GENDER, POVERTY and ENERGY NEXUS: UNPACKING the CONFLICT in ZIMBABWE Obediah Dodo1
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International Journal of Sustainable Energy and Environmental Research 2014 Vol. 3, No. 1, pp. 1-15 ISSN(e): 2306-6253 ISSN(p): 2312-5764 © 2014 Conscientia Beam. All Rights Reserved GENDER, POVERTY AND ENERGY NEXUS: UNPACKING THE CONFLICT IN ZIMBABWE Obediah Dodo1 --- Chamunogwa Nyon2 1Bindura University of Science Education, Zimbabwe and Doctoral Student: Department of Post-Graduate Studies University of Lusaka, Zambia 2Bindura University of Science Education ABSTRACT In year 2000, the Zimbabwean government embarked on a national land reform programme meant to redistribute land between the minority white commercial farmers and the majority black peasant farmers. In the roll-out of the programme, women were considered an important cog though they had no specific quota in the allocation of land. The eventual land ownership structure was that over three hundred thousand black indigenous peasants had suddenly become new and larger land owners, over-crowding the once sparsely populated commercial farming areas. What did not get into the minds of many especially women and the youth was the impending challenge to do with the firewood availability for their energy requirements. Now over ten years into the land reform exercise, the youth are now embroiled in firewood poaching for resale in both the neighbourhood and the nearby urban areas where electricity availability is a nightmare. This massive criminal activity has also negatively affected women who have to bear the exorbitant firewood prices and deforestation, experience land degradation and witness cat-and-mouse wars between the youth and law enforcement agents. This paper examines the gender, poverty and energy nexus in rural areas of Bindura district, Zimbabwe. The study specifically focuses on two administrative wards; 3 and 4 in the Matepatepa commercial farming area of Bindura. It is the submission of the researcher that indeed, women have massively degraded and deforested the once thick forests for self-sustenance and in the process created conflicts amongst themselves. Keywords: Gender, Poverty, Energy, Conflict, Land reform, Development. 1. INTRODUCTION When the Zimbabwean government embarked on national land redistribution and empowerment programme in year 2000, it believed that the process was going to help and benefit most Zimbabweans, women included. Amongst some of the objectives of the programme was to empower women ensuring the restoration of some of their rights. However, well after the programme roll-out, a variety of problems began to emerge: conflicts over firewood and unavailability of firewood for energy use. © 2014 Conscientia Beam. All Rights Reserved 1 International Journal of Sustainable Energy and Environmental Research, 2014, 3(1): 1-15 The paper therefore sought to examine the gender, poverty and energy nexus in rural areas of Bindura district, Zimbabwe post land reform programme. The study specifically focused on two administrative wards; 1 and 4 in the commercial farming area of Bindura Rural District Council (BRDC). Bindura district is one of the eight administrative districts in the province of Mashonaland Central. Ward 1 is called Manga and is about 50 kilometres North of Bindura Town along Matepatepa road and ward 4 is called Chevakadzi about 15 kilometres north-east of Bindura town along Mt Darwin road. The province under discussion lies in the north-east of Zimbabwe; bordering with Zambia to the north, Mozambique to the east, Harare to the south and Mashonaland West to the west. The wards in question are located to the north of the district. Precisely, ward one is sandwiched by Mt Darwin Tabex area to the north, Chiweshe Chideu area to the west, Madziva communal area to the east and Bindura commercial farming A2 area to the south. Ward four lies between Madziwa to the north, Bindura Dawmill farming area to the east, Mazowe River to the south and Mt Darwin road to the west. 1.2. Background Before the land reform programme, the white commercial farmers grew crops and reared cattle while a few had small animal sanctuaries within their farms. Each commercial farmer would spare large tracks of forests ostensibly for future development. It was then in these forests and the sanctuaries that wild animals and potential firewood trees were found. According to Moyo (2000), in 1999, there were over 6 million of an estimated 12 million Zimbabweans who lived in the communal areas. Communal areas comprise 42% of Zimbabwe‟s land area, with as much as 75% of it located in drought-prone agro-ecological regions. Primarily, the Land Reform Programme sought to alleviate population pressure in the Communal areas, improve the base of productive agriculture in the peasant farming sector and avail land for residence purposes (Chitsike, 2003; Sachikonye, 2003). It is also important to mention that in most areas of the former rural areas of Bindura, meaningful forests are long depleted owing to pressure for firewood and other domestic purposes. This is further compounded by the fact that electricity supply in most of Zimbabwe‟s districts, Bindura included has been erratic so much so that people have resorted to firewood for domestic energy. Besides, in the wards under study, very few households have access to electricity. In the two wards, over five hundred and ten (510) new settlers were added on to the over six thousand (6000) people resident. 