12:52 22:18 22:69 Jo h n 8:11

dtp’ ou

M ark 9 :2 1 1 Luke 13:7 13:25 24:21

Only in three mss.—N ,/^ , 1424. a n ’ apxfjs

M atthew 19:4 19:8 Luke 1:2 John 8:44 15:27

an’ apxris' koct ^ ou

Matthew 24:21

an’ dpxris KTurews

M ark 13:19

dno xr\s napBevLas atrt%

Luke 2:36

ana t?is neTOiKeaxas BafJuXuvos

M atthew 1:17

and + PERSON

M atthew l:17(2x)

dno dt-etous

Matthew 2:16 A X P I ( £ )

QXpLS fis flM-EpQS

M atthew 24:38 Luke 17:27

axpus

Luke 1:20

a x p t KQLpOXJ

Luke 4:13

QXpLS OU

Luke 21:24

517 A I A

S i ’ f||4.e p u v Mark 2:1

Sid xpiwv r|p.epwv

Matthew 26:61 Mark 14:58

S id ttqvtos vuktos kqi finepa;,

Mark 5:5

S i ’ o X r js vijktos

Luke 5:5

518 EK

e £ d p x v is

John 6:64 16:4

ek 'p sv e x fis

John 9:1

ek ttqlSloBev

M ark 9:21

EK VEOXKITOS (|40U)

Matthew 19:202 Mark 10:20 Luke 18:21

EK SeUTEpOXJ

Matthew 26:42 Mark 14:72 John 9:24

EK XpUXOU

Matthew 26:44

- Not all Greek mss. con lain a temporal expression in this vcrsc-only >4-, C, D, W .f1-*, M. 519 520

e £ LKdVWV xpovcov

Luke 8:273 23:8

EK TOUTOU

John 6:66 19:12

EK T% WpQS TdUTriS

John 12:27

s £ OU

Mark 9 :2 14

s £ GUTOU

Luke 22:16

3 Although many mss, have e* + GEN here—fcfc*. A, R, W, 0, ip, 0t35,/^-?P M; some mss. have the DAT instcad~P75vid, »*-2, B, L, 2, (fJ ), 33, 1241; and D has ano + GEN.

4 Only some Greek mss. contain e£ ou here— >i2, C*, L, W, A, 0, Ur, 33, 565, 892, 1241.

A lew have dtp’ OU—N,/^-1, 1424; none of the major Greek mss. contain a temporal expression in this verse—>4*, A, C^, D ,fK M. EITI

cttl + PER SO N

Luke 3:2 4:27

enC xf)s M-exoLKECTuas BajJuXwvos

M atthew 1 : 1 1

ecp’ ocrou

M atthew 9:15s Luke 5:45

Only in D. 521 E ftE

ews xns nH-epas eKeiviis

Matthew 26:29 Mark 14:25

seas ri^epas dvaSec^ews auTOtJ

Luke 1:80

ews Tpuxris >m.epas

Matthew 27:64

ews topas evQT>is

Matthew 27:45 Mark 15:33 Luke 23:44

ecus TOUTOXJ

Luke 22:51

ews T?js trfiM.epov

Matthew 27:8

522 523

e w s TTOTC

M atthew 17:17(2x.) M ark 9 :19(2x) Luke 9:41 John 10:24

£Li>S OU

M atthew 13:33 14:22 17:9 18:34 26:36 Luke 13:21 15:8 22:18 22:34f> 24:49 John 13:38

e w s o to u

M atthew 5:25 Luke 13:8 22:16 22:34* John 9:18

ECOS QpTL

M atthew 11:12 John 2:10 5:17 16:24

e w s tou v u v

M atthew 24:21 M ark 13:19

^ Only a tew Greek mss. have a prepositional temporal expression here— ew$ otou in D and

b 'u ; ou in K and 1241; all the other mss. have a conjunction: cither etas *n *4. B, L, T, ^

892—or Trptv in A, (Q). W, 0 , / 1, M. etos xfis xeXeux?is ‘HptoSou

Matthew 2:15

etos xou BepLCT^LOXJ

Matthew 13:30

etos Tpjs ctxjvte^elqj toxj au o v o s

Matthew 28:20

etos xfis n.EXOLKecrLQS BaPuXtovos

Matthew 1:17

eto s + PERSON

Matthew 1:17 11:13

etos extov OYSoriKovxa xecrcraptov

Luke 2:37

etos enxaKCS

Matthew 18:21 18:22

etos e|iSonnKOVXQKLs en x a

Matthew 18:22 MEXPI(Z)

