The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 the Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015

The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015

Barnard College Queens College (CUNY) Claremont Colleges Consortium Livingstone College Bowdoin College Rice University Claremont McKenna College Miles College Brooklyn College (CUNY) Smith Colege Harvey Mudd College Morehouse College Brown University Stanford University Pitzer College Morris College Bryn Mawr College Swarthmore College Pomona College Oakwood College California Institute of Technology University of California at Berkeley Scripps College Paine College Carleton College University of California at Los Angeles Paul Quinn College City College of New York (CUNY) University of California at Riverside United Negro College Fund Participants Philander Smith College Columbia University University of Cape Town Allen University Rust College Connecticut College University of Chicago Benedict College Saint Augustine’s College Cornell University University of New Mexico Bennett College Saint Paul’s College Dartmouth College University of Pennsylvania Bethune-Cookman University Shaw University Duke University University of Puerto Rico Claflin University Spelman College Emory University University of Southern California Clark Atlanta University Stillman College Grinnell College University of Texas at Austin Dillard University Talladega College Harvard University University of the Western Cape Edward Waters College Texas College Haverford College University of the Witwatersrand Fisk University Tougaloo College Heritage University Washington University Florida Memorial University Tuskegee University Hunter College (CUNY) Wellesley College Huston-Tillotson University Virginia Union University Macalester College Wesleyan University Interdenominational Theological Center Voorhees College Northwestern University Whittier College Jarvis Christian College Wilberforce University Oberlin College Williams College Johnson C. Smith University Wiley College Princeton University Yale University Lane College Xavier University LeMoyne-Owen College Through subtle shades of color, the cover design represents the layers of richness and diversity that flourish within minority communities. The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 A collection of scholarly research by fellows of the Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Program

Preface

The core mission of The Andrew W. Mellon Foundation is truly ambitious; the Foundation “endeavors to strengthen, promote, and, where necessary, defend the contributions of the humanities and the arts to human flourishing and to the well-being of diverse and democratic societies.” i Operationalizing this laudable goal is a complex process. At its core, a truly democratic society is predicated on the active participation of a knowledgeable citizenry. In order to realize the full potential of a representative and diverse democracy, it’s crucial that those filling keys roles in higher education are equally as diverse as those we hope to educate and empower. As a concrete step toward promoting the diverse contributions of the humanities and arts to human flourishing, the Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship (MMUF) program directly confronts the historical lack of diversity in the academy; by supporting students from underrepresented minority groups, the MMUF program directly increases the number of diverse scholars securing both a PhD and a faculty position at institutions of higher education.

The hallmark of this increased diversity is the ability of scholars—and the population at large—to determine their own intellectual agenda and path, and to share these contributions broadly and powerfully. The 22 Fellows who have contributed to the 2015 MMUF Journal reﬂect and advance this tradition. Their academic interests range across many nations, cultures, time periods, and environments—from undersea to distant stars to self-produced internet comedy series. Ultimately though, these Fellows are all concerned with better understanding the human experience: understanding our own selves, understanding those around us, and understanding how our history has shaped us and how we shape our future, with respect to both our physical and experiential environments.

This year, all of us involved with the journal are proud to present the launch of a new editorial process at the MMUF Journal—one that elevates the scope of the journal’s ambition. Article selection and revision now better mirrors the process of premier academic journals. Every student submission is anonymously reviewed and scored by two independent members of the MMUF Journal Editorial Board, as well as the Editor-in-Chief. Thoughtful critique is sent to every student based on the synthesis of these reviews. Articles ultimately selected for publication reﬂect multiple rounds of revision and interaction with the Editor-in-Chief. This process not only consistently aligns article selection and development with MMUF’s core mission of scholarly excellence, it gives Fellows key preparation for the level of professional publication expected of graduate students and faculty.

This new process has allowed for increased one-on-one interaction between the Editor-in-Chief and Fellows. I can personally attest that the hours I’ve spent getting to know these Fellows through their research, writing, and conversation has demonstrated the extent to which these Fellows reﬂect the ideals of MMUF and the Foundation overall. Not only are the Fellows growing in their own scholarship—and in so doing, vastly increasing the diversity of participants in the academy—they are deeply, passionately committed to contributing and communicating this diversity of experience and thought to society. It is with great pride that we present the 2015 Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal as a window onto these contributions.

Jerusha Achterberg Gregory A. Llacer MMUF Journal Editor-in-Chief MMUF Journal Editorial Board Preceptor in Expository Writing Director, Ofﬁce of Undergraduate Harvard University Research and Fellowships Harvard University

Duchess Harris Mary Laurita Krishna Winston MMUF Journal Editorial Board MMUF Journal Editorial Board MMUF Journal Editorial Board Professor and Chair of Assistant Dean, College of Arts Marcus L. Taft Professor of American Studies and Sciences German Language and Literature Macalester College Washington University in St. Louis Professor of German Studies Professor of Environmental Studies Wesleyan University

i https://mellon.org/about/mission/

The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015

Table of Contents

3 42 Kellen Aguilar, Whittier College Sarah Iverson, Smith College How to White Man: Intersections of Race and Gender in Unpacking Equality Ideology: The Relationship between “The Short Happy Life of Francis Macomber” Race and Colorblind Attitudes Advisor/Mentor(s): Charles Adams, Michelle Chihara Advisor/Mentor(s): Ginetta Candelario, Tina Wildhagen

8 46 Brandon Alston, Haverford College Michelle R. Jackson, Smith College Nicki Beez King and Queen: An Exploration of Nicki Minaj’s Enactment Potential Effects of Eastern Hemlock Decline on the of Masculinity, Discursive Domination, and Gender-Blending Hemlock-Associated Liverwort Bazzania trilobata Advisor/Mentor(s): Tracey Hucks Advisor/Mentor(s): Jesse Bellemare

12 50 Isaiah W. Bolden, Bowdoin College Hadiya Layla Jones, Spelman College Reconstructing Tropical Climates with Coral Reefs: Resisting the Matrix: Black Female Agency in Issa Rae’s Links to Local Precipitation and Primary Productivity Awkward Black Girl Advisor/Mentor(s): Michèle LaVigne Advisor/Mentor(s): Tarshia Stanley

17 54 Courtney Brown, Rice University Paulina Jones-Torregrosa, Wesleyan University “Black and the Box It Came In”: Identity and Authenticity in The Limits of Narration in Nonﬁction and Fiction Percival Everett’s Erasure Advisor/Mentor(s): Rachel Ellis Neyra Advisor/Mentor(s): Nicole Waligora-Davis 59 21 Maya Little, Bowdoin College Lucy Carreño-Roca, Bryn Mawr College Patriots: The Creation of the Chaoxianzu Ethnic Identity Woven Narratives of Truth, Reconciliation, and the South African Advisor/Mentor(s): Leah Zuo Collective: Marginalized Testimony within Sindiwe Magona’s Mother to Mother and K.Sello Duiker’s Thirteen Cents 65 Advisor/Mentor(s): Linda-Susan Beard, Leslie Cheng, Madison Nelson-Turner, Hampton University Jennifer Harford-Vargas The Madwoman Is Out of the Attic: A Literary Analysis on Contemporary Anthologies’ Construction of the “Madwoman” 24 in Nineteenth-Century British Women’s Literature Jafet Diego, Whittier College Advisor/Mentor(s): Joyce Jarrett Juchari Uinapekua: Autonomy and Self-Governance in Cherán Advisor/Mentor(s): Gustavo Geirola 69 Golden Marie Owens, Bowdoin College 29 Producing “Reality”: “Authentic” Representations of Black Women Taylor Gail Evans, University of California, Berkeley in Reality Television “We Are Here and We Will Not Be Silenced”: Sylvia Rivera, STAR, Advisor/Mentor(s): Elizabeth Muther and the Struggle for Transgender Rights, 1969–1974 Advisor/Mentor(s): Thomas Lacquer 75 Angela Pastorelli-Sosa, Williams College 33 Kara Walker’s Pornographic Parody of the Black, Enslaved, Wanda Feng, Smith College Raped Woman Revisiting Forbidden Lines in T Tauri Stars Advisor/Mentor(s): Jay Clarke Advisor/Mentor(s): Suzan Edwards 80 37 Sharee Rivera, University of California, Berkeley Kerwin Holmes, Jr., Morehouse College Speaking with the Dead: Encountering Psychic Violence The Gospel of Slavery: A Study of Antebellum Southern American in the Archives of Slavery and Colonialism Christian Thought on African Slavery following the Second Great Advisor/Mentor(s): Samera Esmeir Awakening—Scholarship on Black Christianity in the 19th-Century American South 85 Advisor/Mentor(s): Frederick Knight Victoria Sánchez, Carleton College Rethinking Respeto: The Sexual Politics of Respectability in Queer El Paso, Texas Advisor/Mentor(s): Adriana Estill, Constanza Ocampo-Raeder

1 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015

Table of Contents

90 99 Claudia Vargus, Hunter College Melanie White, University of Pennsylvania The Effects of Floods on Educational Attainment for Young Children Early 2000s Dancehall, Hip-hop, and R&B Collaborations in Bangladesh and Audio-Visual Politics of Resistance Advisor/Mentor(s): Randall Filer, Raymond Guiteras Advisor/Mentor(s): Juliet Hooker

95 103 Jiemin (Tina) Wei, Princeton University Anthony J. Williams, University of California, Berkeley A Late Antique Conversation on Paideia South African Healthcare: Utopian Dream or Failed Reality? Advisor/Mentor(s): Jack Tannous Advisor/Mentor(s): Juana Maria Rodriguez, Joy Hightower

2 How to White Man: Intersections of Race and Gender in “The Short Happy Life of Francis Macomber” Kellen Aguilar, Whittier College

Kellen Aguilar is a senior at Whittier College, majoring in political events that shifted the dynamics of power between English and history and minoring in Spanish. He has been white men and women and African Americans in the early working on his research on Ernest Hemingway for almost two twentieth-century United States. years and has followed that research to Cuba and South Africa. After he graduates, Kellen plans to gain some teaching expe- “. . . snapped at him in Swahili” rience before applying to doctoral programs in either English literature or history. He is currently in the process of applying for In “The Short Happy Life,” race is integral to how an English Teaching Assistantship grant in Spain through the Hemingway constructs and defines white masculinity. Fulbright U.S. Student Program. According to Marc Kevin Dudley, Ernest Hemingway’s work deeply reflects the historical, social, and political moment in which he wrote: “Hemingway’s modernity is thus a recog- Abstract nition of race as the pervasive issue for a progressive nation defining itself in a burgeoning century” (Dudley 5).i The My research examines the work of Ernest Hemingway African setting of “The Short Happy Life” serves as a locale in from a racial and gender perspective with specific consid- which, according to Josep Armengol-Carrera, “Hemingway’s eration towards the stories Hemingway wrote as a result work illustrates the connections not only between masculine of his safari experiences in Africa in 1933. Drawing on and white supremacy, but also . . . between gender and racial Toni Morrison’s critique of American literature as inher- equity” (Armengol-Carrera 45). Accordingly, autonomy and ently racialized, Marc Kevin Dudley’s historicizing of authority serve as criteria for foregrounding stereotypes Hemingway’s work in terms of its engagement with issues of whiteness and masculinity while simultaneously back- of race, and Thomas Strychacz and Judith Butler’s insights grounding stereotypes of blackness and femininity in “The into the performativity of gender, among others, I argue that Short Happy Life.” As Toni Morrison advances, the major Hemingway’s “Africa stories,” particularly “The Short Happy themes of American literature — “autonomy, authority, new- Life of Francis Macomber,” reflect the anxieties of white ness and difference, absolute power” — derive from the white male Americans in the twentieth-century United States by American male’s identification of self as master and black defining and elevating a white male ideal in colonial Africa. “other” as slave, and are transformed so that autonomy, as By analyzing the devices Hemingway employs to establish freedom, becomes “individualism,” newness becomes “inno- racial and sexual difference in the “The Short Happy Life,” cence,” distinctiveness becomes “difference,” and author- this essay demonstrates how Hemingway’s story champions ity and absolute power become “heroism,” virility, and the a traditionally masculine, white ideal and suggests that white responsibility of absolute power (Morrison 44). men can (and should) aspire to that ideal. This study’s fundamental position is that any analysis of Hemingway’s work While the African characters in “The Short Happy must account for the author’s interweaving of racial and Life” are grouped together in a collective and obscure periph- gender themes. erality, the story’s white characters — Francis Macomber, Margaret Macomber (a feminine male character and a masculine female character respectively, a point I return to Much of the scholarship written about Ernest below) and Robert Wilson — are each given distinct names, Hemingway’s work focuses on the author’s engagement with personalities, and dialogue. The text refers to its African themes of either race or gender. However, excepting work characters not individually by their respective names but by Carl Eby, Joseph Armengol-Carrera and a few others, collectively as the “boys” (Hemingway 5, 7, 11, 15, 17). commentary on the connections between gender and race in It is never apparent exactly how many African characters Hemingway studies is generally nonexistent. I contend that are present at any given time throughout the narrative, any analysis of Hemingway’s work limits itself without equal which only means that they are present always as a canvas consideration to the author’s conception of whiteness vis-à- against which Wilson, Francis, and Margaret are further vis blackness and masculinity vis-à-vis femininity, especially defined simply by being active rather than passive. In this within the historical context in which Hemingway wrote. way, the African characters are positioned as subservient to Inspired by Gail Bederman’s proposal that “Neither sexism the white characters, specifically to Robert Wilson. When nor racism will be rooted out unless both sexism and racism Wilson threatens to whip one of the African laborers, “The are rooted out together” (qtd. in Armgengol-Carrera 43), boy turned away with his face blank” (7). The narrative I have tried to offer a balanced critique of one of Hemingway’s effect is that the boy passively, almost automatically, receives most discussed short stories, “The Short Happy Life of Wilson’s violence without any reaction or resistance, which Francis Macomber,” which follows an American couple and suggests a relationship similar to the master-slave relation- a British hunter on safari in 1930’s Africa. Ultimately, I inter- ship that Morrison argues was crucial to the formation of a pret the story as reconstituting and urging white maleness — white (male) American identity. a white male ideal — in response to several major social and 3 Hemingway invests Wilson with not only a performa- Wilson’s promise to dissemble Francis’s performative tive white masculine authority but an authorial power as well. failure reflects another aspect of Wilson’s authorial power. The Africans’ native Swahili is verbalized almost entirely by If Wilson were to tell others about Francis’s unmanly per- Wilson, such that he makes frequent use of Swahili terms formance, or how Francis’s “eyes showed when he was hurt” like shauri and memsahib, while the African laborers’ only dia- (Hemingway 8), it would put into question Wilson’s own logue, and the only time the text permits the laborers to use white male authority, since both Wilson and Francis are Swahili terms, is to affirm what Wilson says or orders: “Yes, white men (Francis hires Wilson to be his safari guide, after Bwana,” for instance (Bwana meaning “boss” or “master”) all). As Wilson reminds Francis: “You know in Africa no (14). Otherwise, the Africans’ language (spoken by Wilson) is woman ever misses her lion and no white man ever bolts,” relayed by narration: “snapped at him in Swahili,” “spoke in to which Francis responds defeatedly: “I bolted like a rabbit” Swahili,” “spoke in rapid Swahili” (7, 14, 22). The narration (Hemingway 8). Here, Wilson tries to account for Francis’s elects Wilson to diminish the story’s African presence by fil- transgression of performative white masculinity by giving tering African language through him, permitting the African Francis an opportunity to defend himself, to make up for his characters to use Swahili terms only under circumstances failure to defend himself against the lion. But Francis simply that affirm Wilson’s autonomy and authority. receives Wilson’s insults without reaction, similar to how the African laborers receive Wilson’s violence; that is, passively. Wilson’s control of language therefore adds And, to be sure, the fiction of white male power and fearless- another dimension to the white masculinity expressed in ness (“no white man ever bolts”) is one that Wilson’s charac- Hemingway’s story. If Robert Wilson is the story’s rep- ter appears to enforce. For example, Wilson is described as resentative of well-performed white masculinity, then he having “machine-gunner’s eyes,” which invokes the imperi- is also invested with a narrative autonomy and authority alist devastation wreaked on the story’s African setting. This, akin to Hemingway himself. Hemingway, as author, con- along with Wilson’s whipping of the African characters and trols language; he determines who gets to speak and who his illegal use of motor cars to run down the African wildlife, doesn’t, who gets to use Swahili terms and what kind of characterize Wilson’s autonomous and authoritative white terms. Similarly, language must be filtered through Wilson masculinity as supremacist. before it can appear on the page. Wilson has the privilege of speaking Swahili because he is a white, male authority. If Wilson represents an idealized white masculin- In addition to his linguistic authorial autonomy, Wilson is ity, then Francis Macomber represents a kind of failed in control of the narrative of “The Short Happy Life” in white masculinity by showing fear in the face of danger several other ways. and asking, “What had I ought to give them?” in return for the African laborers’ service (Hemingway 5). Francis’s “. . . no white man ever bolts” behavior disquiets Wilson: “You most certainly could not tell a damned thing about an American” (8), and the text Wilson’s white masculinity is self-reflexive; his char- intimates that “Macomber did not know how Wilson felt acter affirms that masculinity and whiteness, pivoted around about things” (18). Francis is not privy, in other words, to acts of autonomy and authority or cowardice and subservi- the performances of power that Wilson must enact, and is ence, are performances. For instance, after an incident in conscious of enacting, to sustain the legitimacy of white which Francis flees from a lion that Wilson must kill by him- masculinity. Importantly, it is after Francis flees from the self, Wilson assures Francis that he “doesn’t have to worry lion that the text notes that Wilson “could tell that the boys about me talking” (Hemingway 8). Wilson understands that all knew about it” (7); in other words, that the African labor- the power afforded by white masculinity in Africa derives its ers are beginning to question Wilson’s authority because of legitimacy from others’ approbation. As Thomas Strychacz Francis’s poorly performed example. Realizing the tentative- argues: ness of his authority prompts Wilson to reassert himself by threatening to whip the African laborers, to which Francis Hemingway’s male characters are constituted as exclaims: “How strange!”, further suggesting that Francis is men through achieving autonomy; and by performance rather than by a process of internal oblivious to such dynamics of power, much less his own role transformation. Hemingway emphasizes the theat- in them (7). rical representation of masculinity. . . . Masculinity in Hemingway can be seen more profitably Francis’s flight from the lion and his violation of

The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 as a trope that must be negotiated into meaning by Wilson’s rule that “in Africa . . . no white man ever bolts” means of a changing structural relationship between ultimately suggest that Francis has disgraced his whiteness character, masculine code, and legitimating audi- and masculinity and is therefore worthless and as good as ence. (Theaters of Masculinity 8) dead, so that in the end, Francis is punished for his trans- gressions: his wife, Margaret, (accidentally) kills him with 4 a Mannlicher rifle. Notably, Francis’s fate is foreshadowed next to a black man who is apparently his valet. The valet in the scene shortly after the lion incident, in which Francis holds Hemingway’s quarry while Hemingway looks into “had just shown himself, very publicly, to be a coward” the camera, single-handedly propping up a shotgun in a (Hemingway 6). After Francis flees from the lion, he is phallic pose. The way the photograph is shot — ostensi- carried, we are told, “to his tent from the edge of the camp bly from an incline, looking upward toward Hemingway, in triumph on the arms and shoulders of the cook, the per- who returns a downward glance at the camera — the way sonal boys, the skinner and the porters . . .” (5). The scene the barrel of Hemingway’s gun intersects the black man’s bears some comparison to how a dead lion would have neck, Hemingway’s all-white attire, the staged nature of the been handled on Hemingway’s own safaris, in which the photograph and its relationship to the other photograph of African porters would carry the quarry that Hemingway Hemingway, the African porters, and the dead lion, permits killed back to camp, presumably “in triumph.” This dynamic an interpretation of both images as Hemingway “sizing is represented in a photograph taken by Earl Theisen dur- up” his whiteness and masculinity against blackness, his ing Hemingway’s 1952 safari, in which Hemingway stands authority autonomy against passivity and impotence. Thus, to the side, gun in hand, while the African porters crowd Hemingway’s control of his own photographic image rein- around a dead lion and drag it by its tail (see Figure 1). In forces the connection between his and Robert Wilson’s the photograph, Hemingway, like Robert Wilson in “The authorial power. Short Happy Life,” is the white male hunter — individuated and masculine, autonomous and authoritative. Conversely, the African porters in the photograph, like the African characters in the story, are grouped together in a nondescript mass and passively, subserviently receive white male action, or the product of white male action in Africa: the dead lion. The African characters are doing what is arguably “women’s work” by cleaning up after a masculine figure. The fact that Hemingway hired Earl Theisen, a professional photographer, to photograph his safari obviously suggests that the images themselves are staged and that Hemingway’s self-representation is a pose.

Figure 2. Hemingway posing with valet, 1952 (courtesy of Ernest Hemingway Collection, John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum).