2. METHODOLOGY This compilation was born out of an intensive triangulated survey on the nexus between gender, poverty and energy requirements in respect of the dwellers in Bindura Rural District Council ward One (1) and Four (4) between 2012 and 2013. The study specifically followed a survey design supported by desk research. The study adopted face-to-face unstructured in-depth interviews with 15 selected participants and distant observation of the activities on the ground as a way of confirming some of the goings-on. 2 © 2014 Conscientia Beam. All Rights Reserved International Journal of Sustainable Energy and Environmental Research, 2014, 3(1): 1-15 Of the 15 interviewees, 10 were from the study wards and 5 were conveniently sampled from technocrat departments; (Environmental Management Agency (EMA), 2012), Ministry of Local Governmenti, Department of Landsii, Forestry Commissioniii and Zimbabwe Statistical Agency (Zimstats)iv. Meanwhile, of the 10 ward-based respondents, 7 were purposefully sampled so that they could furnish with well-placed and participant data while the other 3 were a result of emergent sampling. Of the 10 respondents, 4 were male youth while 6 were women, all evenly drawn from the 2 wards. This was arrived at after realising their placement in the whole conflict triangle: level of participation, level of subject knowledge, and societal influence. Precisely, 5 participants were sampled from each ward for uniformity and on average; each interview lasted about 30 to 50 minutes. Discussions were lengthy so as to extract as much as possible from the few but well placed participants. On the other hand, unstructured observation was applied on women fetching firewood in selected woodlands and on selected youth selling firewood both to the women in the villages and to other buyers from Bindura town. Particularly, 4 situations were monitored for an average of a day each to closely understand how the participants were fetching firewood, carrying them either to their homes or selling markets and check whether there were any forest management systems on other previously tree-felled areas. The four situations that were observed are; Ward 1 (Kurukeni village and Chihumbiri popularly called Kudhaga {soil} and Ward 4 (Chevakadzi/Shamva turn-off and Chevakadzi/Reed boundary)and they were selected for their prominent and known hive of activity in firewood sales. It may be important to highlight that the two wards share features which are almost the same; wooded areas, former commercial farming areas, wood source for residents of Bindura town and proximity to Bindura town. Otherwise all the other features and characteristics are the same for both inhabitants and natural elements. Again, all the 10 ward-based participants use firewood for domestic energy and none has access to electricity in the former farm houses. The study was conducted in the summer season when there is plenty of dry firewood and yet it is very hot for heavy and manual jobs. To analyse data, Content Analysis was employed to help appreciate what respondents had said. This was complimented by Heuristic Analysis which looked at how concerned participants experienced the world. To help the above data analyses and ensure rigour, the study employed NVIVO computer programme to analyse some of the data collected on the ground. The study specifically sought to answer the following questions; the nexus between gender and poverty, women coping mechanisms during energy-needy times, the gravity of youth/women hostility over firewood and the impact of the conflict on the environment and women themselves and how the conflict could be addressed. 2.1. Theoretical Framework To properly study the relationship between women/youth, poverty and energy needs in Bindura, it was important to appreciate the need for an understanding of both conflict concepts and conflict resolution dynamics. This therefore raised the question whether the conflicts had been a result of greed or grievance as posited by Collier (2000) or were simply a motivation of either a culturalist or premonialist ideology as posited by Thandika Mkandawire in 2002. However, to further understand the conflict, the study was also supported by Nafziger and 3 © 2014 Conscientia Beam. All Rights Reserved International Journal of Sustainable Energy and Environmental Research, 2014, 3(1): 1-15 Auvinen (2000) hypothesis on the failure of the social contract whichderives from the view that social stability is based on a hypothetical social contract between the people and the government. In instances where government fails to deliver as per its promises or pledges, the people respond by venting out their anger variedly.