H.expuTtis trfmepov

Matthew 11:23 28:15

p.expus o u

Mark 13:30

525 npo

npu tou K,QTaK,Xuan.ou

M atthew 24:38

npo Se toutwv navTtov

Luke 21:12

npo tou ndtrxa

John 11:55

npo e £ rm.epwv tou nacrxa

John 12:1

npo tvjs eopTKis tou nacrxa

John 13:1

npo TOU QpLCTTOU

John 17:5

npo TOU TOV KOCTH.OV 0LVQU

John 17:5

5 26 527

npo KQTQPo\fjs KOO'H.OU

John 17:24

n p o KQLpOU

Matthew 8:29

n p o e p io u

John 5:7 APPENDIX T

GREEK ADVERBIAL EXPRESSIONS

TTptOL

Matthew 16:3 20:1 21:18 Mark 1:35 11:20 13:35 15:1 16:9 John 20:1

otJ;e

Matthew 28:1 Mark 11:19 13:35

crfm.epov

Matthew 6:11 6:30 16:3 21:28 27:19 Mark 14:30 Luke 2:11 4:21 5:26 12:28 13:32 13:33 19:5 19:9 22:34 22:61 23:43 24:21'

axjpuov

Matthew 6:30 Luke 12:28 13:32 13:33

i Ef||4.epov only occurs in a handlul ol mss. in this phrase, inc. M 528 e x 0 e s

John 4:52

H.CCTOVUKTLOV

Mark 13:35

MJ-Kpov

John 13:33 14:19 16:I6(2x) 16:17(2x) 16:19(2x)

itorepov

Matthew 4:2 21:29 21:32 21:37 25:11 26:60 Mark 16:14 Luke 13:32 20:32 John 13:36

e v v u x Q

Mark 1:35

TTocraias

Matthew 18:21 Z3:37 Luke 13:34 530

noX X aK L S

Matthew ] 7 :15(2x) Mark 9:22 John 18:2

errcQKLs

Luke I7:4(2x)

S t s

Mark 14:30 Luke 18:12

Tpts

Matthew 26:34 26:75 Mark 14:30 14:72 Luke 22:34 22:61 John 13:38

TTpCOTO V

Matthew 5:24 6:33 Mark 16:9 Luke 11:38 12:1 17:25 21:9 John 7:51

S e O te p o v

John 3:4 21:16 531

Tp LTOV

Luke 23:22 John 21:14

TO TTpOTEpOV

John 6:62

TO TTpCJTOV

John 12:16 19:39

TO Tp LTOV

Mark 14:41 21:17(2x)

c u K a tp L a v

Luke 22:6

Kqlv o v

Matthew 26:29 APPENDIX U

VARIOUS TIME EXPRESSIONS

SLAVIC LANGUAGES

1. OLD CHURCH SLAVONIC

The event happened/will happen:

in the morning KJTp'fi

in the next m orning B2 oyTpkNLH AkNk; ja oyT pa

at night hoiijhjk ; less frequently sz noiim

at noon (e z ) noiioyfltkHE

at midnight (EZ) nOilOyNOLpH

on that day EZ TZ AlkHL

on Saturday EZ CXEOTX

yesterday nep

today ALHLCh. tom morrow MJTp't; perhaps also e z oyTptNkH in that week (e z ) TOH NEAE/1H in that year TOMfc (I'fcT'fe / EZ TO JlfcTO at that time ez to sp'kMA; perhaps also TOMk H

532 in 1256 bz /I'feTO 1256

in January, 1256 (Mfcc4ii|d) 6Ny

on January 1, 1256 bz a flLML Gwydp

The event happened/will happen:

in the moming cyTpHH, cyrpHHTa

in the next moming Ha cyie,4BamaTa cyTpHH at night HomeM at noon Ha (o 6 e/i), n o o 6 h a at midnight b n ojiyH om at (two) o'clock b £ B a q a ca on that day B T03H £ eH on Saturday b cii6oT a yesterday Bwepa today 2JH e c tommorrow y i p e in that week npe3 Ta3H ce/iMHua in that year npe3 Ta3H ro/iHHa at that time n o TOBa (oHOBa) BpeM e in winter npe3 3HMara in January npe3 HHyapw in 1256 npe3 1256 ro^HHa in January, 1256 npe3 HHyapH 1256 ro/tHHa on January 1, 1256 Ha 1 -H 5iHyapH 1256 ro^HHa every day BceKH ^ e H

534 3. MODERN SERBO-CROATIAN

The event happened/will happen: in the moming ujutru; ujutro in the next moming sledeceg jutra at night nocu t at noon u podne at midnight u ponoc at (one) o'clock u (jedan) sat on that day tog(a) dana; u taj dan on Saturday u subotu yesterday juce today danas tommorrow sutra in that week te nedelje (sedmice) in that year te godlne; u toj godini at that time u to vreme in winter u zimu; zimi in January u januaru (sijecanju) in 1256 1256-e godine in January, 1256 januara (u januaru) 1256 godine on January 1, 1256 1-og januara 1256 godine every day svakog dana