“. . . no woman ever misses her lion”

Wilson’s final assertion of authorial power comes at the end of “The Short Happy Life,” when he misrepresents Francis’s death. While the text makes patently clear that Margaret “had shot at the buffalo,” Wilson imposes culpability on Margaret by suggesting various alternative endings to the story: “That was a pretty thing to do . . . he would have left you too;” “Why didn’t you poison him? That’s what Figure 1. Ernest Hemingway inspects his quarry in Kenya, 1952 they do in England,” and by suggesting that Francis brings (Earl Theisen Collection, licensed via GettyImages). his fate upon himself: “Why doesn’t he keep his wife where This photographic performance of whiteness and she belongs? . . . It’s his own damn fault” (Hemingway 28, masculinity is even more suggestive in another of Theisen’s 19). Wilson makes it seem that because Francis does not photographs, also presumably from Hemingway’s 1952 live up to the qualities that the narrative attributes to white safari (see Figure 2). In this photograph, Hemingway stands masculinity, Margaret’s killing of her husband eliminates 5 6 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 finally pleads“pleasestopit” thatWilson uttersthelast stop it,it”(Hemingway 28).Itisn’t untilMargaret the whileshamingMargaretdespite herpleasto“stopit, challenge): “Ofcourseit’s anaccident . . Iknowthat,”all to Margaret(perhapsinrevenge forherearliersarcastic of committingmariticide.Notably, Wilson sayssarcastically band, Margaretis,ironically, mockingly, andfalsely accused woman, Francis is killed by one;fordominatingher hus- not assumingamasculinepositionofdominanceover are punishedinthetextof“TheShortHappyLife”:by through their“incorrect”ormismatchedperformances, into questiontheessentialismofgenderandracialidentity Ryan 900, 908). Thus, Francis and Margaret, by putting is anessentialismofgenderidentityafterall”(Rivkinand and performingitwellprovidesthereassurancethatthere initiates asetofpunishmentsbothobviousandindirect, repetition ofacts”sothat“Performingone’s genderwrong uously constituted in time . . institutedthroughastylized killer. AsJudithButlerargues,allgenderidentitiesare“ten- his wife,andMargaretispunishedbybeingmadeFrancis’s case, race as well), Francis is punished by being killed by perform theirrespectivegenderscorrectly(andinFrancis’s sexuality likeawhipagainstFrancistomakehim“behave.” Margaret assertsherautonomyandauthority, wieldingher assertions ofpower(i.e.,whipping)are“strange”toFrancis, darling . . dismisses his anger: “‘If you make a scene I’ll leave you, When FrancisdiscoversMargaret’s infidelity, sheconfidently retaliation toherhusband’s poordisplayofwhitemasculinity. eventually elopeswithWilson halfwaythrough thestoryin actions andalegitimatingaudience.To besure,Margaret that whitemasculineauthorityisdependentonlegitimating her response suggeststhat she, like Wilson, understands ens Wilson’s authoritybyexposingitsperformativenature; things’ heads off is lovely.’” (Hemingway 9). Margaret threat- again. You werelovelythis morning. Thatis if blowing mistaken,’ shetoldhim.‘AndIwantsotoseeyouperform with themen,sheopenly(publicly)defieshim:“‘You’re very control Margaretbytellingherthatshecan’t comehunting the factthatMargaretisawoman.WhenWilson triesto masculinity, orautonomyandauthority, iscompoundedby difference betweenMargaretandFrancisintermsofwhite and therefore“white,”thanherhusband.Furthermore,the conjunction. Margaretisfarmoreassertiveandmasculine, independently ofeachotherintheHemingwaytext,but gender andrace.To reiterate,genderandraceoperatenot her qualitiesasacharactersupersedeFrancisontwofronts: of thetext. fully performingwhitemasculinity, accordingtothelogic a textualproblem:whitemanwhoisincapableofsuccess- It appearsthatbecauseMargaretandFrancisdonot Margaret mustbetheonetokillFrancisbecause . (20).WhereasWilson’s you’llbehaveyourself” the buffalo — Margaret didn’t intendtokillherhusband — tive endingstothestory. We, asthe audience,knowthat men don’t showfearinAfrica,orbysuggestingalterna - narrative, bycreatingandenforcing thefictionthatwhite the storyarespokenonlybyWilson. Wilson alsocontrols Wilson’s consciousness, andthefewSwahilitermsspokenin black characters’nativelanguagehastobefilteredthrough result, Wilson isprivilegedwithacontroloflanguage:the Francis, andtheperipheralblackpresencethroughout.Asa mances ofmasculineandwhitepowervis-à-visMargaret, that Hemingwayhasasanauthor, aredefinedbyhisperfor autonomy, which run parallel to the authority and autonomy and thestory’s Africancharacters.Wilson’s authorityand ideal, whilealternatelydisempoweringMargaret,Francis, function cooperativelytoempowerWilson asawhitemale Short HappyLife”ishowtheidentitiesofgenderandrace ity to“keephiswifewhereshebelongs.” at Margaret’s handsasaconsequenceofwhiteman’s inabil- of performancefailuresthatallowWilson to justifyhisdeath Africa, nowhitemaneverbolts,” Francis issetupforaseries Through hisinitialtransgressionofWilson’s rulethat“in Wilson’s and,byextension,thetextandHemingway’s logic. man whoisn’t really“white,”oramanatall,accordingto is putnexttoacharacterlikeFrancisMacomber — presence in the text, they are also threatened when Wilson defined incontrasttotheubiquitousalbeitperipheralblack performance. Thus,whereWilson’s whiteattributesare identities forcehimtorecognizethathispowerisalsoa and Margaret’s failuretoperformessentialracialandgender Wilson literallyandfigurativelycontrolsthe whip,Francis of those racially and sexually encoded attributes. Though powerful andmasculine,butalsoconsciousoftheinstability story, RobertWilson isthetext’s whitemaleauthority: of “TheShortHappyLife”ispredicated.InHemingway’s are majoreventsandtrendsonwhichthe1936publication Amendment in1920grantingwomentherighttovote, Woman movement andtheratificationofNineteenth discourse on eugenics,all coupled with the peak oftheNew to northerncities,the1919raceriotsinChicago,arising Great Migration of some two million African Americans and gender landscape in the early twentieth century. The many wayswhiteAmerica’s anxietiestowardashiftingracial “The ShortHappyLife ofFrancisMacomber” Conclusion everything goesbackto“normal.” dominance and the reconstitution of white masculinity, as iftosuggestthatwiththesuccessful reassertion ofmale line ofthestory:“Pleaseismuchbetter. NowI’llstop,” What mustbeemphasizedinthefinalsceneof“The Hemingway’s narrativizingofawhitemaleidealin because thetext makesthisclear. Nonetheless, that sheshotat reflects in a white - Wilson imposes culpability on Margaret for her husband’s Eby, Carl P. Hemingway’s Fetishism: Psychoanalysis and the Mirror of death, thereby provoking doubt about Margaret’s innocence. Manhood. New York: State University of New York Press, 1999. And, finally, Wilson metes out punishment to characters Print. that don’t perform their gender identities correctly, as when Hemingway, Ernest. The Complete Short Stories of Ernest he shames Margaret or when he suggests that Francis’s fate Hemingway: The Finca Vigía Edition. New York: Charles results from his inability to dominate his wife. Apart from Scribner’s Sons, 1987. Print. the text, the photographs from Hemingway’s real-life safari further reinforce this connection in that each photograph Holcomb, E. Gary, and Charles Scruggs (eds.). Hemingway and the very obviously stages Hemingway’s white masculinity vis-à- Black Renaissance. Columbus: Ohio State University, 2012. Print. vis blackness and femininity. Ultimately, then, Hemingway’s Mandel, Miriam B. (ed.). Hemingway and Africa. New York: “Africa story” not only speaks to the anxieties that white Camden House, 2011. Print. American men must have felt about their own racialized and sexualized power, but serves as a cautionary tale for Moddelmog, Debra A., and Suzanne del Gizzo (eds.). Ernest how to perform a white male ideal, narrativized by Wilson’s Hemingway in Context. New York: Cambridge University Press, authoritative (authorial) control. In other words, “The Short 2013. Print. Happy Life” teaches how to be a Robert Wilson as opposed Morrison, Toni. : to a Francis Macomber. Playing in the Dark Whiteness and the Literary Imagination. New York: Vintage, 1993. Print.

Endnote Rivkin, Julie, and Michael Ryan (eds.). Literary Theory: An Anthology 2nd ed. Malden: Blackwell Publishing, 2004. Print. i The increased attention towards emboldening racial difference in the twentieth century gave rise to scientific racism (e.g., Social Darwinism), Strong, Amy. Race and Identity in Hemingway’s Fiction. New York: an ennobled Anglo past as presented in D.W. Griffith’s Birth of a Nation, Palgrave MacMillan, 2008. Print. and a white anxiety towards a perceived onslaught of nonwhite peoples as expressed in such books as Lothrop Stoddard’s The Rising Tide of Color, B.L. Putnam Weale’s The Conflict of Colour, and Madison Grant’s Strychacz, Thomas. Hemingway’s Theaters of Masculinity. Baton The Passing of the Great Race (Dudley 9). There were also the Chicago Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2003. Print. race riots in 1919, not far from Hemingway’s hometown of Oak Park, as well as the rise of the Nazi party in Germany and an emerging discourse on eugenics in the 1930s (Oak Park actually hosted one of the first eugenics conferences in the nation). In addition, women’s increasing social and political authority was manifested in the New Woman movement that had gotten underway at the end of the nineteenth century, as well as the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1919. All of these developments were likely within Hemingway’s awareness and, according to Dudley, informed Hemingway’s writing in such a way that there is a noticeable conservatism in his 1930’s Africa stories, as compared to the stories Hemingway wrote in the 1920s, which were more experimental and subversive.

Bibliography

Armengol-Carrera, Josep. “Race-ing Hemingway: revisions of masculinity and/as whiteness in Ernest Hemingway’s Green Hills of Africa and Under Kilimanjaro.” The Hemingway Review, 31.1 (Fall 2011): pp. 43–61.

Baker, Carlos. Ernest Hemingway: A Life Story. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1969. Print.

Baym, Nina. “Actually, I Felt Sorry for the Lion.” In New Critical Approaches to the Short Stories of Ernest Hemingway. Edited by Jackson J. Benson. Durham: Duke University Press, 1990. Print.

Ducille, Ann. “The Short Happy Life of Black Feminist Theory.” Differences, 21.1 (2010): pp. 32–47.

Dudley, Marc Kevin. Hemingway, Race, and Art: Bloodlines and the Color Line. Kent: Kent State University Press, 2012. Print.

7 Nicki Beez King and Queen: An Exploration of Nicki Minaj’s Enactment of Masculinity, Discursive Domination, and Gender-Blending Brandon Alston, Haverford College

Brandon Alston holds undergraduate degrees in sociology and commonly associated with masculinity, such as divulging religion from Haverford College with a minor in gender and exploitative sexual practices, which also reflects her strate- sexuality studies and a concentration in Africana studies. His gies for interactional dominance against the women adjacent research interests are situated at the nexus of race, gender, class, to her in the video. Unlike Minaj, these women perform and sexuality. Brandon has conducted action-research projects in emphasized femininity, where they must comply with subor- Ghana, England, and Philadelphia. Currently, he is complet- dination and accommodating to the interests of masculinized ing a corporate fellowship to learn more about organizational bodies (Connell 1987). Emphasized femininity is different culture, while also pursuing a master of arts in business man- from other forms of femininity that encompass resistance agement at Wake Forest University. In the future, he plans to and forms of non-compliance. Instead, the women in the pursue a PhD in sociology. video adhere to their subordinate scripts to create space for Minaj’s inclusion in the world of masculinities. The Beez in the Trap music video then symbolizes how Minaj is able to This article engages the deployment of multiple gen- bypass typical feminine categorization as a Female rapper der performances, specifically gender-blending—combining in the Male-dominated world of Hip-hop. By putting forth both masculine and feminine gender performance, in the both feminine and masculine performances, Minaj crafts a Beez in the Trap music video by pop-rapper Nicki Minaj. gender-blended identity that is rooted in masculinist dis- The author argues Minaj presents a gender-blended Black course to enact domination over women’s bodies and her Female performance through an intricate interplay between class and geographic privileges. her imagery and lyrical discourse. On one hand, Minaj’s appearance is presumably feminine given her bodily embel- I view masculinity as a process and as a force through lishments and clothing styles: leotards and bikinis. On the which power is articulated rather than as an endless list other hand, her lyrics represent practices traditionally asso- of configurations of practices acted out by specific bodies ciated with masculinity, such as divulging exploitative sexual (Pascoe 2011; Bederman 1995). Similarly, scholars of gender practices and using class and geographic mobility to enact have indicated how gender is accomplished through daily interactional dominance, which ultimately allows Minaj interactions (Pascoe 2011). People are expected to align with to solidify her masculine performance. Rather than situate their presumed sex; in other words, Females are expected to Minaj as another Female rapper, the author suggests Minaj’s act like women and Males are expected to behave like men. gender-blended performance challenges the world of Hip- While some recent scholarship has articulated the relation- hop to accept her masculinity as well as Femaleness. ship between Female bodies and masculinity, masculinity is still largely tethered to Male bodies, whereas queer femininity is reserved for Female bodies outside of traditional Introduction feminine performances. Nevertheless, it is necessary to uncouple masculinity from Male bodies, because presuming Throughout Nicki Minaj’s tenure in Hip-hop, many masculinity is solely about men attenuates the examination audiences and scholars disassociate her from masculinity. of masculinity; this conceptualization excludes a very real In this way, Minaj’s status as Female obscures her notice- and present population—women who practice masculinity able masculine performances, rendering her masculinity as well as genderqueer folks. illegible. However, Minaj does not only offer masculine displays, she neatly couples them with feminine presen- Specifically, while some recent scholarship has tations crafting a gender-blended identity. Minaj then is viewed Minaj’s gender performances as femme, others have not only unique within the context of Hip-hop because described her masculine performances as queered feminin- of her decidedly masculine performances, but because of ity (Shange 2014). Yet, Pascoe (2005) posits it is vital to the ways in which she has complicated her identity using examine the “masculinizing processes outside Male bod[ies] a combination of discourse and imagery, forcing audiences . . . to identify practices . . . and discourses that constitute to reconcile seemingly contradictory presentations (Neal masculinity.” In disconnecting masculinity from biological 2013). In this analysis, I am primarily interested in Minaj’s understandings, the social constructed-ness of masculinity gender-blended presentation Beez in the Trap music video, is reaffirmed. which was released on April 6, 2012.

In the Beez in the Trap music video, Minaj puts forth Findings

The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2 015 a masculine Black Female performance through a complex Minaj and Masculinist Discourse interplay between her discourse and imagery. Minaj’s visual aesthetic is ostensibly feminine given her bodily embel- There are three primary scenes displayed in the Beez lishments and clothing styles, such as leotards and bikinis. in the Trap music video featuring: Minaj independently; 8 Yet, her lyrical composition—discourse—reflects practices Minaj and women in the club; and Minaj and 2chainz. The video commences by exhibiting the dimly lit space, which Minaj, Masculinity, and Mobility resembles a strip club. Minaj appears surrounded by Black women in bikinis intertwined with footage of her rapping in Minaj’s class and geographic mobility become the front of a grey backdrop. In solo scenes, Minaj crouches on channels through which Minaj explicates her masculinity. a wooden plank in a pink leotard and garish green stilettos In other words, they are the privileges that Minaj uses to to spew her rhymes behind a disarray of barbed wire. In club distance herself from other women shown in the music scenes, Minaj dons a Day-Glo green wig, outsized “beez” video and to closely associate herself with acts traditionally and “trap” gold chains positioned in her cleavage. With executed by men. To reiterate, Minaj casts herself as an eco- 2Chainz, Minaj wears a leopard print jumpsuit. nomic provider for women when she states: “might spend a couple thou[sand] just to bust that open.” This allows Minaj Minaj’s masculinist discourse bolsters what Johnetta to discursively transgress her previous indigent status. In her Cole refers to as the “bitch and hoe nexus of Hip-hop” (Cole final verse, she declares her geographic mobility: 2013). Minaj starts the song’s hook, “Bitches ain’t shit and Man I’m out in Texas, man I’m out in A-town. they ain’t sayin’ nothing” (Minaj 2012). This first line evokes Then I’m up in Chi-town or Miami shutting[g] Dr. Dre’s 20-year-old misogynist shibboleth, Bitches Ain’t it down. It’s that New Orleans, it’s LA or the Bay. Shit (Shange 2014). In this way, Minaj’s efforts to re-signify It’s New York, Philly and the whole DMV. I’m a “bitch” are still linked to enduring patriarchal norms. This Detroit player, man it’s North-South Clack. Ohio, first line also exemplifies Minaj’s ability to perform mas- Pittsburgh, got St. Louis on deck. It’s Delaware, culinity through denigrating, masculinist discourse just as Connecticut, it’s New Jersey got hella bricks. It’s Dr. Dre and countless other Hip-hop artists have done. Queens, Brooklyn . . . Bronx, Harlem, and Staten Island. Moreover, Minaj relies on masculinist discourse to narrate her sexual exploitation of the clubwomen who rep- This, read in conversation with the first verse: resent emphasized femininity. Minaj openly declares, “Bitch, “man niggas move weight in the south but live in bust that open.” In this instance, Minaj rises in the mascu- Hoboken . . . ” clarifies she does not have to be locally based line order by conveying that she can sexually exploit women, in order to engender profit and success. However, Minaj’s since “the Female orgasm provides proof of virility . . . ” also definition of the trap is more general, as she notes in a Hip- because women are perceived as submitting during sexual hopDX interview: “The trap, ladies and gentlemen, relates intercourse (Bourideu 2001; Pascoe 2011). As a result, Minaj to anywhere where you get your money” (Cooper 2013). also exposes the fact she is desired for Female pleasure. Due to her class and geographic privileges, Minaj under- scores she has triumphed over her previously held feminine Minaj’s masculinist discourse also engages in “thing- statuses to actualize her masculinity. ification” against other women’s bodies to present her interactional dominance. Subsequently, Minaj states, “And if Visually, Minaj’s masculine performance “is con- she ain’t trying to give it up she get dropped off. . . . Might structed in front of and for other men and against feminin- spend a couple thou[sand] just to bust that open.” Minaj ity,” thus Minaj’s stance adjacent to the women in the club portrays women as consumables, and positions herself as an demonstrates how Minaj is of women, but somehow still economic provider. The lyric also discloses how the Black above them as she is the only women with chains or other Female body is subjected to “thingification” as evidenced bodily adornments and money (Bourdieu 2001). Likewise, by Minaj’s use of “that” (Cesaire 1972; Shange 2014). In Nicki dances closely to 2chainz but refuses to touch him, “thingifying” Black Female bodies, Minaj made discursive most likely to eschew any objectified readings of their rela- moves to frame her sexual encounters as reflecting one of tions. Essentially, 2chainz and Minaj are presented as equals, (interactional) dominance. Adopting masculinist discourse which due to Minaj’s class privileges and geographic mobil- enables Minaj to articulate her dominance and power. Lyn ity allows her to enact a Male consumptive discourse. Mikel Brown (1998) calls this type of gendered language maneuvering “ventriloquation” to refer to the discursive The Historical Trap of the Cultural Industrial System ways in which women adopt traditional men’s point of view. Beez in the Trap music video accompaniment is Ventriloquation reveals how the dominant modes of belief embedded in a capitalist cultural industry system—the music persist through and within discourse. Despite the fact that industry—that emulates the historical conventions that fuel Minaj performs ventriloquation, ventriloquation is a perfor- repressive ideologies surrounding women’s bodies (Hirsch mance that has been going on long before Minaj arrived on 1972). The cultural industrial system is predicated on the the Hip-hop scene (Butler 1998). Thus, it is through ventril- media and other social institutions that perpetuate the oquation that Minaj reproduces an exploitative masculinist appeal of women to expose their bodies because uncovered discourse that already permeates American culture. women’s bodies are popular “commodities”; and within the 9 10 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 of power. women’s bodies have a plethora of money, which is a symbol relations as those who came toview the display of Black well. Theclubatmosphererepresentsauniquesetofpower possess agency tosubvert and manipulate femininity as provided withfullcamerashotsherfacehighlighted. hand, Minaj adorns asimilarensembleofbikini,yetsheis cal bodilystylizationofemphasizedfemininity. Ontheother their bodieswithoutfaces,whichrelatestothehistori- a bra and undergarments, where the camera only displays Moreover, thewomeninvideowereonlydressed and implyoverallinferiority”(PlousNeptune1997). their bodiesareshownin“low-status,animal-lifepositions say thatthewomen’s bodiesintheclubareexposedand in thepresenceofmenorMinajvideo.Thatisto bending overtoensurethattheirbuttockswereaccentuated the musicvideoperformed emphasized femininity through femininity to fit into a script of submission. The women in cultural industrysystemdemandstheyperformemphasized women being circumscribed by historical conventions, as the 2004). Minaj’s musicvideoismerelyoneexample. women’s bodiesimpliesdesireforsex(Collins2002,hooks value systemofpatriarchalheteronormativityexposure their socialstatus(Shange2014, Pascoe2011).Thisdirectly non-normativity forFemalebodies canactuallyaugment bodies, whichabateaMale’s socialstatus,genderandsexual 2011). Unlikegenderandsexual non-normativityforMale over women—therebyreinscribing genderinequality(Pascoe how shepracticesmasculinebehaviorsandexertsdominance attached toMalebodiesasshediscursivelyinformsaudiences transformative politicaleffort. be read as refashioning gendered expectations through a 1997). Therefore,thewomeninclubscenescouldalso interpreted assubvertingnotionsoffemininity(Pendleton however, performingfemininity forMaleclientscouldbe their bodies open for entertainment and leisurely viewing; its meanings.” On one hand, this can be read as rendering a meansofexposingitsconstructed-nessandreconfiguring (1997) alsoargues,“usingfemininityasaneconomictoolis spot infrontoftheirfriends”(Pilcher2013).Pendleton to seducepatronsintosubmissionorputthemonthe Female club performers exert control “through their ability of women as sexually passive and demure. Furthermore, is apublicspacethatoftenchallengesconformistnotions For instance, Merri Johnson (1999) contends the strip club video womencanbeempoweredbytheirperformances. economic power. Yet, thisviewpointignoresthefactthat be perceivedaspowerlessbecauseoftheirlackostensible Within the emphasized feminine script, women still Beez intheTrapsymbolizesanorganizedrealityof Minaj conteststheexpectationofmasculinitybeing i In one instance, the women in the video might Césaire, Aimé. Butler, Judith.“PerformativeActsandGenderConstitution: Collins, PatriciaHill. Foucault, Michel. Cooper, Roman.“Nicki MinajExplainsLeavingTwitter, Meaning Cole, JohnnettaB. Bourdieu, Pierre. Endnote Bederman, Gail. Works Cited Connell, RobertWilliam. ity andFemalenesswithoutremorse. Hip-hop andpopularculturetoacknowledgehermasculin- of herFemalerappredecessors,shechallengestheworld in hervacillationandrefusaltobereducedthesummation an unprecedentedspaceinHip-hop.AsMinajisvehement process. Allinall,Minaj’s gender-blended identityoccupies and criticaltoolofself-expressionintheidentityformation performance alsoexposeshowdiscourseisafundamental is atime-testedpracticeinHip-hop(Neal2013).Minaj’s femininity to foster a nuanced and layered identity, which her genderperformancebyofferingmasculinity, andsome performance. Minajreliesonfluidityandmobilitywithin inine performancewithauniquelycraftedgender-blended applies toMinajasshetriumphsovertheemphasizedfem- ii Journal and SexualPolitics An EssayinPhenomenologyandFeministTheory.” Press, 2001. of Gender and Raceinthe United States Equality inAfricanAmericanCommunities Digital, Inc.,2003. Vol. 2.Vintage, 1990. 2012. Web. 21Mar. 2013. of Review Press,1972. 1995). Consciousness, andthePoliticsofEmpowerment 2002. Essentially, Foucaultargues,powershouldnotbeconceivedofasa negotiate power, sincepowerhasnoessence. interactions ofindividuals.Itisfromthesethatindividuals structures, butinsteadpowershouldbeviewedaslyingwithinthe possession ofaparticularindividualorasonlyembeddedwithinsocial Beez InTheTrap”Hip-hopDXRSS.DX,12Apr. 40.4(1988):519–531. Discourse onColonialism Manliness andCivilization:ACulturalHistory Masculine Domination The HistoryofSexuality:Use ofPleasure Gender Talk:TheStruggleforWomen’s Black FeministThought:Knowledge, . StanfordUniversityPress,1987. Gender andPower:Society,thePerson . NewYork: Monthly . StanfordUniversity , 1880–1917 (Chicago, . RandomHouse . Routledge, Theatre . Hirsch, Paul M. “Processing Fads and Fashions: An Organization- set Analysis of Cultural Industry Systems.” American Journal of Sociology (1972): 639–659. hooks, bell. We Real Cool: Black Men and Masculinity. Psychology Press, 2004.

Minaj, Nicki. Pink Friday: Roman Reloaded [CD]. Young Money/ Universal Republic. 2012.

Pascoe, Cheri J. Dude, You’re a Fag: Masculinity and Sexuality in High School, with a New Preface. Univ. of California Press, 2011.

Pendleton, Eva. “Love for Sale: Queering Heterosexuality.” Whores and Other Feminists (1997): 73–82.

Johnson, Merri Lisa. “Pole Work: Autoethnography of a Strip Club.” Sex Work and Sex Workers (1999): 149–57.

Neal, Mark Anthony. Looking for Leroy: Illegible Black Masculinities. NYU Press, 2013.

Picher, Katy. “Empowering, Degrading or a ‘Mutually Exploitative’ Exchange for Women?: Characterizing the Power Relations of the Strip Club.” Journal of International Women’s Studies 10.3 (2013): 73–83.

Plous, Scott, and Dominique Neptune. “Racial and Gender Biases in Magazine Advertising.” Psychology of Women Quarterly 21.4 (1997): 627–644.

Scott, Joan Wallach. Gender and the Politics of History. Columbia University Press, 1999.

Shange, Savannah. “A King Named Nicki: Strategic Queerness and the Black Femmecee.” Women & Performance: A Journal of Feminist Theory 24.1 (2014): 29–45.

