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A New Examination of Confucius' Rectification of Names
Journal of chinese humanities � (���6) �47-�7� brill.com/joch A New Examination of Confucius’ Rectification of Names Cao Feng (曹峰) Professor of Philosophy, Renmin University, China [email protected] Translated by Brook Hefright Abstract Confucius’ explanation of the “rectification of names” is not necessarily related to the theories of “social status” and “names and actuality.” The reason scholars have inter- preted the rectification of names in the Analects in so many different ways is, to a large degree, due to assumptions about Confucius’ thinking by his successors, and based on the views on rectification of names among later generations. In the course of the devel- opment of thinking about names, scholars have augmented Confucius’ own explana- tion, gradually fleshing it out from an empty shell into a substantial edifice. The original meaning may have been very simple: Confucius did not wish to establish a standard system of names. Rather, he was simply the first person in history to realize the impor- tance of language in politics. As a politician, Confucius noticed and foresaw the influ- ence that the indeterminacy, ambiguity, and arbitrariness of names could have on politics. He discerned the political consequences when language could not accurately express meaning or when there was no way for people to accurately perceive it. He also recognized how names, as a way of clarifying right and wrong and establishing norms, could have a great effect on a society’s politics. Although Confucius noted that disunity in speech could lead to disunity in politics, he did not propose a solution. -
The Analects of Confucius
The analecTs of confucius An Online Teaching Translation 2015 (Version 2.21) R. Eno © 2003, 2012, 2015 Robert Eno This online translation is made freely available for use in not for profit educational settings and for personal use. For other purposes, apart from fair use, copyright is not waived. Open access to this translation is provided, without charge, at http://hdl.handle.net/2022/23420 Also available as open access translations of the Four Books Mencius: An Online Teaching Translation http://hdl.handle.net/2022/23421 Mencius: Translation, Notes, and Commentary http://hdl.handle.net/2022/23423 The Great Learning and The Doctrine of the Mean: An Online Teaching Translation http://hdl.handle.net/2022/23422 The Great Learning and The Doctrine of the Mean: Translation, Notes, and Commentary http://hdl.handle.net/2022/23424 CONTENTS INTRODUCTION i MAPS x BOOK I 1 BOOK II 5 BOOK III 9 BOOK IV 14 BOOK V 18 BOOK VI 24 BOOK VII 30 BOOK VIII 36 BOOK IX 40 BOOK X 46 BOOK XI 52 BOOK XII 59 BOOK XIII 66 BOOK XIV 73 BOOK XV 82 BOOK XVI 89 BOOK XVII 94 BOOK XVIII 100 BOOK XIX 104 BOOK XX 109 Appendix 1: Major Disciples 112 Appendix 2: Glossary 116 Appendix 3: Analysis of Book VIII 122 Appendix 4: Manuscript Evidence 131 About the title page The title page illustration reproduces a leaf from a medieval hand copy of the Analects, dated 890 CE, recovered from an archaeological dig at Dunhuang, in the Western desert regions of China. The manuscript has been determined to be a school boy’s hand copy, complete with errors, and it reproduces not only the text (which appears in large characters), but also an early commentary (small, double-column characters). -
Han Fei and the Han Feizi
Introduction: Han Fei and the Han Feizi Paul R. Goldin Han Fei 韓非 was the name of a proli fi c Chinese philosopher who (according to the scanty records available to us) was executed on trumped up charges in 233 B.C.E. Han Feizi 韓非子, meaning Master Han Fei , is the name of the book purported to contain his writings. In this volume, we distinguish rigorously between Han Fei (the man) and Han Feizi (the book) for two main reasons. First, the authenticity of the Han Feizi —or at least of parts of it—has long been doubted (the best studies remain Lundahl 1992 and Zheng Liangshu 1993 ) . This issue will be revisited below; for now, suffi ce to it to say that although the contributors to this volume accept the bulk of it as genuine, one cannot simply assume that Han Fei was the author of everything in the Han Feizi . Indeed, there is a memorial explic- itly attributed to Han Fei’s rival Li Si 李斯 (ca. 280–208 B.C.E.) in the pages of the Han Feizi ( Chen Qiyou 陳奇猷 2000 : 1.2.42–47); some scholars fear that other material in the text might also be the work of people other than Han Fei. Second, and no less importantly, even if Han Fei is responsible for the lion’s share of the extant Han Feizi , a reader must be careful not to identify the philosophy of Han Fei himself with the philosophy (or philosophies) advanced in the Han Feizi , as though these were necessarily the same thing. -
Han Feizi's Criticism of Confucianism and Its Implications for Virtue Ethics