535 4. MODERN CZECH

The event happened/will happen: in the morning rano in the next morning pristf rano at night v noci at noon v poledne at midnight v / o pfilnoci at (three) o'clock v (tfi) hodtny on that day toho dne on Saturday v sobotu yesterday vcera today dnes tom morrow zitra in that week v tom tydnu in that year v tom roce at that time v tom case / v te dobe in winter v zime in January v lednu in 1256 v roce 1256 in January, 1256 v lednu roku 1256 on January 1, 1256 1 - fho ledna 1256 everyday kazdy den

536 5. MODERN POLISH

The event happened/will happen: in the morning rano in the next morning nastepnego ranka at night w nocy at noon w potudnie at midnight o potnocy at (X) o'clock o (pierwszej) godzinie on that day tego dnio, w tym dnlu on Saturday w sobote yesterday wczora j today dzis, dzislaj tom morrow jutro in that week w tym tygodniu in that year w tym roku at that time w tym czasie, o tej porze in winter zima in January w styczniu in 1256 w (roku) 1256-ym (roku) in January, 1256 w styczniu 1256-ego (roku) on January 1, 1256 1-ego stycznla 1256-ego (roku) every day kazdego dnio, codziennie

537 6. MODERN RUSSIAN

The event happened/will happen: in the morning y T p o M in the next morning Ha c^e/iyiomHH ,aeHb yTpoM at night HOMbK) at noon b no^/jeHb at midnight B nOJIHOMb at (two) o'clock b (£Ba) Maca on that day B TOT 4ieHb on Saturday b c y 6 6 o T y yesterday B»tepa today c e r o /iH H tom morrow 3 a B T p a in that week Ha to h H e /ie jie in that year b t o m r o / i y at that time b t o BpeMH in winter 3HMOH in January b HHBape in 1256 b 1 2 5 6 - o m r o ^ y in January, 1256 b HHBape 1256-oro ro/ia on January 1, 1256 l-ro HHBapfl 1256-oro ro/ia every day Ka*/ibiH .zieHb

538 7. MODERN UKRAINIAN

The event happened/will happen: in the morning 3paiHKy, ypaHui, paHKOM in the next morning HacTyriHoro paHKy at noon oniB/iHi at (four) o'clock o (4-ifi) ro/itfHi on that day Toro B TOM ZieHb on the next day HacTynHoro Ha HacTynHHH

Z ieH b yesterday yMdpa today c B o r d ^ lH i tom morrow 3 a B T p a in that week Toro Ha TdMy TH>KHi in that year TOrO MlCflUH at that time B TOM Mac in spring HaBecHi, BecHdto in January y ciMHi in 1256 y 1256-OMy poky in January, 1256 y ciMHi, 1256-oro pdKy on January 1, 1256 1-ro cImhh, 1256-dro poky every day kd>KHOrO AHX, H30/JH51

539 APPENDIX V

VARIOUS TIME EXPRESSIONS

GREEK

1. NEW TESTAMENT GREEK

The event happened/will happen:

in the morning to TTpuC

in the next morning Trj eiTQUpLOV

at night v u k t o s ; ev T?j vuntl

at noon Hecrris tns fy-tipas

at midnight p.eo'tis v u k t o s , n.etjovuKTLOu

(4.ECTOVUKTLOV

on that day e ^ e tv rj Tpj fm_epa

on Saturday ev tw crapfSaTw

yesterday e x B e s today crf|p.epov tommorrow aupL ov; x?j e n a u p io v in that year ev Tto CTCL CKCCVW at that time (ev) ei^eLvu t u *aupw in winter xeip.cbvos every day Kq B’ fin e p a v 2. MODHRN GREEK

in the morning TO TTptOt

in the next morning TO d X X o TTptOL

at night TV) VUXTQ (TO Ppd&U)1

at noon to nea-rin.epL

at midnight t q necrdvuxTa

at (X) o'clock cttus (X ) ( w pa)

on that day eKCbVfi Trj n_epa on Saturday TO S appQ xo

yesterday xBes today □•fin.epQ tom morrow a up u o in that week eKELvri Tr| (e)fj5on.aSa in that year CKiELVO TO x p o v o at that time e * e tv o tov Kaupo in w inter TO Xet^LtOVQ in January to Ia v o u a p u o in 1256 TO 1256

1 Although the phrase TK| Vuxto is available to e x p re ss 'at night' in Modern Greek, the preference is to use t o flpaSu. literally 'in the evening'.