11 Reconstructing Tropical Climates with Coral Reefs: Links to Local Precipitation and Primary Productivity Isaiah W. Bolden, Bowdoin College

Isaiah Bolden is interested in the use of geochemical archives to 2008; LaVigne et al., 2010; Maina et al., 2012]. The use reconstruct the history of climate and ocean variability in coastal of geological climate archives, like corals, is essential to regions on both modern and “deep” time scales. Growing up in holistic, interdisciplinary investigations of the future of landlocked Tennessee with an interest in environmental science, Earth’s climate in the age of anthropogenic climate change. chemistry, and puzzle-solving, he always thought of the ocean as However, if science is to continue to benefit from the use of the ultimate mystery with virtually countless opportunities for coral proxies in climate reconstructions, care must be taken research in the context of Earth’s 4.6-billion-year climate history. to validate and calibrate observed changes in geochemis- The Bowdoin College MMUF prepared him for key research try with specific environmental mechanisms of influence. experiences and allowed him to pursue his interests in exploring Simply put, scientists should be certain that observed pat- the dynamics of climate past, present, and future from an ocean- terns in geochemistry are directly attributable to a single ographic perspective. The experience granted by the Fellowship environmental parameter. Otherwise, uncertainty arises in continues to carry him forward as Isaiah works toward his PhD what exactly any given proxy represents. in oceanography at the University of Washington. A prime example of proxy uncertainty is the barium/ calcium (Ba/Ca) ratio in tropical coral skeletons, which Records of riverine discharge and coastal upwel ling was initially proposed as a tool for determining the history in coastal tropical regions have been extended by the use of upwelling along coastlines and sediment discharge at of the barium/calcium (Ba/Ca) ratio in the skeletons of reef coastal deltas. Barium behaves conservatively in seawater building corals. However, the suggestion of two responsible and accompanies phosphate, nitrate, and other nutrients environmental processes that influence this ratio implies a to the surface during strong upwelling events due to the lack of mechanistic understanding toward how the proxy remineralization of particulate organic matter at depth and functions. Additional investigations of coralline Ba/Ca mineral precipitation [Lea et al., 1989; Montaggioni et al., in tropical locations would allow for a more thorough 2006]. Although the mechanisms governing the biologi- understanding and calibration of this proxy for paleoclimate cal and chemical behavior of barium in seawater are still reconstructions. Here, I analyze the Ba/Ca ratio in a single debated, the delivery of the element to seawater through core from a mounding surface coral, Orbicella faveolata, from riverine sediments and terrigenous inputs has been well Biscayne Bay National Park, FL and compare the data to documented [Felis and Pätzold, 2004]. Barium sorbs to soil local instrumental records of precipitation, sediment dis- particles on land and desorbs from particles as it is carried to charge, and salinity. I found the only significantly positive waters of higher salinity [McCulloch et al., 2003]. In its ionic correlation to be between precipitation records and seasonal form, the element can be incorporated into the skeletons cycles in Ba/Ca ratios. These results suggest that the Ba/Ca of corals during the calcification process via substitution ratios of Florida’s tropical surface corals may be directly for calcium [Lea et al., 1989]. As a result, the Ba/Ca ratio of influenced by rainfall above all else. However, additional tropical corals has also been suggested as a proxy for salinity environmental variability within seawater or coral polyps and turbidity reconstructions in coastal locations [McCulloch during calcification could serve as a stricter control on sea- et al., 2003; Sinclair and McCulloch, 2004; Fleitmann et al., sonal skeletal barium incorporation, possibly as a function 2007]. However, anomalous seasonal spikes with little to of changes in primary productivity. These findings war- no correlation to changes in upwelling or discharge have rant further consideration in future investigations of coral been observed in the Ba/Ca ratio within coral samples from geochemistry as a paleo-reconstruction proxy in marine coastal Australia, leading to the suggestion of a third poten- environments. tial environmental mechanism for coralline Ba/Ca ratios arises. Therefore, an analysis of the trends in the Ba/Ca ratio in coral samples from other tropical locations could lead to a Introduction better understanding of the Ba substitution mechanism and Coral reefs serve as a time machine for the tropical Ba/Ca as a geochemical proxy. marine world. As they precipitate their calcium carbonate Of particular interest as a study location is the (CaCO ) skeletons, coral polyps capture changes in sea- 3 southeast coast of Florida, which became a heavily human- water chemistry based on certain environmental conditions. influenced ecosystem following the Industrial Revolution Because the skeletal material is precipitated in annual bands and subsequent population booms [Hudson et al., 1994; Hu, similar to tree growth, recent studies of decadal to centen-

The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2 015 2004]. These events led to the urbanization of the Florida nial changes in marine climates have relied on the skeletal coast, resulting in heavy coastal nutrient loading, sediment geochemistry of tropical corals as a proxy for reconstructing transport, habitat destruction, and other forms of environ- the chemical conditions of surrounding waters with respect mental degradation following the Industrial period (18th– to temperature, salinity, and nutrient content [ , Saenger et al. 19th century). As a consequence, the health of coral reef 12 networks of the greater Caribbean region has been in a state through winter (November–March). As additional potential of decline since 1950 [Bellwood et al., 2004]. The Florida proxies for freshwater fluxes to the Bay, average monthly coast and the Caribbean region also experience more diverse turbidity and salinity records for the period 1995–2011 were storm events than any other geographic location, and these collected from Southeast Environmental Research Center intense hurricanes and tropical storms have previously been (SERC) buoy sites located close to the core location. linked to causing massive coral bleaching events [Gardner et al., 2005]. Heavy rainfall events have also increased through- Results and Discussion out the southeast U.S. 20% since the 1950s, continuously increasing the rate of barium-enriched sediment delivery to A significantly non-zero positive correlation is the coastline through groundwater and surface discharge, observed between experimental Ba/Ca ratios and resam- and further contributing to the decline of coral reef eco- pled instrumental records of precipitation, but no statis- systems through decreasing available sunlight for symbiotic tically significant relationship between Ba/Ca and salinity photosynthesis [Groisman et al., 2004]. Despite the climatic or turbidity for this region of Biscayne Bay National Park diversity and historical human influences, geochemical (Table 1, Figure 1). Furthermore, a lag regression analysis investigations of coral skeletons from the southeast Florida between resampled coral Ba/Ca and monthly precipitation coast remain sparse, though the region presents an ideal records suggests that the effect that precipitation has on study location for further investigations of the environmen- Ba/Ca is nearly instantaneous; the observed lag is within tal signals captured by the skeletal Ba/Ca ratio. the 1–2 month uncertainty of the age model. However, as the correlation strength (r = 0.467, r2 = 0.218) between In an attempt to further contribute to the scien- resampled precipitation records and Ba/Ca is relatively low tific understanding of the coralline Ba/Ca ratio as a paleo- compared to a previous study postulating precipitation as an climate proxy, I analyzed a skeletal slab of a mounding influence on coralline Ba/Ca through groundwater recharge coral, Orbicella faveolata, from Biscayne Bay National Park and coastal delivery, these findings raise many additional in southeast Florida and compared the results to time-series questions regarding the control on the observed seasonal- instrumental records for salinity, turbidity (a measure of sed- ity in the Ba/Ca ratio [Horta-Puga and Carriquiry, 2012]. iment content in the surface water), and precipitation from Furthermore, as this location is relatively isolated from any the Biscayne Bay area. local sources of groundwater discharge, it is unlikely that the discharge mechanism proposed by Horta-Puga and Methods Carriquiry’s has an influence on the coralline Ba/Ca of the Biscayne Bay region. This particular species, O. faveolata, was chosen based on previous published use in paleoclimate tempera- Among the existing potential explanations is a sea- ture reconstruction using the both the ratio of strontium to sonal upwelling signal in Biscayne Bay. It has been proposed calcium in the skeleton (Sr/Ca) and oxygen isotope ( 18O) that the physical oceanography of the South Atlantic coast ratios [Swart et al., 1996; Saenger et al., 2008; Flannery and Florida exhibits summer upwelling in response to seasonal Poore, 2013]. The specific core, BNP HC-1B, was obtainedδ oscillations in the transport of the Florida Current [Smith, from the USGS and was originally cored on a field expe- 1981]. Studies of seasonal changes in surface seawater bar- dition to Biscayne Bay National Park on 02 May 2008. ium concentrations could aid in corroborating this hypoth- A total of 55 ~2.5-mg samples were drilled and collected esis. Preliminary calculations based on corals from nearby along the skeletal slab at 1-mm resolution. Based on the Bermuda suggest that the observed seasonal differences x-ray and applied age model, these samples capture seasonal in the Ba/Ca ratios translates to a seasonal ~30 nmol/kg marine climate variability within the period 1993–2005 ± change in seawater barium concentrations in Biscayne Bay 1–2 months. Samples were dissolved to 4-mMol Ca solu- (60 nmol/kg in summer and 30 nmol/kg in winter) [Lea et tions in 2% trace metal grade nitric acid HNO3 and ana- al., 1989]. Whether or not the magnitude of this gradient lyzed on ICP-OES and ICP-MS to obtain Ba/Ca ratios. is large enough to imply an upwelling effect remains to be Additional details of age model adjustment, instrumental seen. However, average depth profiles of Ba in the Atlantic settings, and calibration techniques can be found in the suggest that surface waters in this region typically contain methods of Bolden, 2015 [Bolden, 2015]. a concentration of around 50 nmol/kg Ba. As this is close to the maxima observed in the records calculated here, it is Total monthly precipitation data from the period highly unlikely that coastal upwelling has a significant effect 1997–2008 were collected from Cape Florida, FL. From the on the Ba/Ca ratios of the Biscayne Bay National Park coral records, precipitation in this region is subject to a seasonal reefs. influence, with relative maxima taking place in mid-summer (June–August). Minima in precipitation occur in late fall 13 9 250

8 Resampled Average Monthly Precipitation (mm)

200 7

6 150 5

4 100

Ba/Ca (µmol/mol) 3

2 50

0 0 9/12/95 8/12/97 8/12/99 7/12/01 7/12/03 6/12/05 6/12/07

Figure 1. A seasonal cycle in precipitation is visible from resampled instrumental data, and a signiﬁcant positive correlation is observed between these data and BNP HC-1B Ba/Ca ratios. Error bars on Ba/Ca data indicate strong measurement reproducibility.

Instrumental Record r2 of Ba/Ca Correlation p-value of Regression Slope Precipitation (Cape Florida, FL) 0.218 0.007 Turbidity (SERC) 0.008 >>> 0.05

Salinity (SERC) 0.005 >>> 0.05

Table 1. Correlation and statistical significance (t-test of regression slopes) reveal no significant correlation between Ba/Ca and various local instrumental records except for a positive and significantly non-zero relationship between Ba/Ca and instrumental precipitation.

More appropriate, perhaps, is a stricter biological summer months from higher concentrations of seawater Ba control on barium uptake in surface corals in this region. during this time. Therefore, coral Ba/Ca may be useful as a Many have suggested that the kinetics governing the pre- paleo-productivity proxy in coastal regions distant from dis- cipitation of barium, strontium, and magnesium in coral charge sources and upwelling. Studies of seasonal changes in carbonates could be both temperature and pH dependent surface seawater barium concentrations could aid in corrob- [Gaetani and Cohen, 2006; Gagnon et al., 2013]. The Ba/Ca orating this hypothesis as well. ratios presented here tend to reach relative maxima during the summer months, which is in conflict with the results of Along the highly human-influenced and climatically previous studies suggesting barium uptake is thermodynam- diverse southeast coast of Florida, my results suggest the ically opposed within polyps at warmer temperatures. Also, reefs appear to capture some of the seasonal variability asso- as mentioned above, the biological and chemical controls on ciated with precipitation, rather than sediment discharge seawater barium availability remain debated. Unpublished or salinity patterns. These results broadly demonstrate that SERC data suggest that primary productivity in the waters climate reconstructions using the coral Ba/Ca ratios should of Biscayne Bay is highest during the Northern Hemisphere consider geographic distribution, species diversity, and bio- fall and winter months. It is possible that seasonal bar- logical controls on calcification before concrete conclusions ium fluxes could dramatically impact surface concentra- should be made toward the environmental signal best cap- tions of barium in Biscayne Bay as a function of primary tured by the proxy. Though coral reefs provide a useful tool productivity [Bishop, 1988]. A potential mechanism for the for marine climate reconstructions, future studies must also focus on understanding the mechanisms influencing the

The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2 015 observed trends could be as follows: as sea-surface temperature increases during the summer months, primary produc- geochemical data in order to correctly interpret these paleo- tivity decreases, allowing more dissolved barium to exist at climate records in the age of anthropogenic climate change. the surface. As a result, skeletal Ba/Ca increases during the

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Gardner, T., I. Cote, J. Gill, A. Grant, and A. Watkinson (2005), Montaggioni, L.F., F. Le Cornec, T. Corrège, and G. Cabioch Hurricanes and Caribbean Coral Reefs: Impacts, Recovery (2006), Coral barium/calcium record of mid-Holocene upwel- Patterns, and Role in Long-term Decline, , (1), 174– Ecology 86 ling activity in New Caledonia, South-West Paciﬁc, Palaeogeogr. 184. [online] Available from: http://www.esajournals.org/doi/ Palaeoclimatol. Palaeoecol., 237(2–4), 436–455, doi:10.1016/j. abs/10.1890/04–0141 (accessed 12 June 2013). palaeo.2005.12.018. [online] Available from: http://linkinghub. elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0031018206000022 (accessed 24 Groisman, P.Y., R.W. Knight, T.R. Karl, D.R. Easterling, October 2014). B. Sun, and J.H. Lawrimore (2004), Contemporary Changes of the Hydrological Cycle over the Contiguous United States: Saenger, C., A.L. Cohen, D.W. Oppo, and D. Hubbard (2008), Trends Derived from In Situ Observations, J. Hydrometeorol., Interpreting sea surface temperature from strontium/calcium (1), 64–85, doi:10.1175/1525–7541(2004)005<0064: 5 ratios in Montastrea corals: Link with growth rate and implica- CCOTHC>2.0.CO;2. [online] Available from: http://journals. tions for proxy reconstructions, Paleoceanography, 23(3), n/a–n/a, ametsoc.org/doi/abs/10.1175/1525–7541(2004)005%3C0064: doi:10.1029/2007PA001572. [online] Available from: http://doi. CCOTHC%3E2.0.CO;2 (accessed 20 June 2014). wiley.com/10.1029/2007PA001572 (accessed 12 June 2013). 15 16 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 Swart, P., R.Dodge,andH.Hudson(1996),A240-Year Stable Smith, N.P. (1981),AnInvestigationofSeasonalUpwelling Sinclair, D.J.,andM.T. McCulloch(2004),Coralsrecordlow 14 December2013). from: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/3515246 (accessed Southern Florida,Palaios, Florida: ImplicationsforthePredictionofPrecipitationin Oxygen andCarbonIsotopicRecordinaCoralfromSouth S0422989408704057 (accessed18March2015). from: http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/ 79–98, doi:10.1016/S0422–9894(08)70405–7.[online]Available Along theAtlanticCoastofFlorida,ElsevierOceanogr. Ser., (accessed 14December2013). http://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0031018204003980 doi:10.1016/j.palaeo.2004.07.028. [online]Available from: Palaeogeogr. Palaeoclimatol.Palaeoecol., the 1974ﬂood:evidenceforlimitedBasupplytorivers?, mobile bariumconcentrationsintheBurdekinRiverduring 11(4), 362–375.[online]Available 214(1–2), 155–174, 32, ”Black and the Box It Came In”: Identity and Authenticity in Percival Everett’s Erasure Courtney Brown, Rice University

Courtney Brown is a senior English major at Rice University. for black individuals. For the “inauthentic” black person, Her current research interests pertain to issues of black identity the struggle either to determine one’s own identity beyond and notions of racial inauthenticity in 20th- and 21st-century the typical notion of blackness, or to try to ﬁt oneself neatly African-American texts. She intends to pursue a PhD in English into the imaginary “black” box, can become so stressful, so literature, focusing on African-American literature, with the fatiguing, and so obliterating that one could potentially, or long-term goal of becoming a university professor. perhaps inevitably, go insane.

As the novel progresses, Monk struggles to find Through his satirical 2001 novel Erasure, Percival success with his work as publishers continually endeavor Everett crafts a multi-layered critique of the prejudicial to pigeon-hole his writing into the category of African- demands of the literary market and of the greater public American literature, despite the fact that his books have thus conception of “black authenticity.” Everett acerbically ren- far had very little to do with the so-called “African-American ders the way mainstream desires to commodify and consume experience.” He must also contend with the striking popu- black culture perpetuate the fetishization of “the true, gritty larity of the recently published We’s Lives In Da Ghetto by real stories of black life,” and powerfully critiques the notion first-time author Juanita Mae Jenkins, whose work, Monk that these “gritty real stories” are the only “authentic” way to feels, presents an intensely stereotypical, though highly prof- represent “the black experience.” Further, Erasure explores itable, portrait of black life. When Monk first encounters the weighty psychological repercussions of the commercial- Jenkins’ “runaway bestseller” (28) on a display table in a ization of black life: for the “inauthentic” black individual, bookstore, he is shocked, appalled even, by both its con- the struggle to contend with society’s (mis)perception of tent and its overwhelmingly eager reception by the general “blackness” can become so stressful, so fatiguing, and so public. He notes, after learning that Jenkins is set to receive obliterating that one could potentially, or perhaps inevita- three million dollars for the movie rights to her new book: bly, go insane. This paper argues that Everett’s exploration of the concept of racial authenticity presents a necessary The reality of popular culture was nothing new. The call for a widened conception of what black experience and truth of the world landing on me daily, or hourly, identity “should” or “should not” look like, what it can be, was nothing I did not expect. But this book was a real slap in the face. It was like strolling through an in literature and beyond. antique mall [. . .] then turning the corner to find a display of watermelon-eating, banjo-playing darkie “The line is, you’re not black enough [. . .].” carvings and a pyramid of Mammy cookie jars. —Percival Everett, Erasure, 43 3 million dollars. (29)