JOURNAL OF MORAL PHILOSOPHY Journal of Moral Philosophy 5 (2008) 423–453 www.brill.nl/jmp Han Feizi’s Criticism of Confucianism and its Implications for Virtue Ethics * Eric L. Hutton Department of Philosophy, University of Utah, 215 S. Central Campus Drive, CTIHB, 4th fl oor, Salt Lake City, UT 84112, USA [email protected] Abstract Several scholars have recently proposed that Confucianism should be regarded as a form of virtue ethics. Th is view off ers new approaches to understanding not only Confucian thinkers, but also their critics within the Chinese tradition. For if Confucianism is a form of virtue ethics, we can then ask to what extent Chinese criticisms of it parallel criticisms launched against contemporary virtue ethics, and what lessons for virtue ethics in general might be gleaned from the challenges to Confucianism in particular. Th is paper undertakes such an exercise in examining Han Feizi, an early critic of Confucianism. Th e essay off ers a careful interpretation of the debate between Han Feizi and the Confucians and suggests that thinking through Han Feizi’s criticisms and the possible Confucian responses to them has a broader philosophical payoff , namely by highlighting a problem for current defenders of virtue ethics that has not been widely noticed, but deserves attention. Keywords Bernard Williams, Chinese philosophy, Confucianism, Han Feizi, Rosalind Hursthouse, virtue ethics Although Confucianism is now almost synonymous with Chinese culture, over the course of history it has also attracted many critics from among the Chinese themselves. Of these critics, one of the most interesting is Han Feizi (ca. -
Divination, Fate Manipulation and Protective Knowledge in And
Divination, Fate Manipulation and Protective Knowledge In and Around ” The Wedding of the Duke of Zhou and Peach Blossom Girl ” , a Popular Myth of Late Imperial China Vincent Durand-Dastès To cite this version: Vincent Durand-Dastès. Divination, Fate Manipulation and Protective Knowledge In and Around ” The Wedding of the Duke of Zhou and Peach Blossom Girl ” , a Popular Myth of Late Imperial China. Michael Lackner. Coping with the future: theories and practices of divination in East Asia, Brill, 2017, Sinica Leidensia, 9789004346536. hal-01695407 HAL Id: hal-01695407 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01695407 Submitted on 29 Jan 2018 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Divination, Fate Manipulation and Protective Knowledge In and Around “The Wedding of the Duke of Zhou and Peach Blossom Girl”, a Popular Myth of Late Imperial China Vincent Durand-Dastès The story of the wedding of Peach blossom girl is a rather peculiar comic and magic narrative of late imperial China, first appearing at the end of the Yuan dynasty and afterwards continually retold and restaged. Its protagonist is a divine fortuneteller named Zhougong 周 公 (literally, “the Duke of Zhou”) who goes down into the world to open a soothsayer shop. -
Discourses and Practices of Confucian Friendship in 16Th-Century Korea Isabelle Sancho
Discourses and Practices of Confucian Friendship in 16th-Century Korea Isabelle Sancho To cite this version: Isabelle Sancho. Discourses and Practices of Confucian Friendship in 16th-Century Korea. Licence. European Program for the Exchange of Lecturers (EPEL)- The Association for Korean Studies in Europe, Bucharest, Romania. 2014. hal-02905241 HAL Id: hal-02905241 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02905241 Submitted on 24 Jul 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Friday May 30, 2014 University of Bucharest - EPEL talk Isabelle SANCHO CNRS-EHESS Paris “Discourses and Practices of Confucian Friendship in 16th-Century Korea” The original Confucian school might be described as starting with a group of disciples and friends gathering together around the central figure of a master: Confucius, Master Kong. The man Confucius, as he has been staged in the text of the Analects, is always surrounded by a few key figures with distinct personalities, social backgrounds, and trajectories: the practical and straight-talker Zilu with military training, the gifted and politically skilled Zigong coming from a wealthy family, the youngest and favorite disciple Yan Hui from humble origins whose premature death left the Master inconsolable, Zengzi keen on transmitting the supposed true teachings of Confucius and to whom is attributed the Book of Filial Piety, etc. -
Mencius on Becoming Human a Dissertation Submitted To
UNIVERSITY OF HAWNI LIBRARY MENCIUS ON BECOMING HUMAN A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI'I IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN PHILOSOPHY DECEMBER 2002 By James P. Behuniak Dissertation Committee: Roger Ames, Chairperson Eliot Deutsch James Tiles Edward Davis Steve Odin Joseph Grange 11 ©2002 by James Behuniak, Jr. iii For my Family. IV ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS With support from the Center for Chinese Studies at the University of Hawai'i, the Harvard-Yenching Institute at Harvard University, and the Office of International Relations at Peking University, much of this work was completed as a Visiting Research Scholar at Peking Univeristy over the academic year 2001-2002. Peking University was an ideal place to work and I am very grateful for the support of these institutions. I thank Roger Ames for several years of instruction, encouragement, generosity, and friendship, as well as for many hours of conversation. I also thank the Ames family, Roger, Bonney, and Austin, for their hospitality in Beijing. I thank Geir Sigurdsson for being the best friend that a dissertation writer could ever hope for. Geir was also in Beijing and read and commented on the manuscript. I thank my committee members for comments and recommendations submitted over the course of this work. lowe a lot to Jim Tiles for prompting me to think through the subtler components of my argument. I take full responsibility for any remaining weaknesses that carry over into this draft. I thank my additional member, Joseph Grange, who has been a mentor and friend for many years. -