541 in January, 1256 to Iavoudpco to u 1256 on January 1, 1256 xr)v TTpwTr) Iavouapuou

tou 1256 every day KQ0e n .e p a BIBLIOGRAPHY OF ANALYZED TEXTS

I list here those texts which I analyzed in this dissertation. They are listed in alphabetical order by title.

Bh 6 ^ h « hjih cBeineHeto imcaHHe Ha CTapwa h hobha aaBerb. En 6 .neftcKo ZIpy*ecTBo.

Clozianus. Antonin Dostal, ed. Prague: Nakladatelstvi Ceskoslovenske Akademie Ved, 1955.

/Io 6 poMHpoBo EBaHre^iMe. B. Veloeva, ed. Sofia: H 3,qaTe,/ibCTBo Ha 6 i>/irapcKaTa axa/ieMMa Ha HayKMTe, 1975.

Evangeliarium Assemani. J. Vajs and J. Kurz, eds. Prague: Nakladatelstvi Ceskoslovensk 6 Akademie Ved, 1955.

MHpocjiaBJbeBo JeBaHfrejbe, D. Bogdanovic, ed. Beograd: Cpncxa aKa,qeMHja Hayxa h yMeTHOCTH HHCTHTyT 3a cpncKoxpaBaTCKH Je3HK, 1986.

Monument Linguae Palaeslavonicae e Codice Suprasliensi. Miklosich, Fr., ed. Vindobonae: Guilelmus Braumuller, 1851.

Novum Testamentum Graece. 4th revised edition, Nestle, E. and K. Aland, eds. Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelstiftung, 1981.

HoBbifl aaBex (b CHHoaajibHoM n3jaHHH). N.p, n.d.

OcTpoMHpQBO EBaHrejiHe 1056-1057, facsimile edition. Leningrad: H 3 /jaTe/ib- ctbo "ABpopa", 1988.

Ouattuor Evangeliorium Codex Glagoliticus (Zoeraphensisl. V. Jagic, ed. Graz, Austria: Aka demise he Druck-U. Verlagsanstalt, 1954.

Ouattuor Evangeliorium Codex Mari anus Glagoliticus. V. Jagic, ed. Graz, Austria: Akademische Druck-U. Verlagsanstalt, 1960.

CaBBHHa KHHra, V. Scepkin, ed. Graz, Austria: Akademische Druck-U. Verlags­ anstalt, 1959.

543 DICTIONARIES CONSULTED

I list here those dictionaries which I consulted for definitions and examples both for OCS and Greek as well as for the modern Slavic languages.

Old Church Slavonic

Kurz, J., ed., 1966-. Siovnlk jazvka staroslovensk 6 ho. Prague: Nakladatelstvi Cesko- slovenske Akademie Ved.

Miklosich, Fr„ 1862-65. Lexicon Palaeoslovenico-Graeco-Latinum. Vindobonae: Guilelmus Braum tiller.

Greek

Bauer, Walter, 1979. A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature. Translated into English from German by F. W. Gingrich and F. W. Danker from the 5th Edition, 1958. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Lampe, G. W. H., D.D., ed., 1961. A Patristic Greek Lexicon. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Modem Slavic Language Dictionaries

Bflp russian

vols. Minsk: AKa^qaMin HaByx ECCP.

Kryvicki, A. A., ed., 1982-1987. TypaflcKi cnoymiK. 5 vols. Minsk: HaByna i TaxHiKa.

544 545 Bulgarian

Andrej&n, L., ed., 1973. BbJirapcKH Tb/iKOBeH penHHK. Sofia: Hayxa h M 3K yC T B O .

Atanasova, T. et al., 1966. AHrjinftcKo-6t>,/irapcKn pen h h k , 2 vols Sofia: BtJirapcKa AKazieMHa Ha nayKMre.

• ',1 9 8 3 . EbJirapcKO aHrjiHftcKH pen hhk. Sofia: Hayica h H3KycxBo.

Czech

Hais, Karel and Bretislav Hodek, 1984-1985. Velky anglicko-ceskv slovnik. 3 vols. Prague: Academia, 1984-1985.

Havriinka, B., ed., 1965-1971. Slovnik spisovn 6 ho jazyka ceskeho. 4 vols. University of Alabama Press.

Polish

Mirovic, A., et al., 1986. Bojibinofl pyccKo-nojibCKHfi cnoBapb. 2 vols. Moscow: PyCCKHfl H3bIK.

Stanislawski, J., ed., 1978. Wielki stovnik polsko-angielski. 2 vols. Warsaw: Wiedza Powszechna.

—, 1982. Wielki stovnik angielsko-polski. 2 vols. Warsaw: Wiedza Powszechna.