Percival Everett’s Erasure chronicles the experi- The racial caricatures invoked here emphasize just ences of protagonist Thelonius “Monk” Ellison, a black the kind of work Monk feels We’s Lives in Da Ghetto does in writer struggling to contend with the prejudicial demands the world. Not only does Jenkins’ novel perpetuate a ste- of the literary market and the greater public conception of reotypically pejorative image of blackness, but it—like the “authentic” black life and literature. Through his satirical carvings and cookie jars within Monk’s metaphoric antique 2001 novel, Everett crafts a multi-layered critique of the mall—attaches a price tag, a level of consumability, to these literary realm and calls for a necessary expansion of the racialized images, while simultaneously allotting them a conception of black experience and representation. Erasure significant place within the cultural history of African- blatantly aligns itself with such canonical works as Ralph Americans. The trouble with Jenkins’ work is not necessar- Ellison’s Invisible Man and Richard Wright’s Native Son in ily the attention paid to these historical stereotypes within order to position itself squarely within the genre of African- a literary setting, but rather, it is much more the unprob- American literature. However, by actively parodying Native lematized nature of that attention and the consequently Son in particular, and presenting its readers with a protag- market able nature of these unquestioned stereotypes. By onist who himself struggles to fit the “authentic” mode comparing Jenkins’ novel to a display of racist collectible of blackness demanded of him by his readerly audience, items, Everett cues an ongoing history of imagistic abuse Erasure also pushes against the boundaries of the category of toward blackness and black people, suggesting that her African-American literature, calling from within the genre work, just as these racist collectible figures, reinforces a for a reconsideration of what blackness “should” or “should negative and rather homogenizing image of blackness as an not” look like, what it can be, in literature and beyond. This entertaining and profitable caricature. call for a reimagining of literary representations of black life is entirely necessary because, as Erasure suggests, beyond the Jenkins’ work is also acutely problematic because socioeconomic impact of the commodification of blackness, it aligns itself with a practice deeply rooted in slavery. In there lie even more troubling psychological repercussions “Whiteness as Property,” Cheryl I. Harris discusses how the 17 18 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 surrounding race, or “ethnicity,” when she critiques the Richard Schurexplains: as valuable because they are so often stamped as “authentic.” cally valuable;cyclically, theseconceptsareregularlytreated become moreeasilyreifiedwhentheyareseenaseconomi- that commercialized conceptions of “authentic” blackness of authenticityisfurthernormalizedbythesimplefact gifted, speakinginacertainvernacular, etc.Thisconcept cated, inherentlycriminal,athleticallybutnotintellectually low socioeconomicbackground,beingignorant,underedu- enizing stereotypes surrounding black life—hailing from a way ofbeingblackandthatitisembeddedinthehomog- typicality, theideathatthereisacertain“real”or“normal” trating forMonk,however, istheconceptofauthenticity, of otypes imposeduponandpropagatedagainstblackpeople. of commercializingthemanynegativeandreductivestere- the degradationofblacklifecontinuedthroughpractices illegal tobuyandsellblackpeopleaspropertyorchattel, with theideaofenslavability. Afteritbecametechnically zation” ofblacklifesetinmotionthelinkingblackness tution. AccordingtoHarris,thedevaluationand“properti- white property-owningmeninthisnation’s originalconsti- unworthiness ofthebasichumanfreedomsprescribedto with theconceptsofinferiority, subservience,andoverall the way“blackness”was,overtime,linkedalmostindelibly (279), is uniquetotheoppressionofblackpeople because of total commodificationattendanttothestatusofslave” the simpleexchangeofblackbodies.Harrisexplains: and resultedinsomethinggreatermoreeffectivethan as objects of property” (278). However, slavery consisted of labor wasaccomplishedbytreatingblackpeoplethemselves value. Accordingtoher, “[t]hehyperexploitationofblack the UnitedStatesenabledracetotakeonacertaineconomic distinctive history of black enslavement and oppression in Hortense Spillers further discusses this “fiction” What makes the concept of race particularly frus This “propertization”thatHarrismentions,“the and hidden.(“TheCrisisofAuthenticity” 236) that shapesthesesignsandsignifiers isdisplaced mance, thegreaterhistoricaland cultural context modified andmanyviewidentityasamereperfor conceptions aboutracebecomeincreasinglycom- experience andelideshowrace,infact,operates.As ticity, createsafictionaroundracialidentityand . . . . . “propertized” humanlife.(279) ited, orpostedascollateral.[..Inessence,]slavery property thatcouldbetransferred,assigned,inher [. ..]Slaveryasalegalinstitutiontreatedslaves slavery was the commodification of human beings. . blackness, whenframedinthetermsofauthen- the criticalnatureofsocialrelationsunder - - - black individual “invisible”totheworldaround him.Inthe positions blacknessasascreen thatessentiallyrendersthe racial identity within the African-American literary canon, novel. ing thetropeof“invisibility” made sofamousbyEllison’s nameless protagonistofEllison’s InvisibleManbyinvok- around himspeaksdirectlytotheconflictsfacedby race influenceshisprotagonist’s interactionswiththeworld troubles thewatersofmore“typical”blackimage. middle-class blackmanfromafamilyofdoctors(1–2),he Monk paintsaportraitofhimselfasHarvard-educated, unless theyexploittheirownblacknessforthatgain.When lacking anyrealpotentialtoelevatetheirstatusintheworld income backgroundintheinnercityorruralsouth,and person asalwayspoor, undereducated, hailingfromalow- 162–63). malleability ofpost-soulblackness”(“SatiricalBlackness” toward whatmakesatextspecificallyblackandaddressesthe Morgan, “thismythologysurroundingblacknessgestures ingly commodified”world.According to Danielle Fuentes this “increas- in or “authentic”representationscirculating the complexityofblacklifebeyondmorestereotypical struction ofraceanditsrepresentationinliterature,to “fictions” of his own in order to draw attention to the con- conceptions of blackness. Through Erasure around racialidentityandrace”affectsgeneralsocietal every blackindividual. of “authentic” behaviors or characteristics and ascribed to down, thatcanbeneatlydelineatedintoalegibletaxonomy conceptual markeremergesassomethingthatcanbepinned very same phenomenon Spillers describes. “Blackness” as a and theworkheproducesasablackwriter, hehighlightsthe protagonist acknowledges his society’s expectations of him race asasignifyingfactorofhumanidentity. AsEverett’s stem directlyfromthesingularimmovabilityascribedto national policy”;shewrites: other “publicdiscourseconcerningAfrican-Americansand society aspurportedby“TheMoynihanReport”and from the“normal”familial structure oftherestAmerican conception oftheblackfamilyunitassomethingdistinct Everett’s critiqueofhowthesocialconstruction Everett iskeenlyattunedtotheway this “fiction The “dangerousandfataleffects”Spillersrefersto its dangerousandfataleffects.(“Mama’s Baby”66) tive, althoughonewouldbeunwisenottoconcede “ethnicity” forthelivingbecomespurelyapprecia- no movementinthefieldofsignification,use Asasignifierthathas the affectsofEternal.[...] meaning, takes on constancy, assumes the lookand . motives [. tifies a total objectification of human and cultural Under the Moynihan rule, “ethnicity” itself iden Invisible Man,widelyconsideredaseminal texton Erasure workstocombatthemythofblack .]. “Ethnicity”inthiscasefreezes , herenders - opening pages of the novel, Ellison’s nameless protagonist As Erasure approaches its end, Monk finds himself even claims he was only able to discover his identity through being pulled deeper and deeper into the performance of an acknowledgement of his “invisibility.” He exclaims: his pseudonym Stagg R. Leigh; his anxiety grows exponen- tially, his hold on reality steadily weakening until it eventu- All my life I had been looking for something, and ally breaks. Monk’s own sense of self begins to merge with everywhere I turned someone tried to tell me what Leigh’s, until he can no longer contend with these compet- it was. [. . .] I was looking for myself and asking everyone except myself [. . .] . It took me a long time ing identities. Monk laments: and much painful boomeranging of my expectations I could not let the committee select Fuck as the to achieve [the] realization [. . .]: That I am nobody winner of the most prestigious book award in the but myself. But first I had to discover that I am an nation. I had to defeat myself to save my self, my invisible man! (Invisible Man 15) own identity. I had to toss a spear through the mouth of my own creation [Leigh], silence him In shorter terms, this character asserts, “I myself [. . .] forever, kill him, press him down a dark hole and did not become alive until l discovered my invisibility” (7). have the world admit that he never existed. (259) In other words, Ellison’s protagonist argues that, as a black person in 1952, his race obscures every other aspect of his Monk must destroy Leigh for two reasons. First, to personhood; he can never truly be seen by whites who, keep the world from taking seriously a book he had writ- “[w]hen they approach [him . . . ,] see only [his] surround- ten to make them see the ridiculousness of their literary ings, themselves, or figments of their imagination [. . .]” (3). demands. While Monk initially writes Fuck in a fit of rage, He can only ever be seen through the lens of racial preju- he decides to send it out for publication in the hopes that the dice. He is “invisible” in that he will never be seen as he truly novel will be met with derision or disgust, that publishers and is, however that may be, but rather only as society imagines readers will be forced to recognize their own fetishization of him as a “black man.” Everett, however, aligns Erasure with the “black as urban, undereducated, and struggling” stereo- Invisible Man in 2001 in order to make his own contempo- type that they consistently demand of “good” or “authentic” rary statement about black identity. Rather than accept the African-American literature. But the parody is hailed as invisibility imposed upon him by his society’s conception of “number one on the New York Times bestseller list” (259), blackness, Everett’s protagonist fights against the obfuscat- “simply honest” (260), “the real thing” (261). It is received ing nature of racial stereotyping and “authenticity.” Erasure as the most authentically black book of its moment. And suggests that, for the black individual, understanding one’s Monk is appalled. For the sake of his race, the representa- own invisibility is merely the start of embracing one’s true tion of black people across America, he cannot let his book identity. “Invisibility” is not intrinsic to black identity; rather, contribute to the perpetuation of such a pejorative image reaching an understanding of just how racial stereotyping of blackness, especially when it is one of the only images of can render the black individual “invisible” becomes the first blackness his society seems to recognize as “true” or “real.” step to asserting one’s true identity, the characteristics that may or may not make someone “black” or “black enough,” But Monk must also destroy Leigh and Leigh’s novel but certainly make one a unique individual. for the sake of his own identity, his own sanity; unfortunately, he cannot kill Leigh in time. The stress of maintain- As a critique of the limiting conception of racial ing his charade as Leigh, of fighting (and in the end failing) authenticity, and in response to Jenkins’ flagrant and uncrit- to keep Leigh at a distance, to keep him from merging with icized exploitation of black stereotypes, Monk writes the his own self, causes Monk to eventually break from reality. parodic novel, My Pafology (later retitled Fuck), bitterly hop- At the novel’s close, during a ceremony announcing Fuck as ing his short piece will force the critical dialogue on race the winner of the “prestigious book award,” the audience that Jenkins’ work fails to produce. Mimicking We’s Lives calls for Leigh to stand and receive his honor. Monk rises, In Da Ghetto’s grossly overwrought rendition of African his world warping: American Vernacular English (and drawing as well upon such works as Native Son and Sapphire’s Push), Fuck follows [. . .] somehow the floor had now turned to sand . . . [. . .] My steps were difficult and my head was spin- the experiences of a young, violent, ignorant, unambitious, ning as if I had been drugged. Cameras flashed and hypersexual black man with very little potential for conven- people murmured and I couldn’t believe that I was tional success as he commits a slew of crimes and essentially walking through sand, through dream sand. [. . .] goes nowhere in his “real” and “gritty” black life. Monk Then there was a small boy, perhaps me as a boy, even invents the “hard” and “gritty” ex-convict Stagg R. and he held up a mirror so that I could see my face Leigh as his parody’s author. Unfortunately, Monk’s satirical and it was the face of Stagg R. Leigh. (264) efforts backfire, and he falls prey to the very phenomenon he fought so hard to dismantle. 19 20 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 of ablacknessthatneverreallyfitthem. out oftheboxatall,butarecrushedunderheavyweight Fuck) tomaketheworldseeitswrong,ortheydon’t makeit raving, doinganythingtheycan(likewritinganovelcalled ness imposed on them by society either come out angry and either fighting against or conforming to the image of black- “not blackenough.”Thoseforcedintothepressure-boxof of blackindividuals,especiallythosewhomaybeconsidered that thesephenomenaarewhollydetrimentaltothepsyche restrictive image of“authentic” blackness hasuncovered of blackcultureandtheperpetuationastereotypical investigation intotheconsequencesofcommodification reader tobearthefullburdenofMonk’s struggle.Everett’s fingo,” meaningIframenohypotheses.Theonusisnowonthe of thismoment.Erasure closes on the words, “hypotheses non whelming environment. collapses, leavinghimbarelyabletoprocesshisnowover as theimaginaryStaggR.Leigh,Monk’s mindessentially only beingblack,butas“hard”and“black”“real” looking [back]at[him]”(265).Underthepressuresofnot but constant,floodinglight,”and“thetelevisioncameras time,” “thelights[that]werebrighterthanever, notflashes “look[ing out] at the faces, all of them, from time and out of the novel ends, in this almost-stilledmoment,with Monk against forsolong,finallyconsumeshim.Andthisishow Sapphire. 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Spillers, Hortense.“Mama’s Baby, Papa’s Maybe:AnAmerican Schur, Richard.“TheCrisisofAuthenticityinContemporary Print. JSTOR. Grammar Book.”Diacritics17.2(Summer1987):64–81. 2013. 235–254.Print. Moody-Turner. Bloomington,IN:IndianaUniversityPress, Literature: TheLivingCanon.Ed.LovalerieKingandShirley African AmericanLiterature.”Contemporary Woven Narratives of Truth, Reconciliation, and the South African Collective: Marginalized Testimony within Sindiwe Magona’s Mother to Mother and K. Sello Duiker’s Thirteen Cents Lucy Carreño-Roca, Bryn Mawr College

Lucy Carreño-Roca is a senior at Bryn Mawr College, double- the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report, majoring in English and psychology. She plans to pursue a PhD after the first days of testimony, the venues of truth-telling in English literature. changed. “Thus was the pattern set for the many hearings of the Commission. They were held in large cities or small rural towns, in city halls or educational institutions This paper analyzes the goals and limitations of the or church halls” (1) in order to capture the collective mem- South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission in ory of the nation as a whole. By utilizing these spaces for order to gain a deeper understanding of the complexities of truth-telling, the TRC aimed to rebuild the perception of testimonial representation in post-truth and reconciliation these institutions through public hearings. In this selective texts. In particular, I focus on two texts: Mother to Mother location, one space from the past, where violence was not by Sindiwe Magona, where the main character, Mxolisi, convicted during the years of apartheid, was replaced by is a young adult who assimilates to a rebellious adolescent other spaces in the present, where the abuse of human rights society and is one of a community of perpetrators who are condemned and deemed as morally wrong and unjust. kill a young white woman in the town of Gugaletu—his This truth-telling event interrupted televisual broadcasting testimony is presented through the eyes of his mother; and in order to present the public hearings to the people of Thirteen Cents by K. Sello Duiker, where the main charac- South Africa every Sunday night at 8pm in two-hour-long ter, Azure, a homeless orphan, lives on the streets of Cape episodes of the “Truth Commission Special Report” for Town and is forced into prostitution to survive—he tells his two years. By publicizing this event, the truth and recon- own story. I illustrate the ways in which these texts mirror ciliation process was able to set into motion a platform for the South African Truth and Reconciliation process while societal transformation in which individual memories were simultaneously reach beyond the physical and psychological reconstructed and added into the collective memories of the limitations of the commission’s investigation. nation. However, not all individuals who were victimized under apartheid systems had the opportunity to come for- Under apartheid in South Africa (1948–1994), racial ward and become a part of this re-written history. segregation was imposed, and gross violations of human rights were authorized by the government. The South Three limitations in particular, explored by James African Truth and Reconciliation Commission sought to and Van de Vijer in After the TRC: Reflections on Truth and unveil the “truth” about the crimes committed during this Reconciliation, directly pertain to the testament presented in state of “a-part-ness” and commence dialogue about restor- Mother to Mother and Thirteen Cents. The first limitation is ative justice for the community. However, due to various the limited time frame that the TRC was given in terms of limitations, particular testimonies were not archived into investigating the atrocities of apartheid. Although the TRC “official” reports and thus a need for an alternative medium claimed that investigations would be focused on exposing arose. After illustrating the limitations of the commission’s a “past marked by conflict, oppression, and exploitation,” investigation, I analyze the representations of the margin- it was legally bound to examine the years of 1960 to 1994 alized voices within Mother to Mother, by Sindiwe Magona, (James and Van de Vijer “Introduction” 1). This constricted and Thirteen Cents, by K. Sello Duiker. In Mother to Mother, 34-year scope was problematic in that the cultural struc- Mxolisi is a young adult who assimilates into a rebellious tures of oppression had been built on a colonial foundation adolescent society and is one of a community of perpetrators of exploitation and discrimination. Secondly, the mandate who kill a young white woman in the town of Gugaletu; his also limited the number of testimonies, allowing only those testimony is presented through the eyes of his mother. In who had suffered gross human rights violations, which was Thirteen Cents, Azure, a homeless orphan, lives on the streets defined to consist of torture, murder, and serious harm to of Cape Town and is forced into prostitution to survive; he persons. This definition of what constitutes a gross violation tells his own story. For this paper, I examine the complexities of human rights confined what it meant to be a victim of of marginalized testimony in post-truth and reconciliation apartheid—silencing victims of “lesser” forms of victim- narratives in order illustrate the ways in which literature, ization such as land removals, sexual abuse, and systematic fictive and non-fictive, can reach beyond the limitations of injustices. The third critique of the limitations of the com- archival representation. mission was that children who were victimized on the level of gross human rights violations were not able to testify The Truth and Reconciliation Commission uti- alone: an adult had to testify on their behalf. Volume Four lized city halls, educational institutions, and churches as a of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa space for truth-telling. The first four days of the Truth and Special Report explicitly defines what it means to be a child in Reconciliation hearings were held in a Victorian-style build- South Africa and clarifies the reasoning in restricting direct ing in East London City Hall. According to Volume 5 of testimony of a child as follows, “[. . .] a child is a person 21 22 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 youth andpowerstructuresillustrates adifferentkindof lenged SouthAfrica’s youth.Thisrelationshipbetweenthe education, andadeep-rooted history ofxenophobiachal- elements outoftownships”(10). Societalpressures,limited away fromschool,toburncars andtodrivereactionary join OperationBarcelona[...]. Studentswereurgedtostay African Students(COSAS)orderedtheschoolchildrento mob attacked Amy, “Two days ago, the Congress of South Mandisa noteswhyMxolisiwasn’t inschoolwhenthe lution wastobeanintransigentchangeandthefuture. funded educationsystem.To notaccepttheroleofrevo- sive rebellionagainstoppressiveregimes,suchasthepoorly phous communityonthecuspoftransformation. onizer, awomanwhodidnot knowherplaceinthisamor her skinsignifiedtothemthatshewasanoppressor, acol- the ANCforreconciliationofpastinjustices.Thecolor individuals knewwhoAmyBiehlwasorthatsheworkedfor tence. Itwaspossiblethatnooneinthecrowdofoppressed “a-part-ness” ofapartheidinfrastructurescameintofullexis- the crowdrecites harkens back to thepast long before the ONE SETTLER,BULLET”(207).Thechantthat it comesincessantly:ONESETTLER,BULLET! “From throats haphazardly all around the milling crowd they wereoutraged.Somethingdeepwithinthememerged: saw a white woman drive into their community without fear foot on South African soil. When the people of Gugaletu and violenceinMandisa’s life,longbeforeAmyevenset order totracethemultiplevictims,perpetrators,hatred, ical days, the author strategically implements flashbacks in of Gugaletu.Thoughthenovelonlycoverstwochronolog- more thanonevictimparticipatedinthekillingonstreets truth-telling progresses, it becomes evident that she believes Amy Biehl,avisiting Fulbright scholar. Yet, asthe personal of Mxolisi, comes forward and admits that her son killed titled “Mandisa’s lament,” in which Mandisa, the mother South Africancontext. The storybeginswiththe chapter of victimizationandwhatitmeanstobeavictiminthe it meanstoforgiveandchallengesthetraditionalnotions child’s basichumanrights. through anadult,especiallyifadults,ingeneral,violateda children wererepresentedandgivenagencytestimony This decisionplayedalargeroleinthewaythatvictimized children undertheageofeighteenwouldnottestify”(251). trauma [...]. ThefinaldecisionoftheCommissionwasthat might intimidatechildrenandsubjectthemtoadditional but itwasfeltthattheformalstructureofhearings appear andtestifyatthehearings,age ofeighteenshould before thehearingsastowhetherornotchildrenunder cial protectionbygovernmentandsociety. Adebatearose under theageofeighteenyearsandisentitledtospe- Mxolisi chosetoassimilatethecultureofaggres- In Mother toMother, SindiweMagonaexploreswhat - The initialmarginalizationofAzure’s characterisillustrated who inconsistentlyconstructthe powerstructuresinhislife. marginalized subject,continually oppressedbytheadults apartheid, albeit mediated by an adult author. Azure is a TRC—the perspective and experience of a child following resented throughthetruth-telling eventssanctionedbythe This narrativebringsforthapersonaltestimonynotrep- streets asaprostituteforoldermen,inordertosurvive. a consistenthomeinCapeTown wherehe“works”the year-old BlackSouthAfricanorphanwholiveswithout within SouthAfrica. danger oftheaggressiveassimilationmarginalizedyouth victim ofapartheidwhileatthesametimehighlighting TRC, theauthorisabletochallengewhatitmeansbea community. By bypassing the limited perspective of the space tobeaddressed,forgiven,andreconciledwithinthe historical atrocitiesthathadneverbeforebeengiventhe Commission and beginsa discourse of reconciliation of she goesastepfurtherthantheTruth andReconciliation Mandisa presentsthetruththathersonkilledAmyBiehlbut also avictim during apartheid.Inthispersonalnarrative, nity whatitmeanstobeamotherofperpetratorand commu- cile herownpastinadmittingtoherselfand rights violation—Mandisahastheopportunitytorecon- whole “truth”—not just the one specific act of gross human the post-apartheid literary canon because in revealing the nificant tothenarrativeasawholeanditscontextwithin sacre thatleduptothemurderofAmyBiehl.Thisissig- Commission andunveilalonghistoryofinjusticemas- reach pastthelimitationsofTruth andReconciliation intermediary adultfigure.Indoingso,theauthorisableto this narrativecapturesthetestimonyofachildthroughan finally, onemustacknowledgethatitactuallyhappened. and persecution. To understand the history of a nation, Gugaletu onemustunderstandthehistoryofdiscrimination understand hiscommunityofGugaletu.Andto timony. Yet, tounderstandhersonMxolisi,onemustfirst through understandingofherpersonalandcommunaltes- Mandisa’s efforttoestablishareconciliationandforgiveness crime tooutsiders.Thetitle,Mother,signifies Amy Biehl,thenarratorattemptstocontextualizeherson’s her pitifulentreaties”(210). Reaching outtothemother of resentment ofthreehundredyearspluggedhisears;deafto wielded theknifethattoremercilesslyintoherflesh.The being. Itsawthroughhiseyes;walkedwithfeetand of hisrace.Burninghatredfortheoppressorpossessed only anagent,executingthelong-simmeringdarkdesires crime that her son committed, Mandisa says, “My son was ideologies embeddedwithinacommunity. Reflectingonthe victim inMandisa’s narrative,onevictimizedbytheunjust In thenarrativeThirteenCents,Azureisatwelve- Mirroring theTruth andReconciliationCommission, through three lenses: physical, psychological, and social: of the jurisdiction of the TRC should also have the oppor- each of these perspectives deepens the oppression and vic- tunity to be woven into the collective of South African his- timization that Azure experiences in his everyday life. tory—thus illustrating the ways in which literature, too, can promote restorative justice. As the title, Woven Narratives of Azure initially describes his skin and eye color: “I Truth, Reconciliation, and the South African Collective suggests, have blue eyes and a dark skin. I’m used to people staring at through testimonial texts such as Mother to Mother and me, mostly grownups. When I was at school, children used Thirteen Cents, the testament of individuals and communities to beat me up because I had blue eyes. They hated me for that otherwise falls outside of the jurisdiction of the TRC it. But now children just take one look at me and then they have the opportunity to be woven into the collective of either say something nasty or smile” (1). Azure has the over- South African history. all appearance of a Black South African but his eyes suggest other heritages. This physical alteration meant that kids his Endnote own age had targeted him as well. i According to the South African History Online (SAHO) organization, As the novel progresses, Azure is constantly sexually Sara “Saartjie” Baartman was a Khoi Khoi woman who “signed” exploited in exchange for money. This victimization is illus- a contract and as a result was paraded all over Europe for the color of trated on page 32, through a dialogue between Azure and her skin and the size of her buttocks. a pedophile: “‘I’ll do anything you want for fifty bucks,’ I whisper to him. ‘Anything?’ ‘Anything that I can do.’ ‘And Bibliography/Works Cited (MLA Style) what is it that you do?’ he says softly in a mocking voice. Duiker, K. Sello. Thirteen Cents. Athens: Ohio UP, 2013. Print. ‘Depends on what I am asked.’ ‘What if I wanted to fuck you?’ ‘I can do that.’” This physical domination further indi- “Introduction.” After the TRC: Reflections on Truth and cates Azure’s marginalization: through this sexual exploita- Reconciliation. Cape Town: David Philip, 2000. 1–5. tion, Azure is abused by his own community in that no one, not even the police, stops these atrocities. These representa- Krabill, R. “Symbiosis: Mass Media and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa.” Media, Culture & tions of physical, psychological, and societal marginalization Society 23.5 (2001): 567–85. JSTOR. Web. 1 Mar. 2014. tyrannize Azure. The title, Thirteen Cents, signifies Azure’s coming of age when he turns thirteen in the novel, while at Magona, Sindiwe. Mother to Mother. Boston: Beacon, 1999. Print. the same time thirteen cents is all the money he has in his pockets and he says thirteen cents is all he is worth. Unlike “Sara ‘Saartjie’ Baartman | South African History Online.” Sara the protagonist’s son in Mother to Mother, Azure rejects social ‘Saartjie’ Baartman | South African History Online. N.p., 14 Aug. assimilation and retreats to Table Top Mountain, where he 2013. Web. 15 May 2014. . is able to escape his oppression and better understand the control that society has over him. While on the mountain, “Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report.” i in his dreams he encounters Saartije Baartman , whose pres- Choice Reviews Online 37.03 (1999): 1–25. Truth and Reconciliation ence symbolically parallels Azure’s life of sexual exploita- Commission. Web. 1 Mar. 2014. . his reclaiming of agency and identity in Cape Town: “At the Cave, I meet a woman who looks like she lived a very long Viljoen, Shaun. “K. Sello Duiker’s Thirteen Cents.” Introduction. Thirteen Cents. By K. Sello. Duiker. Athens: Ohio UP, 2013. time ago. She is short and her bum is big but she has the N. page. Print. lightest smile I’ve ever seen. She only wears a yellow thong and her long breasts are like fruit, like fat pears” (139). By linking the victimization of Saartijie Baartman to his own, Azure addresses a long national history of oppression and exploitation. This narrative unveils a perspective of a child who was born into apartheid and the child’s perspective of the child within the South African collective experience.

The intersection of these two testimonial narratives, historically contextualized through the TRC and the spaces that they created, reveals various forms of victimization that have transpired in South Africa. From this shared space, the roots of reconciliation and understanding can spring, but the testimonies of individuals and communities that fall outside 23 Juchari Uinapekua: Autonomy and Self-Governance in Cherán Jafet Diego, Whittier College

Jafet Diego graduated with a BA in Spanish and political science groups. After Mexico’s independence (1821), the Mexican from Whittier College in May 2015. She is interested in the government attempted to assimilate indigenous groups by increased political empowerment of marginalized and under- recognizing them all as Mexican citizens while disregard- served communities and aspires to use her research and work as ing their indigenous identity. This attempt to completely a grassroots community organizer to aid in this cause. eliminate the “Indian” also failed because it did not address the concerns of the indigenous community, particularly the racial discrimination they faced. As such, conversa- Beginning in 2007, the Purépecha community of tions about indigeneity re-emerged during the Mexican Cherán initiated a movement for autonomy after the local Revolution (1910–1920) with the ideas of indigenismo, indi- elections of 2007 when there was a sudden increase in the anismo, and the “cosmic race” (Peña 281). Indigenismo, a illegal exploitation of local forests. Since then, Cherán has policy approach designed by Manuel Gamio, sought to obtained autonomy and has also led to re-emerging con- accept and integrate the “Indian” into Mexican society by versations about the relationship between indigenous com- providing an education that would promote the intellectual munities and the state and the preservation of indigenous and political mobilization of the indigenous person (Knight values, cultures, and traditions. In this paper, the struggle 80). Indianismo, on the other hand, was a complete rejection for self-autonomy and autonomy in the Purépecha com- of Eurocentric ideals that embraced the indigenous person munity of Cherán is used as a case study to examine how as the “true Mexican” (Mattiace 55). In contrast to these two these concepts are being utilized by this indigenous com- other ideas, la raza cosmica or cosmic race, emphasized the munity. I argue that although government officials identified importance of mestizaje and recognized this mixing of races the struggle for autonomy in the Purépecha community of as ideal (Mattiace 55). Cherán as contradictory to the Mexican constitution, their demands were already protected by that same constitution. Out of these three approaches, indigenismo served I also argue that although the model of self-governance pro- as the inspiration for the policies in the latter half of the posed by the Purépecha of Cherán has been pushed by that 20th century. Essentially, policymaker’s efforts to maintain community as an alternate model that rejects Eurocentric Mexico as a homogeneous state continued as did disputes values and fully embraces indigenous values and traditions, between indigenous communities and the state which has it is important to note that although this model incorporates since led to various movements for autonomy, specifically indigenous ideologies, it also incorporates Eurocentric ideas. among the Purépecha community of Cherán, which will be the focus of this paper.