ABSTRACT Title of Document: the ANTI-CONFUCIAN CAMPAIGN
ABSTRACT Title of Document: THE ANTI-CONFUCIAN CAMPAIGN DURING THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION, AUGUST 1966-JANUARY 1967 Zehao Zhou, Doctor of Philosophy, 2011 Directed By: Professor James Gao, Department of History This dissertation examines the attacks on the Three Kong Sites (Confucius Temple, Confucius Mansion, Confucius Cemetery) in Confucius’s birthplace Qufu, Shandong Province at the start of the Cultural Revolution. During the height of the campaign against the Four Olds in August 1966, Qufu’s local Red Guards attempted to raid the Three Kong Sites but failed. In November 1966, Beijing Red Guards came to Qufu and succeeded in attacking the Three Kong Sites and leveling Confucius’s tomb. In January 1967, Qufu peasants thoroughly plundered the Confucius Cemetery for buried treasures. This case study takes into consideration all related participants and circumstances and explores the complicated events that interwove dictatorship with anarchy, physical violence with ideological abuse, party conspiracy with mass mobilization, cultural destruction with revolutionary indo ctrination, ideological vandalism with acquisitive vandalism, and state violence with popular violence. This study argues that the violence against the Three Kong Sites was not a typical episode of the campaign against the Four Olds with outside Red Guards as the principal actors but a complex process involving multiple players, intraparty strife, Red Guard factionalism, bureaucratic plight, peasant opportunism, social ecology, and ever- evolving state-society relations. This study also maintains that Qufu locals’ initial protection of the Three Kong Sites and resistance to the Red Guards were driven more by their bureaucratic obligations and self-interest rather than by their pride in their cultural heritage. -
Wu-Wei and Wu-Zhi in Daodejing: an Ancient Chinese Epistemological View on Learning
IOSR Journal of Research & Method in Education (IOSR-JRME) e-ISSN: 2320–7388,p-ISSN: 2320–737X Volume 7, Issue 1 Ver. V (Jan. - Feb. 2017), PP 55-58 www.iosrjournals.org Wu-wei and Wu-zhi in Daodejing: An Ancient Chinese Epistemological View on Learning Lei Xie Texas A&M University Abstract: Daodejing, one of the most influential books in China was written by one of the greatest philosophers in ancient China, an elder contemporary of Confucius, Laozi. Daodejing was mainly the records of the observation from nature and the interactions between humans. Laozi, with his appreciation of nature, introduced the concepts of wu-wei, non-action and wu-zhi, not-knowing. His work has been spread all over the world, especially in Southeast Asia, serving as the canon of Daoism. This paper explores the notion of wu-wei and wu-zhi. A special epistemological view on knowledge acquiring will be introduced. Dewey’s body learning and Laozi’s wu-wei will be connected. The application of Daodejing and Laozi’s philosophical idea in the modern age will be discussed. Keywords: Dao and Wu, wu-wei, wu-zhi, knowledge boundary I. Laozi and Daodejing Laozi, who lived around 450 BC in China, was an ancient Chinese philosopher and poet. He was an elder contemporary of Confucius (Lau, 1989). His worldview and philosophical view has influenced China and Southeast Asia widely. However, according to the Shi Ji (Records of the Historian), there were only two claimed facts in his entire biography. The first fact was the meeting between Laozi and Confucius, and the second fact was Laozi’s journey to the west and the writing of Daodejing as a request from the Keeper of the Pass (Sima, 1979). -
The “Masters” in the Shiji
T’OUNG PAO T’oungThe “Masters” Pao 101-4-5 in (2015) the Shiji 335-362 www.brill.com/tpao 335 The “Masters” in the Shiji Martin Kern (Princeton University) Abstract The intellectual history of the ancient philosophical “Masters” depends to a large extent on accounts in early historiography, most importantly Sima Qian’s Shiji which provides a range of longer and shorter biographies of Warring States thinkers. Yet the ways in which personal life experiences, ideas, and the creation of texts are interwoven in these accounts are diverse and uneven and do not add up to a reliable guide to early Chinese thought and its protagonists. In its selective approach to different thinkers, the Shiji under-represents significant parts of the textual heritage while developing several distinctive models of authorship, from anonymous compilations of textual repertoires to the experience of personal hardship and political frustration as the precondition for turning into a writer. Résumé L’histoire intellectuelle des “maîtres” de la philosophie chinoise ancienne dépend pour une large part de ce qui est dit d’eux dans l’historiographie ancienne, tout particulièrement le Shiji de Sima Qian, qui offre une série de biographies plus ou moins étendues de penseurs de l’époque des Royaumes Combattants. Cependant leur vie, leurs idées et les conditions de création de leurs textes se combinent dans ces biographies de façon très inégale, si bien que l’ensemble ne saurait être considéré comme l’équivalent d’un guide de la pensée chinoise ancienne et de ses auteurs sur lequel on pourrait s’appuyer en toute confiance. -
Where Did All the Filial Sons Go?