Russian femysev, V. I., ed., 1950-1965. CjioBapb coBpeMeHHoro pyccK oro jiHxepaxyp- H oro nabiKa, 17 vols. Moscow: AKaAeMMH nayK CCCP.

Oaegov, S. I., ed., 1984. CjioBapb pyccKoro «3biKa. Moscow: PyccKHft rabiK.

Smimickij, A. I., ed., 1985. PvccKo-aHrviMftcKHfl cjioBapb. Moscow: PyccKHfi S 3 b lK . 546 Sreznevskij, I. I., 1893-95. MaTepna/ibi n n acnoBapa npeBHepyccKoro «3biKa.2 vols. St. Petersburg: THnorpacJjifl HMnepatopcKoft aKa^eMin HayKt.

Vasmer, M., ed., 1986. 3THMoJiorHMecKMft cnoBapb pyccKoro srebiKa. Moscow: Ilporpecc.

Serbo-Croatian

Belie, A., ed., 1959-. Pennine cpncKoxpBaTCKor KtbHxeeBHor h Hapozmor Je3HKa, 14 vols. to date. Belgrad: HHCTHTyT 3a cpncicoxpBaTCKH j e 3 HK.

Benson, M., ed., 1971. Serbocroatian-English Dictionary University of Pennsylvania Press.

—, 1979. An English-Serbo-Croatian Dictionary. University of Pennsylvania Press.

Danicic,.D., ed., 1880-. Rjecnik hrvatskoga ili srpskoga jezika. 23 vols. to date. Zagreb: Jugoslavenska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti.

Slovak

&mko, J., 1989. English-Slovak Dictionary. (USA): Bolchazy-Carducci Publishers.

Slovenian

Bajec, A., ed.1970-1991. Slovnar slovenskega knjiznego jezika. 5 vols. Ljubljana.

Skerlj, Ruzena, ed., 1965. Anglesko-slovenski slovar. 6 th ed. Ljubljana: Drzavna ZaloSba Slovenije.

Ukrainian

Podvezko, M. L. and M. I. Bella, 1974w AHrjio-yKpai'HCbKHft cjiobhhk. Kiev: PannHCbKa niKona. SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

1 list here only those writings which have been of use in making this dissertation. For other works consulted for general research purposes and background information, please see the GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY.

Alekseev, A. A., 1984. "0 rpeuecxofi ocHOBe cjiaBsmcxHX 6n6.neficxnx nepe- Bo.qoB," Paleobulearica (VIII), pp. 3-22.

— , 1988. "KupH.n.flo-Mejpo.aHeBCKoe n epeBo^uecxoe Hac^ie^He h ero h c t o p h - uecxwe cy/ib 6 bi,” X MexcnvHapcxaHbift cbeaa cjiaBHCTOB. Moscow: Hayxa, pp. 124-144.

Bauer, J., 1950. "Bezpredlozkovy lok£l ve staroslovenskyx evangeliix", Slavia. 20, 1950, 1, pp. 40-56.

Bimbaum, Henrik, 1958. "Zur Aussonderung der syntaktischen Grazismen im Alt- kirchenslavischen. Einige methodische Bemerkungen," Scando-Slavica. IV, pp. 239-257.

Blass, F. and A. Debrunner, 1949. Grammatik des neutestamentlichen Griechish. Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.

Boorstin, Daniel J., 1983. The Discoverers. New York: Random House.

Borkovskij, V. I., ed., 1968. CpaBHHTejibHo-HCTopnuecxHft CMHTaxctic BQCTouHocjiaBgHCKHX «3biKOB: 9,/ieHbi npen^oixeHha. Moscow: Hayxa.

Carlton, Terence, 1990. Introduction to the Phonological History of the Slavic 1 jngnagfig Columbus: Slavica.

Diels, Paul, 1963. Altkirchenslavische Grammatik. Heidelberg: Carl Winters Universitatsbuchverhandlung.

Dinekov, P., ed, 1985. KupHji-MeTOJHeBcxa EHiiHXJione.qn« A-3. Sofia: H3^aTeJicTBO Ha efe/trapcxaTa axa/ieMHfl Ha HayxnTe.

Dost&l, Antonin, 1976. The V ita of Constantine and the V ita of Methodius. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

547 548 Dumovo, N., 1925. "K Bonpocy o apeBHeflmMx nepeBo^ax Ha CTapocyiaBsm- CKHft 33blK 6n6.neficxnx TeKCTOB. Cynpacnbcxan pyKonHCb," H3BecTnn QTJ6J16HHH pyCCKOrO A3bIKa H C/tOBSCHOCTH AxajeMHH Hayx. (St. Petersburg-Leningrad), 30, pp. 353-429.