Introduction Self-governance and Autonomy Within the ﬁeld of political science, the concepts of In regard to autonomy and sovereignty, these con- autonomy and sovereignty have been largely revisited as part cepts have largely been discussed within an international of the larger discourse on indigenous autonomy. In recent context and from a western and Eurocentric perspective. decades, Mexico in particular has garnered attention from According to Hurst Hannum, professor of International the international community in light of the various strug- Law at Tufts University, “Personal and political autonomy gles for autonomy led by different indigenous communities, is in some real sense the right to be different and to be left most notably the Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional alone; to preserve, protect, and promote values which are (EZLN) and, most recently, the Purépecha community of beyond the legitimate reach of the rest of society” (Hannum Cherán. Within Mexico, indigenous communities’ efforts 4). Based on this deﬁnition, autonomy or self-governance to gain sovereignty and self-governance have been part of is having some degree of control over the political process, a larger effort to confront discrimination and address the although how and to what extent this control is limited var- relationship between indigenous communities and the state. ies. In comparison, sovereignty is focused on the relation- It is important to note that prior to the idea of a ship with, and degree of subservience to, external powers multinational state, there were essentially two approaches in (Hannum 15). As Giorgio Agamben discusses in Homo Sacer, dealing with indigenous communities in Mexico—extermi- “the sovereign is, at the same time, outside and inside the nation or forced assimilation. During the period of colonial- juridical order” (Agamben 17). In other words, the sovereign ism (1521–1821), a caste system was used to “de-indianize” has power over the law but is also subject to it. In respect the

The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2 015 Mexico. This system segregated individuals as either mes- idea of a nation, it has largely been defined as “a cultural or tizo, purely Indian, or purely white (Knight 72). However, social grouping with certain shared characteristics (such as the caste system eventually failed due to the increase in sub- language or ethnicity)” (Hannum 3). Unlike a state, which categories that made it impossible to keep track of all racial imposes a legal relationship on its subjects, a nation is united 24 by a sense of solidarity and common attributes (Hannum 24). As such, a nation state is a state that is formed by a decided to resolve these issues themselves by gathering any nation with shared characteristics that has sovereignty and weapons they had—machetes, guns, sticks, or even rocks— autonomy over itself. and created a blockade around their community (Estrada). They also formed their own autodefensas, community para- In Mexico, autonomy and sovereignty were revisited military groups, and expelled local police authorities. Since as a result of tensions between the state and several indig- then, Cherán has made various declarations denouncing enous communities in the state of Chiapas that erupted on the violation of their political and human rights to local, January 1, 1994. Although several state policies recognized national, and international entities due to the failure of the indigenous customs, traditions, and rights, these reforms state to adequately protect the community. were not enforced. As such, the EZLN proposed a new model of self-governance that rejected assimilation and Following the footsteps of the Zapatista movement, extermination. Essentially, they advocated for a plurina- Cherán pursued self-autonomy and advocated for a pluri- tional state that neither assimilated the indigenous com- national and multi-cultural approach in resolving their munity nor eliminated it. In response to these demands, problems. On July 20, 2012, the Purépecha community President Ernesto Zedillo signed the 1996 San Andres of Cherán submitted a document to the state congress in Peace Accords and promised the EZLN state recognition of which they declared that the political system imposed by the “indigenous systems of governance and justice” (Eisenstadt state was not able to adequately address their concerns or 60). However, this version of the accords was never passed. uphold several democratic values (Estrada 8). The document Instead, in 2001, President Vicente Fox passed a weaker ver- emphasized that this deficient system was produced by a sion of these agreements which did not address the concerns homogenous formula used by the state in addressing indig- raised by the EZLN and ruled autonomy as contradictory to enous issues. In other words, Cherán declared that the state the state. However, in 1999, Article 10 of the Chiapas state did not reflect the diversity of its citizens, an obligation that constitution was reformed to formally recognize indigenous is imposed on the state by the federal constitution (Estrada cultures and traditions (Eisenstadt 20). Yet, this same article 8). In fact, Article 4 of the constitution states the following: was also used to limit indigenous self-autonomy. The state The Mexican Nation has a multicultural compo- made sure to limit indigenous identities by labeling political sition originally found in its indigenous peoples. autonomy as a violation to certain articles of the state and The law protects and promotes the development federal constitution (Eisenstadt 20). In essence, indigenous of their languages, practices, customs, resources, self-governance was deemed to be contradictory to the state and specific forms of social organization and guar- constitution; however, the constitution itself was not ques- antees their members effective access to the full tioned as being contradictory to indigenous self-governance. range of the state’s legal authority [jurisdiction]. In Once these agreements were proposed as laws, the state leg- the agrarian judgments and legal proceedings they islature rejected them because they were an alleged violation are part of their own legal practices and customs of the constitution and several federal laws (Hernandez 5). shall be taken into account in establishing the law (Stephen 60). It is important to take note of the EZLN’s attempt to seek autonomy and establish indigenous systems of gov- Essentially, indigenous communities in Mexico are ernance that were recognized by the state, because it was a explicitly granted the right to not only live according to their prolific case that served as an example to the Purépecha. It cultural and religions customs, but to be, at the very least, also set a legal precedent that would be referenced to by the incorporated into the decision making process in order to state of Michoacán and by the Purépecha of Cherán in the ensure that their best interests are taken into consideration. Purépecha struggle for autonomy. As such, the argument that was made by the Purépecha community of Cherán was that the state had infringed on their constitutional right to be taken into account in the laws Autonomy in Cherán K’eri made regarding their community. Since the state had failed Although the Purépecha community as a whole had them, they pursued autonomy. become highly politically active, the struggle for autonomy in Cherán in particular began after the local elections of 2007 However, it is important to note that while the when there was a sudden increase in the illegal exploitation Purépecha of Cherán wanted to return to the “Buen of local forests (Estrada). It was at this time that Cherán Gobierno cheranense” (Good cheranese government), became one of the most dangerous places in the country. they were by no means declaring themselves as a sepa- Local officials and police members were indifferent to, or rate political entity from the state, but attempting to initi- even involved in, crimes against the indigenous community. ate a dialogue (Martinez 70). The reason why Cherán was With no one to help them, the people of Cherán gradually pursuing autonomy was not to antagonize the state but 25 26 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 legal reformsthataffectthem (Aranda).Inessence,the the courtruledthatindigenous communitiescancontest not consultthemunicipalityof Cherán(Aranda).Moreover, of Michoacánthatwasapproved in2012,giventhatitdid (SCJN) invalidatedtheconstitutional reformofthestate last year, theSupremaCorte deJusticialaNación is aconstitutionalright that has notbeen enforced. Just claim thatCherán’s autonomy and system ofself- governance enhance it. would notcontradictthelegitimacyofgovernment,but the Purépechaalsoaddressedthattheirformofgovernment and a strongsenseofleadership.Through this document, be acknowledgedasindividualswithagoodmoralcharacter about theissuesthataffecttheircommunity, butmustalso Essentially, membersmustnotonlydemonstrateknowledge to serveasagoverningmemberunderthispoliticalmodel. an exampleofthe complexity and highstandards required For example,thedocument submitted tothestatecourtis knowledge ofthePurépechaculture,traditions,andbeliefs. properly servethePurépechacommunityduetoalackof emphasized theinability of the Mexicangovernment to and concerns.Assuch,itisimportanttonotethatCherán to itspolitical,economic,environmental,andreligiousissues community hasonbothexperienceandknowledgeinregard these principleslargelyreflectthevaluethatPurépecha genas’” (8). genas’” pleno delosderechospueblosycomunidadesindí- por elcontrario,implicaresignificarlodesdeejercicio pacto nacional, no implica‘unaintencióndesepararnosdel de ladefensaautonomíaylibreautodeterminación As MiguelMandujanoEstradamentions,“laconvicción ensure thatthegovernmentwasaccountabletotheirneeds. ture, traditions,andvalues,wasawayinwhichtheycould a communalformofgovernmentthatreflectedtheircul- to helpimproveit.Leadersofthecommunitystatedthat Respeto porlosacuerdostomados”(Estrada10). (v) Sesionespermanentes.(vi)Informesoportunos.(vii) Consulta constanteantelatomadedecisiones.(iv)Escucha. following principles:“(i) Colectividad. (ii)Humildad.(iii) and religiousvaluesofthePurépecha.Theseinclude Cherán includesseveralelementsthatreflectthecultural state andthecommunity. communal citizenshipthatcreatesacloserbondbetweenthe a plurinationalapproachofgovernance,butencourages by thePurépechaofCheránpromotesatitscorenotonly cast outasoutsiders.Theformofself-governanceproposed co-exist withthestatewithoutbeingassimilatedor ticipation asMexicancitizensinawaywhichtheycould that self-determinationwasawayofensuringtheirfullpar More importantly, thecourtshavesupported According to Estrada, the “Buen Gobierno” ofAccording toEstrada,the“BuenGobierno” i Essentially, thePurépechaofCheránargued ii Essentially, -

rior” (Entrevista aIreri Huacuz,GestoraCulturalPurépecha). cultural que llevamos, esto tantoal interior como al exte- que alguienescriba—investigue—lafilosofíaPurépecha” flag, “LabanderaPurépechaesunllamadoprecisamentea ation, design,andartisanalelaborationofthePurépecha to JoseLuisSotoGonzález,whowasinvolvedinthecre- ture, traditions,religion,andpoliticalstruggle.According inscribed. This flag represents the Purépecha history, cul- words “JuchariUinapekua,”meaning“OurStrength,”are De LaBanderaP’urhépecha).Atthebottomofflag (region of Zacapualsoknownasthe place of stones (Marcha blue (lakes),green(mountains),yellow(ravines),andpurple colors startingclockwiseontheupper-right-hand corner: The fourcornersoftheflagarecomposedfollowing and locatedabovetheobsidianisaclenchedfist(Cuiriz). and alargeflame;embeddedintheobsidianisspearhead in thecentersurroundedwithmatchesonfourcorners flag isdividedintofourequalquadrantswithanobsidian flag. EstablishedinSantaFedelaLaguna1980,the nation as well, which is illustrated through the Purépecha has alsoundertakenconversationsabouttheiridentityasa de queexistimos . . . poquito dedemástrabajoenfrentartealdesconocimiento Colegio delaFronteraNorte,sheexplained,“Cuestaun the Purépechacultureandbeliefs.InaninterviewforEl obstacle thatshefacesinherworkisthedevaluationof Looking Forward ment, orthatitinfringesonthesovereigntyofstate. for autonomy does not imply that it is a separatist move Purépecha communityofCheránhasargued,amovement point ofview that has“blackandwhite”structure.Asthe self- that whenweareexaminingtheconceptsofautonomyand Purépecha community. Assuch,itisimportanttoconsider protect therighttoself-determinationandautonomyof courts haveruledthatthestatehasfailedtosupportand for autonomywiththePurépecha communityofCheránisa their culture. of theirstruggleagainst erasureandrevaluationof of thePurépechacommunities’solidarityandstrength,but In other words, the Purépecha flagis not only representative nity ofSanta Fede laLaguna, As IreriHuacuz,amemberofthePurépechacommu- to reclaimthePurépechaidentityandcombatitserasure. the designofthisflagalsoreflectsconsciousdecision in thepeacefulstruggleofconsciousness.Inotherwords, his community, theflagservesasacodexandweapon ( Marcha DeLaBanderaP’urhépecha).Heexplainsthatfor governance we are thinking about them from a western More importantly, thePurépecha as a community However, althoughthePurépechaflagandshift

un desconocimientodelagranriqueza iv mentioned, the hardest iii - v rejection of Eurocentric systems of governance, it is import- of thinking? While considering these last thoughts, it is ant to note that Eurocentric systems of governance have important to remember that “The mere achievement of been used to achieve this goal. Moreover, the westernization “autonomy” will not guarantee development or preserve a and professionalization of many members of the Purépecha threatened culture, and the form which any particular man- community as a whole has been vital in the success of their ifestation of autonomy takes must be consciously related to case particularly in the courts. Without a doubt, several net- the goals of the community which seeks it, as well as to the works have been established within the Purépecha commu- requirements of the larger state polity” (Hannum 474). How nity that allowed them to be political advocates on their own the Purépecha community of Cherán, and the Purépecha behalf without the necessity of a translator. Associations such community in general, moves forward in respect to these as la Asociación de Profesionistas Purépechas, el Comité challenges remains to be seen. de Pueblos Purépechas por los Cinco Puntos, la organi- zación Camino del Pueblo, and el Movimiento Indígena Conclusion Revolucionario were developed throughout the struggle for autonomy (Martínez 66). Although this has been helpful to As can be seen in the case of Cherán, the Zapatista the community as a whole because its younger members movement initiated a new discussion about the relation- have returned home as lawyers, doctors, and government ship between indigenous communities and the state. Rather officials, it has also produced various concerns within the than antagonizing the state, or fleeing away from it, the community about the preservation of their culture, tradi- EZLN held their ground and proposed a structural reform tions, language, and beliefs given the rising impact of glo- that would not only benefit the indigenous communities balization and westernization. in Mexico, but all Mexicans alike. This approach turned out to be a better option for the Purépecha community of While the political presence of the Purépecha has Cherán which has largely based its own model of the “Buen undoubtedly been on the rise, over the years much of the Gobierno” on the ideas proposed by the EZLN. They have, literature available on the Purépecha indicates a decrease in as members of Mexico’s civil society, navigated the polit- population. According to Luis Vázquez León, an anthropol- ical system and used their experiences and knowledge to ogy professor at the Colegio de Etnólogos y Antropólogos strengthen democracy in Mexico by maintaining the state Sociales (CEAS), the indigenous movement has allowed accountable in the execution of their constitutional rights. individuals who would normally not be considered to be Most importantly, Cherán has asserted that the indigenous indigenous, to be labeled as such (Leon 42). This is sup- people of Mexico are not a problem but a solution. ported by the research of Robert C. West who concludes after examining census data that the amount of native speak- Acknowledgements ers has gradually declined. This is mentioned as part of a larger question that Leon poses, which regards the concept I would like to acknowledge my faculty mentor, Dr. of what it means to be indigenous in both a cultural, polit- Gustavo Geirola, my family and friends, and the Whittier ical, and legal context. While the concern that Leon poses College Mellon Mays coordinators, fellows, and alumni for about the abuse of the indigenous identity as a political tool all their support in the development of this paper and my by non-indigenous individuals or entities is possible, there personal and professional growth. are several factors that could be influence this perception. Mainly, it must be noted that definitions of what it means to Endnotes be indigenous have expanded. While a person’s geograph- ical position and native language was customarily used as i The conviction to pursue autonomy and self-determination does not a standard identifier of the Purépecha identity, this is no imply an intention to separate ourselves from the state; on the contrary, it implies the intent to exercise the rights of indigenous towns and longer true. Now members of the Purépecha community communities fully. can be found not only in other parts of Mexico but abroad ii (i) Collectivity. (ii) Humility. (iii) Constant consultation before making as well. decisions. (iv) Listening. (v) Permanent sessions. (vi) Timely reports. (vii) Respect of reached agreements. As such, it is important to consider how concepts of iii The Purépecha flag is precisely a call for someone to write—to investigate autonomy and sovereignty, and the integration of indigenous —the Purépecha philosophy. communities in the country as a plurinational nation, will iv Huacuz was also the head of the cultural diversity department at the change with the growing westernization of the Purépecha Secretaria de Cultura in the state of Michoacán at the time of this community. Given that the Purépecha community is con- interview. v nected to the “external” world now more than ever, will It takes a little bit more work to face the lack of awareness that we exist . . . a lack of awareness of the great cultural wealth that we have, some- their claims to autonomy continue to reject Western modes thing that occurs both within and outside of our communities. 27 28 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 Martínez, IvyJacarandaJasso.“Reconocimiento deLosDerechos Martínez, IvyJacarandaJasso.“LaPresentacióndelasIdentidades Marcha DeLaBanderaP’urhépecha.Prod.RaúlMáximo León, LuisVázquez.AntropologíaPolíticadeLaComunidad Knight, Alan.“Racism,revolution,andindigenismo:Mexico, Hernández, RosalvaAída,andHéctorElizondoOrtiz.“Diferentes Hayden, Tom. TheZapatistaReader.NewYork: Thunder’s Mouth/ Hannum, Hurst.Autonomy, sovereignty, The andself-determination: Estrada, MiguelMandujano.“LaprimaveraP’urhépecha;resisten- Entrevista aIreri Huacuz,GestoraCulturalPurépecha. Eisenstadt, Todd A.Politics,Identity, andMexico’s IndigenousRights Cuiriz, JavierMellápeti.“CeremoniaDeLaToma DeLaBandera Aranda, Jesús,andErnestoMartínezElorriaga.“Autoridades Agamben, Giorgio.Homosacer:Sovereign powerandbare life. References no. 41(2013):208–13. Indígenas ‘Reformulacióndelestado Mexicano’”Desacatos, content/2012v21n1/05IvyJacarandaJassoMartinez.pdf. en Michoacán,Mexico,”2012.http://www.uri.edu/iaics/ Étnicas enEspaciosInterculturales:LaPoblaciónPurépecha watch?v=vG8uFI7UF30>. 2015. Web. 29May2015.. 2012. Web. 29May2015.. www.purepecha.mx/threads/3348-Ceremonia-de-la-Toma-de- Fe DeLaLaguna,27Nov. 2009.Web. 28May2015.. La Jornada,28May2014.Web. 24May2015.