CHAPTER 1 Where Did All the Filial Sons Go? In the year 73 BCE, the most powerful man in the Han empire, the General- in-Chief (da jiangjun 大將軍) Huo Guang 霍光 (d. 68 BCE), charged Liu He 劉賀 (ca. 92–59 BCE), the Imperial Heir Apparent, with ritual misconduct. The General called for Liu’s removal from power as the result of a scandal involving sex, alcohol, and a man ostensibly in mourning. In a memorial to the empress dowager, Huo enumerated the crimes of the eighteen-year-old Liu. While in mourning for his imperial predecessor, the young man indulged in such pastimes as visiting zoos and bringing entertainers into the palace, when music and dance were not only in poor taste, but also strictly forbid- den to mourners. He used public money for making gifts of concubines to his friends and imprisoned officials who tried to admonish him.1 Worse still, Liu ate meat, drank spirits, and engaged in sexual activity (all forbidden to mourners). In fact, while traveling to the capital, he ordered his subordinates to seize women on the road and load them into screened carriages. Upon his arrival in the capital, the debauchery continued, as Liu and his followers took liberties with women from the dead emperor’s harem. Acts such as these led Huo to conclude, not unreasonably, that the young man, though he wore the garments of deepest mourning, was “without sorrow or grief in his heart.”2 Such a lack of filial piety, Huo reminded the empress dowager, was the grav- est of crimes, and thus called for severe punishment and removal from power.3 Huo’s arguments met with imperial favor: not long afterwards, Liu’s riotous followers were executed, and he was duly removed as heir apparent and sent back to the provinces. -
<I>Daxue and Zhongyong: Bilingual Edition</I> Translator by Ian
Book Reviews Ian Johnston and Wang Ping, translators and annotators. Daxue and Zhongyong: Bilingual Edition. Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 2012. Pp. 567. $80 (hardcover). ISBN 978-962-996-445-0. This is a must-have book for anyone with a serious interest in the two seminal Confucian texts Daxue 大學 and Zhongyong 中庸, usually translated as the Great Learning and the Doctrine of the Mean. It is much more than an anno- tated translation with introduction. First of all, it includes two versions of each text. The first is the version found in theLiji 禮記 (Record of Ritual), where the Daxue was chapter 42 and the Zhongyong was chapter 31. This is accompanied by the most authoritative commentaries of the Han and Tang dynasties, by Zheng Xuan 鄭玄 (127–200) and Kong Yingda 孔穎達 (574–648), as found in the Shisanjing zhushu 十三經注疏 (The Thirteen Classics with Notes and Commentary), edited by Ruan Yuan 阮元 (1764–1849). Zheng Xuan’s notes are mostly philological and quite brief, while Kong Yingda’s comments are more philosophical and much longer. The second is the text as found in the Sishu zhangju jizhu 四書章句集注 (The Four Books in Chapters and Sentences) by Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200), along with his commentary. Both the texts themselves and the commentaries are given in Chinese and English on facing pages. The notes on Chinese pronunciation are given in the Chinese but are omitted, with ellipses, in the English. In addition, there is a General Introduction (15 pages); an Introduction to each text (22 and 29 pages, respectively); three appendices: “The Origin of the Liji” (3 pages), “Commentaries and Translations” (21 pages), and “Terminology” (28 pages); a classified bibliography; an index of names; and a general index.