Griinenthal, O., 1910. "Die Ubersetzungstechnik der altkirchenslavischen Evangel- iensiibersetzung," Archiv fur slavische Philologie. vol. 31, pp. 321-66 & 507- 28; & vol. 32, pp. 1-48.

Giildenstube, O. von, 1923 & 1925. "Gebrauch der Casus im Altrussischen," Archiv fur slavische Philologie. 38(1923), pp. 150-181; & 39 (1925), pp. 235-266.

Havrdnek, B., 1958. "Historickosrovniivaci studium syntaxe slovanskych jazyku," K historickosrovndvacimu studiu slovanskych jazyku. Olomouc-Prague: StStni Pedagogickd Nakladatelstvi, pp. 77-127.

Hor&lek, K., 1959. "La traduction vieux-slave de 1'Evangile, sa version originate et son developpement ult 6rieur," Bvzantinoslavica (Prague), 20, pp. 267-284.

Jagic, V., 1900. "Beitrage zur slavischen Syntax," Denkschriften der kaiserlichen Akademie Wissenschaften. 46, Vienna.

—, 1919. Zum altkirchenslawischen Apostolus, vol. 1-3. Vienna: Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien.

Kenyon, F. G., 1912. Handbook to the Textual Criticism of the New Testament. 2nd ed. London: MacMillan and Co.

Kurz, Josef, ed., 1963. HccjienoBaHHa no c hht &kchc y cTapocjiaBgHcxoro aabiKa. Olomouc-Prague: Stdtni Pedagogickd Nakladatelstvi.

— , 1972. "IIpo6^eMaTHKa HccJieflOBaHHH CHHTaxcHca CTapoc^aBflHCKoro srjbiKa," Kapitolv ze syntaxe a z morfologie staroslovenskdho iazvka. Prague: Universita Karlova.

Logacev, K. I., 1976. ”0 nsbixe h Texcxe opnrMHajioB .qpeBHeftniHX cnaB$mcxMX nepeBo^oB," Bonpocbi g 3bixo 3HaHHfl, No. 2, pp. 94-98.

Lomtev, T. P., 1956. Quepxn no HcropHuecxoMy CHHTaxcwcy pyccKoro fl3bixa. Moscow: H3,qaTejibCTBO Mockobckofo yHMBepcHTeTa.

Lunt, Horace G., 1974. Old Church Slavonic Grammar. 6 th edition. The Hague: Mouton & Co.

L'vov, A. S., 1966. Ouepxn no Jiexcnxe naMATHHXoB cTapoc.naBHHcxofl n hcbMeHHOCTH. Moscow: Hayxa.

Metzger, Bruce M., 1975. A Textual Commentary on the Greek New Testament London: United Bible Societies. 549 —, 1992. The Text of the Greek New Testament: Its Transmission. Corruption, and Restoration. 3rd. ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Miklosich, Franz, 1926. Vergleichende Grammatik der slavischen Sprachen. IV. Band. Syntax. Heidelberg: Carl Winters Universitatsbuchverhandlung.

Moszynski, Leszek, 1957. "Staro-cierkiewnostowianski aprakos," Studia z filologii polskiei i stowianskiej. vol. 2. Warsaw: Panstwowe Wydawn Naukowe.

Moulton, J. H., 1908. A Grammar of New Testament Greek, vol. 1: Prologomena. TTiird Edition. Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark.

Nevostruev, K. I., 1865. "3anHCKa o nepeBO,qe eB aH renifl Ha cnaBgH cxift H3biKb, c/ffejiaHHOM t. c b . K npn/i/ioivrb h M eeoflieM fc,” Kirilo-Mefodievskii sbornik. Ed. M. Pogodin. Moscow: ORJAZ ( b i > CHHo^avibHOH TH norpatpm ).

Orenstein, H. S., 1973. The Development of the Bound Locative Case in Modem Russian. Ohio State University Dissertation.

Robertson, A. T., 1914. A Grammar of the Greek New Testament in the Light of Historical Research. New York: Hodder and Stoughton.

Rudnev, A. G., 1958. "K BonpocaM H3yneHHH c m h Takenca cnaBaHcicwx H3 biKoB," K historickosrovn&vacimu studiu slovanskych jazyku. Olomouc- Prague: St4tm Pedagogick 6 Nakladatelstvi, pp. 128-29.

Smyth, H. W., 1984. Greek Grammar. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press.

Skupskij, B. I., 1977. "K Bonpocy o rpeqecKHX opH raH ajiax ApeBHeftmux c^iaBHHCKHX nepeB O /toB,“ Bonpocbi H3biK03HaHHn. No. 2, pp. 126-130.

—, 1979. "Bonpocbi m c t o u h h k o b peKOHCTpyxuHH CHHTaxcHca nepBOHauajib- Horo cnaBnHCKoro nepeBO.ua eBaHrenHg," Wiener slavistisches Jahrbuch 25, pp. 107-124.