Taylor Evans is a fourth-year history major at the University of recognize more than white, middle-class, cisgender people California, Berkeley. Her research interests primarily concern in the struggle for Gay Liberation. “Your brothers and gender, race, and sexuality in the 20th-century U.S., with sisters are being abused,” Rivera shouted over the uproar, a specific focus in the activism and social movements of the 1960s “they’re rotting in jail — and you all don’t do a goddamn and 1970s. Her ultimate goal is to become a professor of history thing for them!” ii while continuing her work as an activist and advocate. Just four years prior to the 1973 Gay Liberation rally, the transgender patrons of the Stonewall Inn had been the This paper documents the contributions of transgen- major instigators of the riot that heralded the first major der leader Sylvia Rivera in order to show how transgender social movement for gay rights in the United States. A women of color were both vital to—and yet ultimately side- year after that, transgender woman Lee Brewster had been lined from—the Gay Liberation movement. By examining responsible for initiating the first annual Christopher Street her involvement in Stonewall, her subsequent exclusion Liberation Day Rally. But after witnessing the treatment by the gay community, and finally analyzing her work with of her friend Sylvia at the event she had begun, Brewster STAR, this paper asserts that Rivera’s work ultimately illus- marched onto the stage, threw her tiara into the crowd, and trates the crucial role that transgender women of color shouted “Fuck Gay Liberation!” iii played within the Gay Liberation movement, while her exclusion by the mainstream Gay Liberation movement The events at the Christopher Street rally that day illustrates the various ways in which women like Sylvia— would have a remarkable impact on Sylvia’s life thereaf- poor, working class, trans women of color—were harshly ter. Discouraged by the events, she realized that they were excluded by their white, middle-class counterparts. not an isolated incident; they were symptomatic of much larger tensions that culminated in the schism between the “We were doing what we believed in. And what transgender community and the mainstream gay and les- we’re doing now, the few of us who are willing to bian community, which had become increasingly conserva- unsettle people and ruffle up feathers, is what we tive and unwelcoming of the transgender women who had believe in doing. We have to do it because we can played such a vital role in setting the movement in motion. no longer stay invisible. We have to be visible. We For years afterward, transgender women would continue to should not be ashamed of who we are. We have to struggle for recognition the movement. At the same time, show the world that we are numerous.” the Stonewall Riots and the events at Christopher Street i —Sylvia Rivera, June 2001 thereafter illustrated the vital importance of transgender advocacy and galvanized Sylvia Rivera to continue fighting At the 1973 Christopher Street Liberation Day rally, on behalf of transgender and gender-variant people. crowds of queer-identified activists gathered to commemo- rate the fourth anniversary of the groundbreaking Stonewall While transgender rights have gained more vis- riots and continue to advocate for the visibility of the cause ibility in the U.S. in recent years, many people remain of Gay Liberation. In attendance that day was Stonewall unaware of transgender activists’ leadership in the U.S. veteran and Puerto Rican transgender rights activist Sylvia Gay Liberation movement. This paper documents the con- Rivera. Known for her radical activism and unabashed tributions of transgender leader Sylvia Rivera in order to flamboyance, Rivera was one of the foremost advocates in show how transgender women of color were both vital the LGBT community. But despite her trailblazing work to — and yet ultimately sidelined from — the Gay Liberation as an activist and organizer, Rivera’s presence among the movement. Rivera’s work ultimately illustrates the vital mostly white middle-class crowd was decidedly unwelcome. role that transgender women of color played within the With her full body suit, face full of makeup, and dyed hair, U.S. Gay Liberation movement, while her exclusion by Rivera’s appearance was a stark contrast to the mostly white, the mainstream Gay Liberation movement illustrates the middle-class crowd gathered at the rally that day. Earlier various ways in which women like Sylvia — poor, work- that day, Rivera and other transgender women of color were ing class, trans women of color — were harshly excluded threatened by the lesbian contingent of the event, which by their white, middle-class counterparts. In focusing on claimed that their wearing of dresses and claims to wom- the needs of homeless, transgender youth as part of the anhood were disrespectful to “real women.” After being Street Transvestite Action Revolutionaries (later renamed beaten and threatened by several attendees of the event, the Street Transgender Action Revolutionaries [STAR]), Rivera fought her way onto the stage amid a chorus of Rivera’s activism functions as a direct subversion of the threats, taunts, and heckles. In the face of this violent hos- homonormative ideals surrounding mainstream gay activism tility, Rivera leveled a scathing critique of the climate of the and constitutes a re-imagining of what a comprehensive, gay and lesbian community, demanding that these activists intersectional gay politics might look like. Examining her 29 30 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 now infamousStonewall Inn. ple whogatheredinplaceslikeGreenwichVillage, andthe munity amongthehostofgender-variant, street-basedpeo- seventeen-year-old so-calledstreetqueen.Shefoundcom- organization, however, eventually decided toexclude any on acitywidegayrightsanti-discrimination ordinance.The for theorganization,andin1971 dedicatedherselftowork color — in whichpeoplelikeher — Feinberg: ment attheStonewallriotsina1998interviewwithLeslie political rights. gay peopleacrossthecountrybegantomobilizefortheir Liberation Movement,amongthefirstmovementsinwhich widespread attention.ItsubsequentlygavebirthtotheGay first timesthattheissueofgayrightsgarnerednational, now infamous Stonewall riots, which marked one of the like herself. tors of gay society, including transgender women of color that recognizedand fought for the mostmarginalized sec- tirelessly inordertomakethestruggleforgayrightsone it isevidentthatSylviaRiveradedicatedherlifeandworked gay community, and, finally, analyzing her work with STAR, involvement inStonewall,hersubsequentexclusionbythe original Gay Liberation Front. major gayrightsgroupfollowing thedisintegrationof in theworkofGayActivist Alliance,whichbecamethe lead theGayLiberationFront.Shewouldbeinstrumental After theriots,sheplayedamajorroleinhelpingfoundand lysts oftheeventsthatculminatedinStonewallriots. Rivera’s accountsofStonewallillustratetheways In Juneof1969,SylviaRiverawasinvolvedinthe in — off earlier intheweek.But Inspector Pine came The policecamein.Theyhadgottentheirpay- and thelights came on. We all stoppeddancing. hot, muggynight.We wereintheStonewall[bar] In 1969,thenightofStonewallriotwasavery everybody behindus. the bar — ple wholivedintheparkSheridanSquareoutside people fromtheVillage outfront — for othermovements.Itwastime.streetgay taking anymoreofthisshit.We haddonesomuch know weweregoingtoreactthatway. We werenot were actuallyafraidofusatthattime.Theydidn’t barricaded intheStonewallbuilding,becausethey started. Andthenwefinallyhadthemoralssquad els, andquartersatthecops.Andthenbottles the fences.Peoplestartedthrowingpennies,nick- vans. Thecopspushedusupagainstthegratesand bar and they cattledusall up against thepolice the government’s money. We wereledoutofthe took to the front lines andwere the essential cata- him andhismoralssquad — and then drag queens behind them and iv AtthetimeofStonewall,Sylviawasa vi poor, radicalstreetqueens of v Riverarecountsherinvolve- vii Sylvia continued to work to spendmoreof homeless peo- out ofwhatRiverasawasapressing needforanorganization Transgender Action Revolutionaries, or STAR. STAR arose Bubble RoseLee,Riverabegan aprojectcalledtheStreet classes, genders,andraces. rights andequalityforallqueer-identified people ofall they continuedtopushforanagendathatadvocated Rivera engaged inotherformsofactivism through which to marginalizedidentities,transgenderwomenlikeSylvia of amovementthatwasbecomingmoreandhostile for the othering of transgender women of color. In the face June 1969.Thisformofpoliticsalsoprovidedthecontext mainstream gay politics following the Stonewall riots of consumption.” ized, depoliticizedgaycultureanchoredindomesticityand possibility ofademobilizedgayconstituencyandprivat- tions, butupholdsandsustainsthem,whilepromisingthe contest dominantheteronormativeassumptionsandinstitu- Lisa Duggan,homonormativityis“apoliticsthatdoesnot as awhole,increasinglyhomonormative.Asdefinedby of theleadersmovement.GayLiberationbecame, being pushedtothefringesandoutrightexcludedbymany the movementwhenStonewallriotseruptedwerenow tized, the“streetqueens”whohadbeenonvanguardof the movementbecamemoreconservativeandbureaucra- in thewaythatalignedwithmainstreammovement.As They simplycouldnotcompartmentalizetheiridentities system fromtheperspectivesofrace,gender, andsexuality. a radical visionforpoliticsthatsought tochallengethe Transgender womenof color like Sylvia Riveraembodied cal streetpoliticsthatservedasthegenesisofmovement. identity and sexuality, andleft no roomfor the brandof radi- ple; itdidnotconsiderthemultiplevariationsofgender Stonewall soughtonlytoeradicateoppressionforgaypeo- century. Theburgeoninggaypoliticsthatemergedpost- the 21st to characterizethepoliticsofgayrightswellinto mainstream GayLiberationmovement,andwouldcome ability andassimilationthatbecameacentralconcernofthe ultimately untenable in the face of the politics of respect- was suddenlyjustcollapsed.” right tospeak.I’veneverseenanyonesolost — stage, andsheroared.Inthisverypartwasdeniedthe pening. She grabbed the mic, pushed herway onto that Her friendBobKohlerremarked,“Shesawwhatwashap- excluded fromthemainstreamportionofmovement. where she realized that she was being explicitly, violently to aheadwithSylvia’s 1973speechonChristopher Street, behalf ofgender-nonconforming people.Theeventscame more troublingdevelopmentsforSylviaandherworkon Sylvia hadpushedfor. mentions ofdragandtransvestitismfromtheveryordinance In 1970,alongwithMarsha P. Johnsonand The identitiesoftransgenderwomencolorwere x Thisframeofthoughtcametocharacterize viii Theseeventswouldonlyherald ix her world that recognized the struggles of transgender people who Ultimately, Rivera and her work represent a revolu- lived on the streets, especially youth. STAR’s work included tionary struggle: her work encompassed simultaneous strug- a community house, which provided a home and supportive gles for equality and racial, class, and queer justice. Shortly network for transgender youth living on the streets. “We before her death, Rivera had this to say about her lifelong saw them as our family — we knew we needed to protect involvement in the struggle for transgender rights: these kids because no one else would.” xi Throughout the “I’m glad I was in the Stonewall riot. I remember early 1970s, STAR continued to be politically active. They when someone threw a Molotov cocktail, I thought: marched in demonstrations, held rallies, and attended Gay ‘My god, the revolution is here. The revolution is Liberation commemorations. Even at these commemora- finally here!’ I always believed that we would have tions, the gay community continued to ignore the funda- to fight back. I just knew that we would fight back. mental role that Sylvia, Marsha, and other trans women I just didn’t know it would be that night. I am played in inciting and making Stonewall a success. They proud of myself as being there that night. If I had were often relegated to the back of parades commemo- lost that moment, I would have been kind of hurt rating Stonewall and celebrating gay pride, if they were because that’s when I saw the world change for me included at all.xii The events surrounding the founding of and my people. Of course, we still got a long way STAR and the lack of recognition it received as an activist ahead of us.” xv organization illustrate the problematic dynamics of the Gay For Rivera, it was simply not enough for the gay Liberation movement, and the ways in which transgender community to seek acceptance from mainstream heteronor- women of color were explicitly marginalized and neglected mative society. Instead, she called for a radical reimagining by mainstream organizations like the Gay Activist Alliance of what life, love, and politics could look like apart from the (GAA). Their work and politics were often desperately at mainstream ideals surrounding heteronormativity. In many odds with that of the mainstream movement. Unlike the ways, her struggle continues. As mainstream gay rights work of the GAA, which continued to focus on garner- continues to conform to homonormativity, the rich, deeply ing rights for respectable, white, middle-class gay people, complex legacy of Sylvia Rivera remains a cornerstone and a Sylvia and Marsha’s work with STAR centered on giving model politics that illuminate a more diverse gay community. the most oppressed sectors of the community access to basic xiii needs such as housing, food, and a network of resources. Failure to recognize the discrimination and dismissal Advocacy on behalf of these oppressed, highly marginalized that transgender women of color like Rivera faced within the populations would remain a cornerstone of Sylvia Rivera’s movement and in subsequent histories of Gay Liberation activist work throughout her life, and she would continue renders historical accounts of LGBT activism and resistance to stress the importance of addressing the needs of the poor- inaccurate and incomplete. Understanding the involvement est and most neglected sectors of the LGBT community of Sylvia Rivera and transgender people of color within the even as the modern LGBT rights movement continued to movement is also key to understanding the state of LGBT neglect them: rights today; transgender women remain marginalized, and “I am tired of seeing my children—I call everybody they have historically not reaped the benefits of LGBT including you in this room, you are all my chil- rights in the way that cisgender gay people have. Their dren—I am tired of seeing homeless transgender needs as a group have not been attended to; they are still children; young, gay, youth children. I am tired of advocating for the basic right to be recognized as their seeing the lack of interest that this rich community gender identity, and they have been victims of violence has. This is a very affluent community. We can and hate crimes in higher numbers than any other LGBT afford to re-renovate a building for millions and group.xvi Recognizing Sylvia Rivera’s pioneering work in millions of dollars and buy another building across light of this struggle is a vital and necessary part of under- the street and still not worry about your homeless standing LGBT politics as they stand today. children from your community . . . .” xiv

Rivera would remain a prominent voice in the mod- Acknowledgements ern LGBT rights movement, and continued to advocate for I would like to acknowledge my MMUF cohort at those in the community whose struggles were still being Berkeley as well as my mentor, Thomas Lacquer. relegated to the margins by the major LGBT organizations and activist groups. She remained an outspoken voice of resistance in the LGBT community until her untimely death Endnotes in 2002. i “‘Our Armies Are Rising and We Are Getting Stronger.’ | Sylvia Rivera 2001.” Accessed November 8, 2014. http://www.historyisaweapon.com/ defcon1/riverarisingandstronger.html. 31 32 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 Ehn, Nothing.“Introduction:Queens AgainstSociety,” Street Duberman, Martin,andAndrewKopkind.“TheNightThey Bronski, Michael.“SylviaRivera:1951–2002.”AccessedAugust4, Bronski, Michael.AQueerHistoryoftheUnitedStates.Revisioning Bibliography xiv xiii xii xi x ix viii vii vi v iv iii ii xvi xv antagonist-struggle/. transvestite-action-revolutionaries-survival-revolt-and-queer- https://untorellipress.noblogs.org/post/2013/03/12/street- Press. |Untorelli Struggle Antagonist Transvestite Revolt,andQueer ActionRevolutionaries: Survival, 120–47. doi:10.2307/25007620. Raided Stonewall.”GrandStreet,no.44(January1,1993): by-michael-bronski. 2015. https://zcomm.org/zmagazine/sylvia-rivera-1951–2002- American History. BeaconPress,2011. “NCAVP report:2012hateviolencedisproportionatelytarget “Workers World July2,1998:SylviaRiveraontheStonewallRebellion.” ArmiesAreRisingandWe“‘Our AreGettingStronger.’ | Sylvia Rivera Ehn, Nothing.“Introduction:QueensAgainstSociety,” Street Ibid. Pay ItNoMind—TheLifeandTimesofMarshaP.Johnson,2012. “What IsHomonormativity?”DISMANTLINGHOMONORMATIVITY. SYLVIA RIVERATRANSMOVEMENTFOUNDER,2011.https://www. Ibid. Bronski, Michael.“SylviaRivera:1951–2002.”AccessedAugust4,2014. ArmiesAreRisingandWe“‘Our AreGettingStronger.’ |SylviaRivera Duberman, Martin,andAndrewKopkind.“TheNightThey Bronski, Michael.AQueerHistoryoftheUnitedStates/Revisioning Stryker, Susan.TransgenderHistory.SealStudies.Berkeley, CA:Seal “Trans ActivistSylviaRiveraShoutsDowntheCrowdatChristopher target-transgender-women-color. glaad.org/blog/ncavp-report-2012-hate-violence-disproportionately- transgenderwomenofcolor.” Text. GLAAD,June4,2013.http://www. sylvia0702.php. Accessed November15,2014.http://www.workers.org/ww/1998/ defcon1/riverarisingandstronger.html. 2001.” AccessedNovember8,2014.http://www.historyisaweapon.com/ survival-revolt-and-queer-antagonist-struggle/. noblogs.org/post/2013/03/12/street-transvestite-action-revolutionaries- Struggle |UntorelliPress.AccessedJune25,2014.https://untorellipress. Transvestite ActionRevolutionaries:Survival,Revolt,andQueerAntagonist gdata_player. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rjN9W2KstqE&feature=youtube_ weebly.com/what-is-homonormativity.html. Accessed November13,2014.http://dismantlinghomonormativity. youtube.com/watch?v=ybnH0HB0lqc&feature=youtube_gdata_player. bronski. https://zcomm.org/zmagazine/sylvia-rivera-1951–2002-by-michael- defcon1/riverarisingandstronger.html. 2001.” AccessedNovember8,2014.http://www.historyisaweapon.com/ doi:10.2307/25007620. Raided Stonewall.”GrandStreet,no.44(January1,1993):120–47. American History. BeaconPress,,2011. Press: DistributedbyPublishersGroupWest, 2008. eviscerates_hecklers_christopher_street. http://dangerousminds.net/comments/trans_activist_sylvia_rivera_ Street Rally, 1973.”DangerousMinds.AccessedAugust1,2014. Accessed June25,2014. “Workers World July2,1998:SylviaRiveraonthe Wilchins, Riki.“AWoman forHerTime,” TheVillage Voice. “What IsHomonormativity?”DISMANTLING “Trans ActivistSylviaRiveraShoutsdowntheCrowdat SYLVIA RIVERATRANSMOVEMENTFOUNDER,2011. Stryker, Susan.TransgenderHistory.SealStudies.Berkeley, CA: Pay ItNoMind—TheLifeandTimesofMarshaP.Johnson, ArmiesAreRisingandWe“‘Our AreGettingStronger.’ | Sylvia Nestle, Joan,ClareHowell,andRikiAnneWilchins, eds. Feinberg, Leslie.TransgenderWarriors:MakingHistoryfrom http://www.workers.org/ww/1998/sylvia0702.php. Stonewall Rebellion.”AccessedNovember15,2014. com/2002-02-26/news/a-woman-for-her-time/. Accessed December13,2014.http://www.villagevoice. homonormativity.html. http://dismantlinghomonormativity.weebly.com/what-is- HOMONORMATIVITY. AccessedNovember15,2014. activist_sylvia_rivera_eviscerates_hecklers_christopher_street. August 7,2014.http://dangerousminds.net/comments/trans_ Christopher StreetRally, 1973.”DangerousMinds.Accessed youtube_gdata_player. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ybnH0HB0lqc&feature= Seal Press:DistributedbyPublishersGroupWest, 2008. &feature=youtube_gdata_player. 2012. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rjN9W2KstqE isaweapon.com/defcon1/riverarisingandstronger.html. Rivera 2001.”AccessedNovember8,2014.http://www.history Los Angeles:AlysonBooks,2002. GenderQueer: VoicesfrombeyondtheSexualBinary.1sted. Joan ofArctoRuPaul.Boston:BeaconPress,1996. Revisiting Forbidden Lines in T Tauri Stars Wanda Feng, Smith College

Wanda Feng graduated in May 2015 with a BA in astronomy Stars form as dense cores of molecular clouds gravitationally and geosciences from Smith College. The results of her honors collapse. Due to the conservation of angular momentum, thesis in astronomy will be published in the Astrophysical these TTSs are surrounded by protoplanetary disks, which Journal. Wanda was awarded a National Science Foundation are comprised of gas and dust from which planets eventu- Graduate Research Fellowship, and joined the School of Earth ally accrete. Ionized gas accretes onto the stars along their and Space Exploration at Arizona State University in the fall magnetic field lines. Simultaneously, matter is ejected in of 2015 to pursue her PhD in astrophysics. Her extracurricular collimated bipolar jets. The protoplanetary disks clear within activities include photography, equitation, and chess playing. 5 million years (Myr), when the star is on the main sequence and planets have formed. Of interest in this paper are mass-ejection processes. A star of particular astronomical interest is the Sun, a low-mass star about 5 billion years old. Investigating how the In 1942, Alfred Joy observed an irregular variable star, Sun formed, and how the surrounding solar system developed, T Tauri, embedded in the dark clouds of Hind’s Variable relies heavily on observations of newly formed, low-mass Nebula. This star and those of its class were defined by T Tauri stars. One of the major questions in star formation is strong emission in hydrogen, helium, and various metallic how young stars disperse their surrounding material, a process lines. Emission lines form as photons are released when that limits the timescale of planet formation. Low-excitation electrons transition from higher to lower energy levels. In forbidden lines in the spectra of T Tauri stars have long been contrast, absorption lines form when electrons transition recognized as mass outflow tracers due to their primarily from lower to higher energy levels. The wavelengths, , blueshifted emission. By investigating the kinematic compo- at which these lines occur depend on the energy levels of nents of forbidden lines, it is possible to better understand atoms, yielding clues about the physical conditions at which� the mechanisms of mass ejection from T Tauri systems. In those lines form. Spectroscopy, the study of emission and this project, high-resolution spectra of 20 T Tauri stars have absorption lines, is an important tool for understanding the been analyzed to revisit several conclusions by Hartigan et al. processes that govern TTSs. (1995). By correcting for absorption features due to Earth’s atmosphere and the stellar photospheres, accurate velocity A number of forbidden lines have been observed profiles were obtained. The velocity profiles were fit with for TTSs (e.g., Cabrit et al., 1990; Hartigan et al., 1995). Gaussian functions to separate kinematic components and Forbidden lines violate quantum-mechanical selection rules understand different mass-ejection mechanisms. It is shown for electron dipole transitions, and occur as electrons tran- that Hartigan et al. (1995) underestimate mass-ejection rates sition from low-lying metastable to lower energy levels in for bipolar jets, and the low-velocity component of forbidden low-density regions. These emission lines are thus associated lines traces a photoevaporative wind. with stellar winds or outflows of gas. The most prominent of these lines is that of forbidden oxygen [O I] 6300 Å, which shows blueshifted (approaching the observer) profiles due � Introduction to disk occultation (see Figure 1), where the disk obscures redshifted (receding from the observer) emission (Edwards The Sun is a low-mass star about 5 billion years old et al., 1987). and in the middle of its lifetime. Understanding the origins of the Sun, as well as the planets in the solar system, Hartigan et al. (1995) observed that forbidden line requires the study of low-mass, young T Tauri stars (TTSs). profiles, particularly that of [O I] 6300 Å, are often doubly λ

Figure 1. Disk occultation concept: (Left) Sketch showing that the circumstellar disk obscures red-shifted emission. (Right) This results in primarily blueshifted line profiles, which are often doubly peaked with a high-velocity component (HVC) and low-velocity component (LVC). The example shown is adapted from Hartigan et al. (1995). 33 34 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 few circumstellar disksaredispersed. vides insightintomass-ejectionprocessesforTTSsandhow (2010) forX-ray-drivenphotoevaporativewinds.Thispro- are compared to line profiles predicted by Ercolano & Owen between mass ejection and mass accretion. The new LVC files. The new HVC are used to re-evaluate the relationship improved byfittingGaussiancomponentstothelinepro- from thestar. heated gasisabletoescapeatsufficientlylargedistances of thegasexceedsgravitational bindingenergy. The layers ofcircumstellardiskssuchthatthethermalenergy energy radiation,whichisincidentuponandheatstheupper evaporation. Photoevaporativewindsaredrivenbyhigh- emissionlinesmayariseinadiskwindduetophoto- Owen, 2010)hassuggestedthattheLVC offorbidden attributed toaslow-movingdiskwind. sion bystellarjets.Thelow-velocitycomponent(LVC) was appear as0.7M is approximately3Myr, andthemajorityofourstarswill Figure 2.Thissuggeststhattheaverageageofoursample create theHertzsprung-Russell(H-R)diagramshownin nosities fromHerczeg&Hillenbrand(2014)wereusedto and Mspectraltypes.Thestellartemperatureslumi- mass tracksarefromSiessetal.(2000). progression tothezero-agemainsequence (ZAMS).Isochronesand fall. Thedashedlinesrepresentmass tracksshowingtheevolutionary solid blacklinesrepresentisochrones, wherestarsofthesameage Figure 2.H-Rdiagramshowingstars inthisstudygraytext.The Sample andData as emissionwith|v>60kms Figure 1. The high-velocity component (HVC) was defined km s peaked with onecomponent blueshifted by a few hundred log L (L ) km s ⊙ -1 (highvelocity)andtheotherblueshiftedbyonlya For thisproject,thedefinitionofHVCandLVC is Recent work (e.g., Font et al., 2004; Ercolano & This studyinvolves20TTSswithpredominantlyK -1 (lowvelocity).Thisisshownintherightpanelof ⊙ onthemainsequence. log T eff -1 (K) andwasattributedtoemis-

section. the HVC and LVC contributions; this is shown in the next rected profilescanbekinematicallydecomposedtoseparate ple ofthisprocessisshowninFigure3.Theresultingcor layers ofthestellaratmospheremustberemoved.Anexam- taminants” causedbytheEarth’s atmosphereandtheouter emission line,telluricandphotosphericabsorption“con- et al.(1995). � [S II]� [O I]�6300Åand5577Å,aswellsinglyionizedsulfur here focusesonforbiddenlinesarisingfromneutraloxygen spectral coverageof�=4800to9200Å.Theworkpresented and December1,2006(Fischeretal.,2011).HIREShasa & Hillenbrand,2004),andtheotherstarsonNovember30 Hawaii. HLTau wasobservedonDecember5,1999(White W. M. Keck I telescope at the Mauna Kea Observatories, the High-ResolutionEchelleSpectrometer(HIRES)on Absorption featuresduetogaseousoxygen,O was retrieved from the Keck Observatory Archive (KOA). temperature starwithclearlydefinedtelluricfeatures, cules inEarth’s atmosphere.Spectra ofHR1852,ahigh- telluric absorptionlinesfromeach stellarspectrum. tures inthetelluricandstellar spectra, thensubtractingthe correction wasaccomplishedby aligningtheabsorptionfea- are notsignificantfortheother forbiddenlines.Thetelluric inent inthespectralordercontaining [OI]�6300Å,but Creating ResidualForbiddenLineProfiles velocity profile. veiled V819(dotted)withtheirresidual;(3)correctedAATau residual their residual;(2)superimposedtelluric-correctedspectraofAATau and (1) superimposedspectraofAATau andtelluricstandard(dashed)with Figure 3.Creationof[OI]�

Residual Flux Flux Flux To obtainanaccurateprofileforeachforbidden The forbiddenlinesinthisstudywereobservedwith Telluric 6717,6731ÅataresolutiontwicethatofHartigan linesareabsorptioncausedbymole- 6300ÅresidualproﬁleforAATau: Velocity (km/s) 2 , areprom-

The T Tauri spectra also show absorption lines caused (DAVE) that runs in the Interactive Data Language (IDL), by the stellar photosphere. Six photospheric standards were developed by the National Institute of Standards and observed in the same observing run as the T Tauri sam- Technology (NIST) Center for Neutron Research (Azuah et ple, covering the range of spectral types corresponding to al., 2009). DAVE finds the least-squares fits, outputting vcenter, the TTSs. The photospheric correction was accomplished FWHM, and area under the Gaussian fit(s). by: shifting the photospheric spectra to the stellar radial velocity; matching the projected rotational velocities; and The selection of the best-fit parameters is based on adjusting the depth of the photospheric features by adding several criteria: the observed shape of the line profile, a root a continuum excess known as veiling. As a final step, the mean square (RMS) estimate of the goodness of fit, and telluric and photospheric corrected spectra (flux vs. ) can be whether the same fits could be made for other forbidden converted to line profiles (flux vs. velocity) using the stellar lines from the same star. All of the forbidden lines in this radial velocities and Doppler formula. λ study were fit with 1 to 4 Gaussians.

Extracting Gaussian Components Results and Conclusions

One of the goals of this project is to isolate the kine- The delineation between HVC and LVC is readily matic contributions of the HVC and LVC of each forbidden apparent for stars like CW Tau, which has a doubly peaked line. In the absence of information about the velocity gra- profile (Figure 4). However, this delineation is less obvious dient and geometry of the emission regions, the best way to for stars like AA Tau, where the HVC is unresolved from the identify distinct contributions is through fitting one or more LVC. To distinguish between HVC and LVC, a histogram Gaussian functions to each line profile. showing all center velocities of the Gaussian fits for [O I] -1 6300 Å was created, and a definition of vcenter = 30 km s A Gaussian function is a probability density function was taken for this study. of the normal distribution given by: � The HVC of forbidden lines were interpreted by Hartigan et al. (1995) to arise from stellar jets, which are accretion driven, collimated outflows of gas. They defined where represents the standard deviation in the velocity v, HVC as emission at |v| > 60 km s-1, which did not account for HVC that are unresolved from their LVC. However, in and vcenter represents the vcenter velocity. The full width at half σ maximum (FWHM) describes the width of the Gaussian at this study, HVC are defined as Gaussian fits with |vcenter,| > 30 km s-1. In comparing these definitions, it is clear that the half of the maximum value. The vcenter and FWHM parameters can be determined by Gaussian fitting. previous definition by Hartigan et al. (1995) underestimates the HVC contribution for 7 stars (e.g., AA Tau in Figure 4). The forbidden emission lines in this study were fit inter- This implies that the mass-ejection rates for these stars are actively using the Data Analysis and Visualization Environment likely greater than previously determined. Flux FWHM (km/s)

Center Velocity (km/s)

Figure 4. (Right) Examples of line profiles in thick solid lines as well as Gaussian fits with HVC shaded and LVC as red dashed lines. Hartigan et al. (1995) line profiles are in thin solid lines and HVC definitions are shown as vertical dotted lines. (Left) [O I] 6300 Å LVC Gaussian fit FWHMs vs. center velocities, where stars with single-component LVC are in hollow circles and two-component LVC are solid circles and asterisks. Modeled parameters for line profiles arising in photoevaporative flows by Ercolano & Owen (2010) are shown� with low velocities (> – 10 km/s) and widths (< 40 km/s). 35 36 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 dispersal ofproto to thedominantprocessesthataffectstarformationand photoevaporative winds.Ultimately, thisstudyshedsinsight predicted byErcolano&Owen(2010)forX-ray-driven luminosity can be calculated for comparison with those between massejectionandaccretion.TheLVC line ejection ratesofstellarjets,andrevisittherelationship The HVClineluminositycanbeusedtodeterminemass- luminosities fortheHVCandLVC mustbedetermined. X-ray-driven photoevaporation. half ofthestarsinoursampleareexperiencingmasslossby luminosities anddiskproperties.Thisimpliesthatabout eled byErcolano&Owen(2010)usingavarietyofX-ray expected forX-ray-drivenphotoevaporativeflows,asmod- not welldeveloped.ThenarrowLVC havecharacteristics profiles forthesewindsinthewind-accelerationregionare wind, likelymagnetocentrifugalinnature.Modelsofline components inthisstudysuggestthattheyariseadisk gas inKeplerianrotation,yettheblueshiftsforbroad broad LVC (FWHM > 40 kms a studyof2TTSs,Rigliacoetal.(2013)suggestedthat < 37kms Gaussian functions,whicharenarrow(6kms and canbefitwitheitherone(9stars)ortwo(11 profiles. LVC are observed for all of the stars in this study, kinematic properties,theHVCissubtractedfromline gested (e.g., Alexander et al., 2014). To investigate the LVC a photoevaporativewindfromthediskhassincebeensug- unknown origins.Thepossibility that theLVC istracing by Hartiganetal.(1995)toarisefromadiskwindwith Edwards, S.,Cabrit,Strom,S.E., etal.1987,Astrophysical Cabrit, S.,Edwards,Strom,S.E., &Strom,K.M.1990, Azuah, R.,Kneller, L., Qui,Y., etal.2009,JournalofResearch Alexander, R.,Pascucci, I.,Andrews,S.,Armitage,P., &Cieza,L. References Acknowledgements truly changedmyworldview. FWHM =40kms The delineationbetweenthesetwocomponentsistakenas Journal, 321,473 Astrophysical Journal,354,687 the NIST, 114,341 2014, ProtostarsandPlanetsVI,475 To expandtheconclusionsinthisproject,line The LVC fit parameters are shown in Figure 4. For Many thankstomyadvisor, SuzanEdwards,whohas The LVC offorbiddenlineswereinterpreted -1 ) orbroad(44kms planetary disks. -1 . -1 -1

Kerwin Holmes, Jr. is a recent graduate of Morehouse College, in order to avoid the same social ostracism which their where he majored in the study of history and minored in the ancestors faced.ii study of religion. Kerwin is a Christian scholar who grew up in the American South and who is working to become a historical Despite his claims of coercive influences, Genovese theologian of the Patristic Period of church history. Kerwin plans argued that attempts by Africans to adopt Christianity into on using lessons from that time period for exploring the rela- their religious milieu was done solely under the volition of tionship between developing cultural traditions and theological blacks themselves, much to the chagrin of their European ideology. In the future, he hopes that his research increases the captors. Genovese claims that in the centuries before the effectiveness of using theological principles for creating common religious fervor drawn from Second Great Awakening, morality in cosmopolitan environments. Besides reviewing his- the 17th and 18th centuries, to be exact, the French and tory, current politics, and theological debates, Kerwin’s hobbies British colonial powers made very little effort to convert iii include exercising and enjoying life with friends and family. their African captives to Christianity. The reason for the British and French reluctance, and at times outright disap- proval, to convert Africans to the Christian faith was due to Throughout human history, mankind has developed the revolutionary ideology religion provided, as the colo- societal beliefs foundational to every culture in order to cre- nial powers had observed in Europe. In Europe, the access ate human civilizations. At the foundations of these societal to Christian religious teaching among the common-man beliefs stand epistemological assumptions informed by theo- had led to a wave of individualistic thinking and a sense logical claims that attempt answers to universal definitions of communal belonging which bred a series of revolutions of personhood, justice, and freedom. This essay analyzes against the oppressive order of those in power—exactly what the theological foundations of mid-19th-century America the Europeans sought to avoid in their African slave as the nation struggled at its darkest hour to personhood, societies.iv Yet, blacks were far too resourceful and cunning justice, and freedom. Analyzing the Christian community of to have been kept wholly out of contact with revolution- the American South, this paper not only provides awareness ary Christian rhetoric, especially in a nation which relied to how theological grounding formed American society, upon such rhetoric for the overthrow of the British imperial but also how American society began to influence Christian powers in the American colonies. The result, Genovese theology. The following excerpt uses a combination of lit- argued, was a conglomeration of African traditional reli- erature review and historical data to provide the historical gious emphasis with Christian theology and ideologies of debate that this essay focuses upon. equality and liberation which would in turn forever change the religious scene of the entire United States of America.v In analyzing the Southern religious scene for blacks Arguably the most seminal work of history which during the antebellum period, several historical scholars influences the modern historical academy concerning black have produced works which remain respected in today’s Christianity in 19th-century America, Sterling Stuckey’s academy. One of the most essential, and the earliest of Slave Culture: Nationalist Theory & the Foundations of Black the scholars I analyze, is Eugene Genovese, specifically America connects African cultural agency directly with the in his 1974 work, Roll Jordan Roll; The World the Slaves Christianity which black slaves practiced in the South. Made. In this work, Genovese asserts that black Christianity Published in 1987, Stuckey’s work draws parallels from often drew from preexisting African religious heritages, but black Christian practices and the religious practices of var- that it did so as a method of generational legacy and self- ious African peoples known to have been exploited in the improvement.i According to Genovese, conversions largely Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade; for example, the usage of drums occurred not among those first generations of Africans sto- and fiddles in slave worship and cultural gatherings parallels len from the African continent to work under the stress of the drum usage among the peoples of Mali and the realms of European masters, but rather among the children of those the old Songhai Empire in Africa.vi Stuckey also used the life first Africans through a combination of their parents’ reli- and Christian influences of David Walker, the virulent black gious African inheritance with the new religious ideologies writer of the early 19th century who encouraged blacks imposed by Europeans. The first generation of Africans to use their liberties and self-preservation to rebel against in the slavery system experienced brutal social repressions their oppressive white captors, to draw nationalist doctrine because of their religious difference from their Christian from the black Christian world. Stuckey highlights how oppressors. According to Genovese, the second generation black Christians often perceived the religion of their white of Africans acclimatized their religion toward Christianity 37 38 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 traditions. region to region due to the influences of various African which wasasyncreticreligiousideologyvariedfrom among slaveswasthereligiousmovementcalledConjure— Dr. Parker claimed that the greatest rivaltoChristianity religious practices among blacks in 19th-century America. minority positionofChristianityinthescopemany text. Theclass,taughtbyDr. AaronParker, stressed the Church, usingRaboteau’s workSlaveReligionastheseminal in onaclassdiscussingthehistoryofAfricanAmerican practices. to disguisetheirpersistenceofabidingbyAfricanreligious appeared tohavetakenonaformofChristianityinorder from persontoperson.Raboteauarguedthatsomeslaves region toregion,fromcommunitycommunity, andeven The religiousideologyofAfricansinAmericavariedfrom more complex and sophisticated thanGenovese claimed. Raboteau, theAfricanreligiouscultureinAmericawasfar began toreachahighpointintheacademy. Accordingto research aboutAfricanreligiosityinAmericanhistory after GenoveseandbeforeStuckey, duringatimewhen American religiousthought,publishedhisworkshortly they wantedtoblackpeople. counterparts asasham,hypocriticallicensetodoanything nent. AccordingtoMartin,the evangelizingnatureofthese of blackpreacherslookingto evangelize theAfricanconti- the writingsandworks ticated identityofblacknesswithin Religion.” Inthat article, Martin looks atamoresophis- Identity, 1800–1915:ACase StudyofAfricanAmerican 2000 titled“BlackBaptists,African MissionsandRacial Martin wroteanarticlein continent, returningblackreligiositytoitsorigins.Sandy black ChristianityfromtheAmericanSouthtoAfrican These scholarsturnedthehistoricalsettingofAntebellum gious realitiesofblacksinthe19th-centuryAmericanSouth. scholarship through the decades to shed light upon the reli- inform interpretationsofthesehistoricaltexts. panied worshipservices. the drummingandshoutingtestimonieswhichoftenaccom- produced bewildermentandsymbolizedspiritualfervor, and jumping andthrobbingmotionsofspiritualecstasywhich by whatevergodwasbeinginvokedtheworshippers, practices include the phenomenon of spiritual possession black religionevenwhenblacksbecameChristians.These equal claimthatAfricanreligiouspracticesdidstillpervade form ofreligiouspractice. tural thoughtwithChristianimagerywasthemostcommon poric community, asyncretizedorcombiningofAfricancul- While attendingMorehouseCollege,Iwasabletosit Albert J. Raboteau, a black scholar on African Historians andtheologiansalikeprovidedmore viii xi Infact,Raboteauarguedthatintheentiredias- Dr. Parker’s expertiseisusedinthisanalysisto x ix Evenso,Raboteaudidmakethe in andHeritagein Baptist History vii gious practice,sixty-onepercentwereclearlynotChristian Fountain foundthatof381slavesinterviewedaboutreli- instances which seem to point to the validity of his claim, gious traditions. Drawing from one of several historical community amidstaplethoraofotherdeeplyAfricanreli- in SouthernChristianityconstitutedaminorityreligious mentation, hearguesthat19th-centuryblacksparticipating surveyclaims,andhistoricaldocu- analysis, contemporary using populationRaboteau butalsogoesastepfurther; Christianity, 1830–1870 in2010,drewinspirationfrom Civil War, andSalvation:AfricanAmericanSlaves ical witnesses. The first conclusion is that the religious the evidencethatcanbedrawn fromthegatheredhistor rians consistentlyreachcertain scholarly conclusions from institutions. had broadersocialconsequencesbeyond walls of religious tion ofChristianityintheSouth,andhowsuchindividuality black Christiansmadetheirownspaceinthereligioustradi- and successasapastorbyhiswhitepeers,shedlightonhow which Marshallfaced,includingthecovetingofhisaffluence inated. Thoughbrief,herdescriptionoftheracialpolitics ulace bywhichhiscongregationwassurroundedanddom- be theoldestblackchurchinAmerica,andwhitepop- African BaptistChurchinSavannah,Georgia,disputedto relationship betweenblackpastorAndrewMarshallofFirst social vacuum.JanetD.Corneliuslookedattheharrowing religious lifeasifblackreligiositywascreatedwithina rather thanexclusivelyrelyingupondiscussionsaboutblack oppression. religious expression was under great political strain and national driveofblackpreachersduringatimewhen Second GreatAwakening asapossiblemotivefortheinter Martin alsousestheblackreligiousfervordrawnfrom osity influencedtheirethicsforAfricaandAfricanpeoples. of Americaduringthe19thcentury, andhowtheirreligi- the black religious community leaders in the United States Though international in research area, the work starts at peoples, no matter their geological or religious divisions. stressing thecommonheritageandcommunityofallAfrican would giverisetoearlypromotionsofPan-Africanthought, professed Christiansbesidemyself.” war, “[i]nthecompanyIbelongedtotherewereonlytwo black manwhoservedintheUnionarmyduringCivil reports from testimony given by Reverend Elijah Marrs, a The trendcontinuedthroughtheCivilWar, asFountain Africa andthegreaterAfricandiasporiccommunity. of adoptionandhereditaryconcernfortheblackpeoplein black preachers encouraged them to move toward a kind Daniel Fountain, who published his work Slavery, Though theirinterpretations may vary, avidhisto- Other scholarshavetakendifferentapproaches xiii xvi xv xxii This xiv - - community of the black population of the South was far from words would silence the slavery theological debate once and monolithic—an emphasis which is understood throughout for all. this analysis, which otherwise endeavors to look only at the black Christian populace of the South in terms of theologi- In his sermon, Thornwell claimed that public opinion cal beliefs on slavery. Historians reach another observational had unjustly opposed the Southerners based off of inaccu- conclusion that the efforts to Christianize blacks, where such rate notions of the relationships between the master and his efforts by colonial and later European powers existed, were slaves. By abolitionist supporters pushing straw man attacks largely inconsistent in success. The religiosity of the blacks against Southerners, the slavery debate among Christians was not a determinant to their acceptance of Christianity, as had shifted to the shaky grounds of emotional appeal and several other religious venues were available to them during verisimilar images of Southern slavery. “At this moment,” the same time period—many of which were truer to their decried Thornwell at the dedication of the church building ancestral African identity. It is crucially necessary that such for black slaves, “the Union is shaken to its [.] by the preva- xvii knowledge of the scope of Christianity among blacks be lence of sentiment over reason and truth . . . . ” kept in mind so as to not make conclusive arguments on the Christian opinions in the South were, however, more entirety of the black population’s view of slavery from this vibrant than Thornwell considered, particularly where reli- essay which only reviews the Christian communities in the gion and degree Christian doctrinal conviction varied. One American South. example, Quaker preacher and abolitionist Charles Osborn, was born in North Carolina in 1775. He relocated with Preachers his parents to Tennessee in later years, where he became a Preachers in the American South confronted a very Quaker minister and founded his first abolitionist society daunting task for their time. Facing political disunity sur- and printing press. Lack of funding forced Osborn to con- rounding slavery, Southern preachers often held in balance tinue his activism in the North, where he received more xviii their entire society in the ways that they handled the theo- public support for his views. Differing from Thornwell’s logical question of slavery in Christianity. Superficially, overtly political rhetoric, Osborn believed that the essential Christians in the American South were locked in theolog- nature of the slavery discussion was a compromise of the ical controversy on whether they should engage in slav- Christian faith, rather than a geopolitical allegiance within ery or not. Of course, the political structures prevalent in the United States. For Osborn, the Quakers had failed in the Southern states allowed for African chattel slavery and their God-given duty to speak out against the evils of slavery xix even safeguarded its promotion. Slavery provided great because of personal concerns and fears. What Thornwell sources of economic revenue for the agrarian societies in the saw in national terms Osborn instead saw in denominational South, and the color/race-based caste that African (and even terms as he attributed the lackadaisical performance of the Indian) chattel slavery utilized provided social stability to Quakers as a result of their intermingling with those outside poor whites who otherwise would have occupied the lowest of the Society of Friends (the official name for the Quaker rung on the social ladder. church).

One of the clearest examples of how pastors behaved Yet both preachers could agree on the overt hypoc- in South Carolina’s slavery-enforcing society comes from risy shown by those with apparent abolitionist leanings. a South Carolinian preacher who viewed his contribution Thornwell chastised Northern and European “philanthro- to chattel slavery as benevolence for the entire human race pists” as largely ignoring the problems and sufferings of and the Christian Gospel. Pastor James Henry Thornwell, their immediate neighbors to concentrate efforts on a sys- pastor of Second Presbyterian Church in Charleston, SC, tem of dehumanizing Southern slavery that did not exist. openly supported slavery and saw the entire slavery theology “Overlooking, with a rare expansion of benevolence, the debate as a political problem shrouded in a faux-theological evils which press around their own doors,” Thornwell tes- coat, and he decided to make his voice heard on the issue. tified, the philanthropists tried to distance the Southern Thornwell had just dedicated a new building to the black states collectively from the rest of the civilized world as a xx slaves of his congregation on May 26, 1850. During the distinct, dehumanizing society. But Northern abolitionists dedication, Thornwell gave a lengthy sermon which had did this while at the same time not extending privileges to the dual nature of declaring the South’s philanthropic good- the free blacks and Indians in their own states. Though will toward blacks and validating existing slavery structures Southern churches like Thornwell’s began expending mate- through his Christian ethic. Thornwell sought to inform rial building church buildings for blacks to attend separately, his congregations by his gracious example to the blacks his such Christian segregation had already existed for nearly a slave-owning congregants entrusted to him. His sermon was century in the North. later published for circulation, perhaps in the hopes that his 39 40 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 power of the “opposer.” chosen minoritywhostruggledcontinuallyagainstthegreat or Elijah the prophet. He saw himself asthe leader of a doubt thought of himself as equivalent to John the baptizer advocated abolitionshouldraisesomesuspicion.Osbornno host ofhistoricalwitnessesgivenbyapreacherwhoradically schism hiseffortshadcaused.Thissuddendeparturefroma champions ofanti-slaverytestifiedinhisjournalthegreat as decidedlyanti-slaveryandpro-Union,yetoneofthe written accounts of the Quakers label the denomination narrative. Agreatdealofscholarlyretellingandconcurrent gregation towhichhebelonged. in expulsionfromoneofthespiritualgatheringscon- fall fromgracewithintheQuakercommunityresulted of Friendshadbecomewrappedupin.Eventually, Osborn’s he alsohadtobattlethepoliticalfavoritismthatSociety there, hemetresistancefromhisreligiouscompatriots,and born, butcircumstancesmadehimrelocateupNorth.Even states. HefirstbeganhismissionintheSouth,wherehewas for theimmediateendingofchattelslaveryinAmerican Quaker brethrentobecaughtonfireasmuchhewas Charles Osborn’s personalcrusadewasfightingforhis hypocritical inhow“abolitionist”theywerewillingtobe. Endnotes placency canbeargued. slavery intheQuakerflock.Yet, thetrueextentofthiscom- Quaker abolitionists,thattherewascomplacencytoward is convincing,giventhatthesourceoneofforemost other Quakerswhodidnotsharehisspecialrevelation.It mising humanequality, mayhaveelevatedhimaboveall of Osborn,thoughrootedinthefirmbeliefuncompro- that Osbornpossessedofhimself.Thedeepreligiousfervor his moderateQuakerfriends,pointstoaprophetic-complex This, coupled with Osborn’s opinionated stance against even out ofthewilderness . . terrible asanarmywithbanners.” wrote ofhisdesiresthatthe“militantchurchshallcomeup which thesedetailsabouthisconvictionsarecited,Osborn x ix viii vii vi v iv iii ii i Raboteau, Raboteau, Albert J.Raboteau,SlaveReligion:The‘invisibleInstitution’in the Stuckey, Sterling Stuckey, SlaveCulture:NationalistTheory&theFoundations of Genovese, Genovese, Genovese, Genovese, Eugene D.Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll;TheWorldtheSlavesMade.New Antebellum South,Oxford:OxfordUniv., 1980,25. Black America,NewYork, NY: OxfordUniversityPress,1987,20–21. York: PantheonBooks,1974,183. This iscuriouslycontrarytomuchofthehistorical It wasnotuncommonforabolitioniststoalsobecome Slave Culture,113,134. Slave Religion,36–37. Slave Religion,28,32,314. Roll, Jordan,Roll,184. Roll, Jordan,Roll,167. Roll, Jordan,Roll,185. Roll, Jordan,Roll,183. xxi At the end of his journal from xxii Parker, Aaron.“AfricanAmericanChurch.”ClassLecture, African ofChrist:Charles of thatFaithfulServant Osborn, Charles.Journal Miller, RandallM. “Osborn, Charles.”Osborn,Charles.NCPedia. Martin, SandyD.“BlackBaptists,AfricanMissionsandRacial Genovese, EugeneD.Roll,Jordan, Roll;TheWorld theSlaves Made. Fountain, DanielL.Slavery, CivilWar, andSalvation:African Cornelius, JanetDuitsman.SlaveMissionsandtheBlackChurchin Bibliography xix xviii xvii xvi xv xiv xiii xii xi xx xxii xxi

24, 2014. American ChurchfromMorehouse College,Atlanta,GA.April A. Pugh,1854. of theLord,Service andintheDefenseofTruth, asitisinJesus . in theWork oftheMinistry, andHisTrials andExercisesinthe Containing anAccountofManyHisTravelsOsborn, andLabors osborn-charles. Accessed 15Sept.2015.http://ncpedia.org/biography/ Society, 2000. Historical Commission,SBCandSouthernBaptist Religion.” Identity, 1800–1915:ACaseStudyofAfricanAmerican New York: PantheonBooks,1974. Louisiana StateUP, 2010. American SlavesandChristianity, 1830–1870.BatonRouge: the AntebellumSouth.Columbia:UofCarolina,1999. Charles Osborn,JournalofthatFaithfulServantChrist: Randall M.Miller, “Osborn,Charles,”Osborn,Charles,NCPedia, James HenryThornwell,TheRightsandDutiesofMasters.ASermon Janet DuitsmanCornelius,SlaveMissionsandtheBlackChurchin Fountain, Daniel L.Fountain,Slavery,CivilWar,andSalvation:AfricanAmerican Martin, “BlackBaptists,AfricanMissionariesandRacialIdentity, Sandy D.Martin,“BlackBaptists,AfricanMissionsandRacialIdentity, Aaron Parker, “AfricanAmericanChurch,”ClassLecture,African Thornwell, Osborn, Osborn, Defense oftheTruth,asitisinJesus,A.Pugh,1854,420. Ministry, andHisTrialsExercisesintheServiceofLord, Containing anAccountofManyHisTravelsandLaborsintheWork accessed 15Sept.2015,http://ncpedia.org/biography/osborn-charles. Walker &James, 1850,8. Beneﬁt andInstructionoftheColouredPopulation,Charleston,SC:Press Preached attheDedicationofaChurchErectedinCharleston,S.C.,for Antebellum South,Columbia:UofCarolina,1999,106. 2010, 16. Slaves andChristianity,1830–1870.BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUP, 1800–1915: ACaseStudyofAfricanAmericanReligion,”79–92. Southern BaptistHistoricalSociety, 2000,79–92. and Heritage,Vol. 35.Nashville,TN:HistoricalCommission,SBCand 1800–1915: ACaseStudyofAfricanAmericanReligion,”BaptistHistory 2014. American ChurchfromMorehouseCollege,Atlanta,GA,April24, Journal ofthatFaithfulServantChrist,470. Journal ofthatFaithfulServantChrist,423. Slavery, CivilWar,andSalvation,10. The RightsandDutiesofMasters,7. Baptist History andHeritage.Vol.Baptist History 35.Nashville,TN: Stuckey, Sterling. Slave Culture: Nationalist Theory & the Foundations of Black America. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1987.

Thornwell, James Henley. The Rights and Duties of Masters. A Sermon Preached at the Dedication of a Church Erected in Charleston, S.C., for the Beneﬁt and Instruction of the Coloured Population. Charleston, SC: Press of Walker & James, 1850.