— , 1987. ”H3 Ha6/uo^eHHfl Ha/t n3biKOM nepBOHaqa/ibHoro cJiaBsmcicoro nepeBO^ta EBaHreJiHH,” Slovo: Casopis Staroslovenskng Zavotia 11 Zagrehn. Vol. 37, pp. 41-53.

Svedova, N. Ju., ed., 1982. Pyccxag rpaMMaTHKa T o m IL cHHTaxcHC. Moscow: Hayxa.

Toporov, V. N., 1961. JIoxaTMB b c^aBHHCKHX gabixax. Moscow: Ha^aTezibCTBo Axa^eMMH Hayx CCCP.

Tuckett, Christopher, 1987. Reading the New Testament. Methods of Interpretation. Philadelphia: Fortress Press. 550 Vecerka, Radoslav, 1957. "Genitiv data v staroslovenstine," Slavia. 26, pp. 31-41.

Vondrak, W., 1928. Vergleichende slavische Grammatik. II. Band Formenlehre und Syntax. Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.

Xodova, K. I., 1960. "3HatjeHne TBopMTe^ibHoro 6ecnpe^Jio>KHoro b cTapo- CJiaBJlHCKOM JT3blKe," XH-SHHg 3&nHCKH HHCTHTVTa CjiaBaHOBeiieHHfl AkaiieMHH Havx (Moscow-Leningrad), 19, pp. 101-158.

— , 1963. CMCTeMa najextert CTapocjiaBgHCKoro a3bixa Moscow: H3aaTe./ib- c t b o Aka^eMHH Hayx CCCP.

—, 1971. najexcH c npeajioraMH b CTapocjiaBflHCKOM aabixe. Moscow: H ayxa.

Zukovskaja, L. P., 1973. "C./iaBHHO-pyccKHe eBaHrejina XI-XIV b b .,“ MeTo/in- MecKPe_noco6He no onHcaHMK? cjiaBaHo-pvccKMx pyKonnceflT xpaHHB- innxcfl b CCCP. 1: 1. pp. 356-383. GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY

This bibiliography includes sources which I consulted or which could provide background information but which were not cited in this dissertation.

Amfiloxij, Arximandrit, 1868. "0 rpeuecxHM Kondakare XII-XI1I Bexa Mockob- CXOfi CHHO^ajIbHOH 6H6jlHOTeKH CpaBHTeJlbHO C ^peBHMM CJiaBHHCKMM nepeBOflOM," AxaaeMHH nayx, 3anncxnr (Moscow) 13, pp. 186-194.

—, 1885. "qeTBepoeBaHnejiHe raviMMecxoe 1144 r.. cjiMueHHoeczipeBHecjia BflHCKHMH py x o n H C H M M H eBaHre^iHAMH, c rpenecxMM eBaHr. TexcTOM h np.T 2 vols. Moscow.

Bimbaum, Henrik, 1963, reply to "KaxBH ca .ztoceraniHMTe cjiaSocTH Ha cpaBHH- TejiHOMcropHMecxoTO H3c^ie^BaHe Ha CHHTaxTHiiHaTa CHCTeMa Ha cjiaBaHcxHTe e 3 Hun?" Slavjanska Filologija. I: Otgovori na vaprosite za naucnata anketa po ezikoznanie (Sofia), pp. 88-91. See Addendum.

Blihov&, Emilie, 1973. Nejstarsi staroslovensk 6 homilie: Syntax a lexikon. Prague: Nakladatelstvi Ceskoslovenske akademie ved a umeni.

Borkovskij, V. I, 1949. CnHTaxcno /ipeBHepyccxnx r p a M O T . JlbBO B: H3/(aHHe MocxoBcxoro rocyflapcTBeHHoro yHHBepcHTeTa.

Borkovskij, V. I. and P. 1. Kuznecov, 1967. HcTopmrecxaa rpaMMaTHxa pvccxoro «3bixa. CHHTaxcHC. Cjio>KHoe npeajioixeHHe. Moscow: Hayxa.

Buck, Carl Darling, 1949. A Dictionary of Selected Synonyms in the Principal Indo- European Languages. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

Comrie, Bernard, 1976. Aspect. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Dogramadzieva, Ekaterina, 1977. "Obstojatelstvenite izreoenia v Sinajskij evhologij," Slovansko iezikoslovje: Nahtigalov zbomik... (Franc Jakopin,ed). Ljubljana: Universitet v Ljubljani, Filozofska fakulteta, pp. 47-66.

Grivec, F., 1956. "O svobodnih prevodih v staroslovenskih evangelijih," Slavia. 25, pp. 194-197.

551 552 Jarceva, V. N., 1956. Tlpo 6 AeMa aaHMCTBOBamibix 3AeMeHTOB npw peKOHCTpyKllHM CpaBHHTe^IbHO-HCTOpHyeCKOrO CHHTaKCHCa pofl- CTBeHHbIX JDblKOB," BonpOCbl A3blKQ3HaHHa. No. 6 , pp. 3-14.

Knabe, G. S., 1956. "0 npnMeH6 HHH cpaBHHTeAbHoro-HcropHMecKoro MeTo^a b cHHTaKCHce," Bonpocbi 33biKP3HaHHfl. 1, pp. 76-85.

Krasukhin, K. G., 1985. "K m c to k b m m cfiyHKnnn HHAoeBponeftcKoro p o a h - Te^bHoro naAeaca," BecTHHK MocKOBCKoro yHHBepcmeTa. Cepua 9, MAOAorns, (May-June), v. 9 (3), pp. 78-85.

Lomtev, T. P., 1949. "yTpaTbi h orpaHHueHHe b ynoTpeSAeHHH npeAAoxcHbix (JiopM BHHHTe^ibHoro naAexca b h c t o p h h pyccxoro »3biKa CTapinefi nopbi," ZIoKJiajbi h coo6meHHa

—, 1954. H 3 h c t o p h h CHHTaxcHca pyccxoro a3bixa. Moscow: TocyAapcTBeH- Hoe yMe6HO-neAarorHMecKoe H3 AaTejibCTb o MHHHCTepcTBa npocBeme- h h a PC

MacRobert, C. M., 1986. "Foreign, Naturalized and Native Syntax in Old Church Slavonic," Transactions of the Philological Society, pp. 142-166.

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Novikova, A. S., 1967. "0 HeicoTopbix oTvmuHax CaBHHHOH k h m to b 0 6 /iacTH ynoTpe6 ^ieHHa naAeJKett," BecTHHK MocKOBCKoro yHHBepcHTeTa (22), iii, pp. 47-59.

Pogorelov, V. A., 1927. 113 Ha6 AK)AeHHft b oSjiacTH apeBHecjiaBflHCKofl nepe- BQAHofi jiHTepaTvpe. Bratislava.

Ruzicka, Rudolf, 1958. "Griechische Lehnsyntax im Altslavischen," Zeitschrift fur Slawistik (Berlin) III, pp. 173-185.

Sedel'nikov, E. A., 1955. "EecnpeAAoxcHbie KOHCTpyicunn c TBopHTejibHbiM naAex.

Staniseva, D. S. 1958. "HexoTopbie Bonpocbi HCTopmiecitoro cHHTaKcwca na^e>KeH caaBflHCKMX swmkob," Sofia: Slavistioen Sbomik.

— , 1960. "Bonpocbi o ippa3eo.nornn h Hcc/ie^oBaHHax no cm HTaxcwcy naaextett," KpaTKHe coo6aieHna HHCTMryra cjiaBnHOBeaeHHH

Svedova, N. Ju., 1978. "CHHTaKcrmecKoe BpeMa," d>njiojiornnecKHe HayxM: iii, pp. 88-97.

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Soepkin, V. N, & A. Saxmatov, 1890. 0co6eHHocTH H 3 bnta OcTpoMMpoBa e B a H - re-flHfl. npHJioxceHMe k rpaMMaTHKe CTapocjiaBflHCKoro g3bnta A . JlecKHHa. Moscow.

Tolstoj, N. I., 1961. "K Bonpocy o upeBHecjiaBHHCKOM H3biKe KaK o6meM JIHTepaTypHOM H3blKe lOXCHbIX H BOCTOUHbIX CJiaBflM," Bonpocbi fl3 biico 3HaHHn (Moscow) X, i, pp. 52-66.

Vajs, J., 1927. Evangelium sv. Marka a jeho pomer k recke predloze. Prague: Nakladatelstvi ceskoslovenskg akademie ved a umeni.

Vecerka, Radoslav, 1989. Altkirchenslavische (altbulgarisch) Syntax, vol. 1. Freiburg i. Br: U. W. Weiher.

—, 1993. Altkirchenslavische (altbulgarisch) Syntax, vol. 2. Freiburg i. Br: U. W. Weiher.

Vostokov, A. X. (ed)., 1843. PcTpOMHpOBo eBaHreJine 1056-1057. C npHJio- xteHHeM rpenecKoro TexcTa eaaHrejiHft h c rpaMMaTHMecKHMH oSbacHeHHgMH. St. Petersburg.

Vrana, Josip, 1960. "Uber das vergleichende Sprach- und Textstudium altkirchenslav- ischer Evangelien." Die Welt der Slaven. V, pp. 418-28.