41 Unpacking Equality Ideology: The Relationship between Race and Colorblind Attitudes Sarah Iverson, Smith College

Sarah Iverson graduated cum laude from Smith College in but not impacting the way blacks view structural discrim- 2014 with a degree in sociology. She is currently completing ination (p. 171). In contrast, sociologist Tamara Nopper a two-year policy fellowship at the think tank Connecticut Voices (2010) argues that Korean Americans draw from and repro- for Children and plans to enroll in a doctorate program in sociol- duce colorblind ideologies when constructing stories of ogy in the fall of 2016. Her research interests include racial and success and immigrant experiences, leading them to oppose ethnic stratification, immigration, and identity performance. anti-racist policies and discourses. This work explores the tension between Nopper and Bonilla-Silva’s work, centrally placing the social location of Asian Americans as actors who Drawing on a quantitative survey with over 350 par- may benefit from and thus reproduce colorblind attitudes. ticipants at Smith College, this paper seeks to explore the extent to which white, Asian, and underrepresented students Thus my research asks the question: what is the rela- of color hold colorblind ideologies through multivariate tionship between race or ethnicity and colorblind attitudes? regression analysis. Drawing on Eduardo Bonilla-Silva’s I seek to explore the ways in which non-white groups may theory of colorblindness as the dominant racial ideology or may not take part in ideologies that reproduce white of the post-Civil Rights era, I find that while students as a privilege. I find that Asian students hold stronger colorblind whole hold few or weak colorblind attitudes, Asian students attitudes than white students, and that underrepresented were more likely than white and underrepresented students students of color hold the weakest colorblind attitudes. I of color to answer in a manner consistent with the discur- consider class as a mediating variable in the relationship sive denial, naturalization, and minimization of structural between race or ethnicity and colorblindness. My research racism. I test class as a mediating variable in the relationship finds that class has little effect on the stated relationship, between race and colorblindness but find little effect on the such that race and ethnicity on its own predicts hierarchies stated relationship. of colorblindness.

Throughout this paper, it is important to keep in Introduction and Background mind that colorblind ideologies are not neutral, nor do they solely impact discourses on race or ethnicity. Instead, col- This paper seeks to explore the extent to which orblind ideologies critically order the way in which institu- white, Asian, and underrepresented students of color hold tional policy handles race or ethnicity, and impact resource colorblind attitudes and ideologies. Colorblind racial ide- allocation for minority groups in the United States. Ideology ology refers to the discursive denial, naturalization, and is essential in reproducing the racialized social system, and minimization of institutional racism and white privilege so must be understood thoroughly in efforts to bring equity, (Bonilla-Silva, 2006). Prior research (Bonilla-Silva, 2006; not just equality, to racial relationships in the United States Proweller, 1999; Choi, 2008) primarily focuses on color- (Bonilla-Silva, 2006). blind discourses employed by whites; however, with the shifting racial and economic demographics of the United Data States, including the relatively high socioeconomic status of Asians, may come a shift in those who employ and benefit Sample from colorblind attitudes. As a case study, this paper looks at racial/ethnic attitudes of first-year undergraduates at Smith The data used in this paper come from a 2014 study College, a small, selective women’s college in Massachusetts. of the first-year class at Smith College. A team of researchers sent a survey on many dimensions of student life to the According to sociologist Eduardo Bonilla-Silva entire first-year class (N=643) via e-mail, and 254 first-year (2006), colorblind discourses allow whites the farce of racial students answered one or more survey items (N=254), for a tolerance (“I don’t see color, just people”), while ignoring response rate of 39.5 percent. Additionally, to increase the persistent racial and ethnic inequalities in education, wealth, number of respondents to the survey, the research team used rates of incarceration, and employment, among other met- convenience sampling of students not in the first-year class, rics (p. 207). In this way, colorblind ideology contributes to begetting 83 responses, bringing the total sample size up to inequalities along race and ethnic lines, because whites who 351 students (N=351). perpetuate such attitudes are able to rationalize racial and ethnic inequality, and benefit from supporting race-neutral Population data on racial and ethnic composition, The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2 015 policies that maintain existing racial hierarchies. Bonilla- citizenship, and first-generation status are known to the Silva (2006) also contends that as a dominant race ideol- researchers from Smith’s Common Data Set 2013–2014, ogy, the ideas of colorblindness have had an indirect effect allowing for the comparison of the sample and the pop- on blacks, “provid[ing] many of the terms of the debate,” ulation. Population parameters indicate that generalizing 42 the results of statistical analysis from the sample to the American Indian, Arab American/Middle Eastern, and population may be appropriate and that results may even be Other. In a separate question, students were also asked if robust; however, generalizing must be done with caution. they identify as multiracial. Whites are students who only Population data indicate that the percentage of students in checked white on the racial/ethnic identification item on the sample who identify as African American and Latina is the survey. Asians are defined as students who only checked smaller than the percentage in the population, while the Asian on the racial/ethnic identification item on the survey. percentage of students in the sample who identify as Asian Underrepresented student of color are defined as students American and multiracial is higher in the sample than in who checked either African American, Latino/a or Hispanic, the population. The largest racial/ethnic group, whites, Native Hawaiian, or Other Pacific Islander, Native Alaskan, has virtually the same representation in the population and American Indian, Arab American/Middle Eastern, two or the sample. Additionally, the percentage of students in the more races/ethnicities (except for those who selected both population who do not have a parent graduate of a four- Asian and white), or Other Ethnicity. year college is close to the percentage in the sample, and the percentage of non-U.S. citizens in the sample and the While this racial categorization system belies the population is less than 2 percentage points apart. The con- diversity of experiences found in each group, Asians and venience sampling of non-first-years is not representative, underrepresented students of color share the positionality and so cannot be generalizable. of navigating institutions in which whiteness is the norm. Asians, who are typically included in inclusive “People of Dependent Variables Color” or “Non-White” categories, were differentiated in this survey because they are overrepresented in higher The primary dependent variable (DV) in this study education. While imperfect, such categorization of the race is colorblindness, which is the general index of racial atti- IV as described above attempts to simultaneously acknowl- tudes held by respondents. Deriving from Bonilla-Silva’s edge the socially constructed nature of essentialist racial (2006) definition of colorblindness, I constructed the color- categories and the essential power racial categories have in blindness variable by creating an index using the mean of organizing lived experiences. eight survey items (alpha=.6987) about students’ attitudes on race and ethnicity. Each survey response was ranked on Mediating and Moderating Variables a Likert scale (0–10) ranging from “Completely Disagree” to “Completely Agree” on the following items: 1) whether To further parse the relationship between my DV and Smith should have programs for people of color; 2) whether IV, I test for mediation by the variable class, as informed by Smith should have spaces for people of color; 3) belonging theories on the intersection of race and class (Collins, 2000; to a racial or ethnic minority group presents obstacles to a Aries, 2008; Lareau, 2003). Mediation means that a third student’s ability to succeed at Smith; 4) it is unfair to con- variable explains the relationship between the primary IV sider an applicant’s race as a factor in one’s college admis- and DV, rather than the primary relationship existing on sion; 5) discrimination exists in the outside world but not at its own. I constructed the class index using the mean of five Smith; 6) people generally get along best with people from standardized survey items (alpha=.7200) typically used to their own racial or ethnic group; 7) people from different holistically measure socioeconomic status: 1) highest level of racial or ethnic groups naturally differ from one another; education achieved by both parents; 2) self-reported social and 8) it’s human nature that many people choose to date class; 3) estimation of parents’ combined annual income; those who share the same race or ethnicity. Each survey 4) whether one parent has a professional occupation. item comes directly from one or more of Bonilla-Silva’s (2006) four frames of colorblind racism: abstract liberalism, Results naturalization, cultural racism, and minimization of racism.i Univariate Statistics Independent Variable For the general colorblind index among all students The primary independent variable (IV) in this study in the sample, the mean was 3.12 (SD 1.58) on a scale of is race, as divided into the mutually exclusive categories 0–10, with 0 indicating that the respondent held the weakest white, Asian, and Underrepresented Student of Color. On colorblind attitudes and 10 indicating that the respondent the survey instrument, students could self-select as many held the strongest. The mean of students in the sample as a racial or ethnic identities as they wanted, among the options whole was fairly low, indicating that students in the sample Latino/a or Hispanic, White, African American, Asian, generally hold few or weak colorblind attitudes, and were Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander, Alaska Native, cognizant of structural racism.

43 44 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 may directlybenefitfromcolorblinddiscourses. attainment and socioeconomic status in the U.S., and so many AsianAmericanssucceedonmeasuresofeducational tudes, evenwhencontrollingforclass. two reasonsforAsianstudentstoemploycolorblindatti- that whitesprimarilyemploycolorblindideology. Iposit colorblind attitudes differs from Bonilla-Silva’s (2006) claim The findingthatAsiansaremostlikelytoholdgeneral of racial groups’ differing usage of colorblind ideologies. students ofcolor(–1.44,SD0.33to–1.41,0.34). slightly increasedcolorblindattitudesforunderrepresented –1.30, SD 0.30 to –1.29, SD 0.30), and higher class only tudes onlyincreasedby0.01whencontrollingforclass(from example, the extent to which whites hold colorblind atti- For littletomediatetheproposedrelationship. class did the relationshipbetweenraceandcolorblindness.Inshort, in explainingtheirsuccessandpositionality. that AsianAmericansdrawstronglyoncolorblinddiscourses hold colorblindattitudes,butaffirmsclaims(Nopper, 2010) Bonilla-Silva’s workwhichclaimsthatwhitespredominantly dents ofcolor(–1.44,SD0.33).Thisstandsincontrastto likely (–1.30,SD0.30),followedbyunderrepresentedstu- orblind attitudesbyawidemargin.Whiteswerenextmost colorblind attitudes. Asians were most likely to hold col- analysis oftheextenttowhicheachracialcategoryholds Americans whogainadmittance ormakeitmoredifficult grounds thatsuchpolicieswill lessenthenumberofAsian Affirmative Actionpoliciesin collegeadmissionsonthe in highereducation, many Asian Americans mayoppose ple, becauseoftheoverrepresentationAsianAmericans Discussion andConclusions Analysis ofRelationshipsbetweenVariables Table 1.Regressioncoefficientspredictingcolorblindattitudes(referencecategory:Asian) withclassasamediatingvariable. Social Class White Race Variable *p<.05 **p<.01***p<.005 R Square Underrepresented StudentofColor First, becauseoftheiruniqueimmigrationhistory, The resultspresentedcontributetounderstandings Table 1alsoshowstheextenttowhichclassmediates Table 1presentstheresultsofmultipleregression ii Forexam- No MediatingVariable 0.1 –1.44 (0.33)*** –1.30 (0.30)*** population. overrepresented inmysamplecomparisontotheU.S. American ethnicitiesorcountriesofnationaloriginwere or countryofnationalorigin.PerhapscertainAsian ple alsodidnothavetheoptiontoselecttheirethnicity educational contexts. The AsianAmericansinmysam- people ofcolorintermslevelsachievement as agroupareclosertowhitesthanunderrepresented enced fewermaterialsetbacksbecauseoftheirrace,and in the entire U.S. population, because they have experi- in mysamplemaybelikelytocolorblindthanAsians a selective,privatecollege.ThustheAsianAmericans cultural capitalthanAsianAmericanswhodonotattend andlikely tobehigh-achievingandhavemoresocial Asian Americans who attend Smith College are more do notreflectAsiansintheU.S.populationasawhole. regardless ofrace. that allshouldreceiveindividualized,equaltreatment, Thus, Asiansmayhaveastakeincolorblindclaimssuch for AsianAmericanstogetintocollege(Hseih,2014). of colorblindattitudesinnon-white populations. tions ofraceandethnicitythat mayimpacttheexistence tion, inordertobringintosharper focusthefinegrada- survey a representative sample of the entire U.S. popula- colorblind attitudes. In addition, future research could vey items, in ordertoparse out thedifferences between (2006) fourframesofcolorblindracismasseparatesur of racialgroupsholdcolorblindattitudes. case classhasnobearingontheextenttowhichmembers of classdifference;however, mystudyrevealsthatinthis the tendencytoexplainawayracialdifferencesasmatters dent fromclasspatternsintheU.S.Often,thereexists speaks tothepersistentsignificanceofraceasindepen- attitudes, andconcreteabstractcolorblindframes, impact ontherelationshipbetweenraceandcolorblind — Second, itislikelythattheAsiansinsample Future researchcould examine Bonilla-Silva’s Briefly, thefactthatclasshaslittlemediating Class asMediatingVariable 0.09 –1.41 (0.34)*** –1.29 (0.30)*** 0.06 (0.13) - In order to critique structural racism, and ultimately dismantle systems of oppression that impact the life chances of people of color, it is crucial that all groups, including Asian Americans, Underrepresented Students of Color, and whites, recognize their positionality within racial/ethnic hierarchies, and actively reject narratives of exceptionalism and colorblindness. These narratives serve to divide the solidarity of non-whites in face of structural racism, and to de-center the conversation about race from one about lack of opportunity and resources to a conversation about individual agency.

Endnotes i See Bonilla-Silva (2006) for a full explanation of the four central frames of colorblind racism. ii See Zhou (2007) for a full analysis of the differing ethnic groups and positionalities contained within Asian American as a racial category, as well as a critique of the “model minority” myth.

References (APA Style)

Aries, E. (2008). Race and class matters at an elite college. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.

Bonilla-Silva, E. (2006). Racism without racists: color-blind racism and the persistence of inequality in the United States. Oxford, UK: Rowman & Littleﬁeld Publishers, Inc.

Choi, J. (2008). Unlearning Colorblind Ideologies in Education Class. Educational Foundations, 53–71. Retrieved from http:// ﬁles.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ857639.pdf

Collins, P. H. (2000). Black feminist thought: Knowledge, consciousness, and the politics of empowerment. New York: Routledge.

Hseih, S. (2014, March 18). Effort to Revive Afﬁrmative Action in California Splits Asian-American Community. The Nation. Retrieved from http://www.thenation.com/article/how- insurgent-asian-american-groups-helped-republicans-kill- afﬁrmative-action-california/

Lareau, A. (2003). Unequal childhoods: Class, race, and family life. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Nopper, T. K. (2010). Colorblind Racism and Institutional Actors’ Explanations of Korean Immigrant Entrepreneurship. Critical Sociology, 36(1), 65–85.

Proweller, A. (1999). Shifting Identities in Private Education: Reconstructing Race at/in the Cultural Center. Teachers College Record Teachers College Rec, 100(4), 776–808.

Todd, N. R., Spanierman, L. B., & Poteat, V. P. (2011). Longitudinal examination of the psychosocial costs of racism to Whites across the college experience. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 58(4), 508–521.

Zhou, M. (2007). Are Asian Americans Becoming “White?” Contexts 3(1), 29–37. 45 Potential Effects of Eastern Hemlock Decline on the Hemlock-Associated Liverwort Bazzania trilobata Michelle R. Jackson, Smith College

Michelle Jackson graduated with high honors from Smith Canada (Sollows et al. 2001, Lincoln 2008). The biogeog- College in May of 2015 with a BA in biological sciences. She raphy and ecology of B. trilobata, in tandem with the role is currently pursuing her PhD in biology at Duke University of T. canadensis as a foundation species for other organisms with plans to continue research on the ecology of bryophytes. (see case studies on various fauna: Mathewson 2009, Ross et The work presented here is a derivation of Michelle’s under- al. 2003, Tingley et al. 2002, Snyder et al. 2002) in this hab- graduate honors thesis. itat, suggest an almost symbiotic-like relationship between these plants species, such that B. trilobata may depend on T. canadensis for its survival and proliferation. Abstract In recent decades, the spread of invasive insects, Tsuga canadensis loss from the invasive insects Adelges hemlock woolly adelgid (Adelges tsugae) and elongate hem- tsugae and Fiorinia externa, and the forestry practice of sal- lock scale (Fiorinia externa) have threatened eastern hem- vage logging, is causing abrupt environmental changes in lock populations with decline and local extirpation across New England forests. Effects such as increased light expo- the eastern U.S. (Orwig et al. 2002, Ellison et al. 2005, sure and nutrient cycle alterations are likely to influence Preisser et al. 2011). The environmental changes triggered understory organisms relying on the foundational conditions by T. canadensis decline alone are cause for concern, but created by T. canadensis. One plant species at risk from these the forestry technique of salvage logging, whereby unaf- ecological shifts is Bazzania trilobata. B. trilobata is a leafy fected trees are removed from dying stands to collect their liverwort often observed in association with T. canadensis remaining economic value as lumber or wood products, populations. I conducted a two-year transplant experiment can create severe disturbances to the local environment at Smith College’s MacLeish Field Station to investigate the that abruptly changes available light, air, and soil con- effects that B. trilobata may experience with the impending ditions (Kizlinski 2002, Lustenhouwer et al. 2012). The loss of T. canadensis. B. trilobata samples were moved from a death and decline of T. canadensis in the Northeast U.S. local source site and monitored by field surveys along tran- is also associated with its replacement by deciduous black sects for changes in stability and decline as influenced by soil birch (Betula lenta) (Orwig et al. 1998). To examine the moisture content, solar radiation, total tree number, and the possible effects that these potential stressors may have number of T. canadensis trees at each transect point. Logistic on the hemlock-associated liverwort Bazzania trilobata, regressions discerned the number of T. canadensis trees as I initiated a long-term transplant experiment to test the the ultimate predictor variable related to the decline of effects of differing canopy composition (coniferous vs. B. trilobata. These findings suggest indirect negative effects deciduous), physiographic position, and canopy open- from the decline of T. canadensis, and represent the first doc- ness due to recent logging. I hypothesize higher rates of umented case of a plant species at risk from these. B. trilobata decline will be observed among samples trans- planted in stands with fewer T. canadensis specimens, such as those impacted by the effects of hemlock woolly adelgid, Introduction elongate hemlock scale, and salvage logging. A finding such as this would indicate the presence of indirect effects In the forests of the Northeast, eastern hemlock related to these invasive insects and forestry techniques on (Tsuga canadensis) acts as foundation species by producing B. trilobata, thus supporting a reliant ecological relationship a unique understory environment and providing irreplace- between this liverwort and tree species that will likely ben- able ecosystem services (Ellison et al. 2005, Martin & efit from the institution of additional conservation methods Goebel 2013). T. canadensis canopies create a cool and to preserve T. canadensis stands. shaded environment with acidic soils and low decomposition that is conducive for the growth and survival of various organisms, including understory plant communities Methods with many bryophytes species (Jenkins et al. 1999, Ellison Experimental Transplant et al. 2005). Of the plant groups comprising bryophytes (specifically: mosses, liverworts, and hornworts), the liver- In July 2013, segments of gametophyte mats were wort species Bazzania trilobata has been observed in close collected from a large B. trilobata population in a mature association with eastern hemlock forests (Cleavitt et al. hemlock forest in Conway, MA. The mat samples were 2007). A large and leafy liverwort, B. trilobata favors a cool subdivided into 176 circular experimental units (~10 cm The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2 015 and moist climate and is distributed throughout primarily diameter) and installed along seven 50-meter transects in coniferous forests in southern and central New England, a forest at Smith College’s Ada and Archibald MacLeish with a range that extends farther north into regions of Field Station in Whately, MA, with control samples

46 placed back into the source site along an 8th transect. The Coefficients R2 – value X2 – value P – value B. trilobata samples were arranged in adjacent two-sample pairs, with sequential pairs spaced 5 meters apart along # of T. canadensis Stems 0.258 17.766 3x10–5** each of the transects. The different transects at the exper- Total # of Trees 0.152 12.716 3.63x10–4* imental site traverse areas with variation in composition of the forest canopy (e.g., coniferous or deciduous), dif- Average Solar Radiation 0.178 13.564 2.3x10–4* fering slope and aspect, and logged vs. unlogged canopies. Soil Moisture % 0.009 0.897 0.343 Monthly surveys of both field sites were conducted from July 2013 to June 2015. Changes in sample coloration (e.g., Table 1. Results of four single-factor logistic regressions comparing green to yellow to brown) and texture were monitored as environmental predictor variables with the status of B. trilobata samples along the experimental transects at MacLeish Field Station, Whately, indicators of plant status. For the purposes of the analysis MA. The p-values, X2-values, and R2-values were calculated using presented here, samples were divided into two categories: RStudio version 0.99.447 (RStudio Team 2015) with the R2-value 2 samples that remained green and intact as of the June 2015 representing McFadden’s pseudo R for logistic regressions. Statistically significant results are indicated with asterisks. Analyses were based on survey were classified as “stable.” In contrast, samples that the status of 88 samples after two years in place along the experimental exhibited signs of significant discoloration (yellowing), transects. dieback, or decomposition were classified as “in decline.”

Abiotic and Biotic Predictors of Sample Status Coefﬁcients X2 – value P – value

# of T. canadensis Stems 6.315 0.012** To assess the effects of the differing environmental conditions on the status of the experimental B. trilobata Total # of Trees 0.912 0.340 samples, I measured soil organic layer moisture content Average Radiation 1.357 0.244 in the ﬁeld, estimated solar radiation based on sample point slope and aspect using the ClimCalc model (http:// Moisture % 0.299 0.585 www.pnet.sr.unh.edu/climcalc/, Ollinger et al. 1995) and Table 2. Results from a multiple logistic regression of model of surveyed tree species composition and density at each point B. trilobata sample status and all environmental predictor variables using an angle gauge with a Basal Area Factor 5. These quantiﬁed. P-values and X2-values were calculated using RStudio factors were then tested as predictors in a series of single version 0.99.447 (RStudio Team 2015). Analysis was based on the status of 88 samples after two years in place along the experimental transects factor logistic regressions on B. trilobata sample status, and at the MacLeish Field Station, Whately, MA. then combined into a multivariate logistic regression model evaluating all factors simultaneously.

Results

The individual predictor logistic regressions found several of the environmental factors show significant associations with B. trilobata status (Table 1). Organic soil moisture percentage did not have a statistically significant T. canadensis Stems # of T. effect on the status of B. trilobata samples (Table 1: p = 0.343, R2 = 0.009). While statistical significance is exhib- 2 ited by the total number of trees at each transect point Average Radiation (MJ/m /day) (Table 1: p = 3.63x10–4, R2 = 0.152), a graphical depiction between the additional significant predictor variables of Figure 1. The status of B. trilobata samples arrayed in an environ- –4 2 mental space defined by average solar radiation and the numbers of average solar radiation (Table 1: p = 2.3x10 , R = 0.178) T. canadensis trees at each sample point. Open circles (O) indicate stable and the most significant predictor variable from both indi- samples and samples of B. trilobata in decline are designated by an (X). vidual and multivariate logistic regressions, the number of The black box in the right portion of environmental space depicted –5 2 by the figure highlights the subset of plots (n = 53) with relatively T. canadensis stems (Table 1: p = 3x10 , R = 0.258; Table 2: high predicted solar radiation, based on slope and aspect, while the 2 p = 0.012, R = 6.315) discerns a striking trend regarding the horizontal dashed line divides this subset between those with relatively survival and decline of B. trilobata (Figure 1). high T. canadensis abundance (>10 trees; n = 19 points) versus relatively low T. canadensis abundance (≤10 trees, n = 37).

Disentangling effects of the individual predictor variables was somewhat challenging, given that the abundance of T. canadensis tended to be correlated with locations along the transect receiving lower solar radiation (i.e., steeper, 47 48 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 moisture areas under open, recently logged canopy.logged recentlyopen, underareas As of moisture story story dark, mesic conditions of intact eastern hemlock forests. eastern hemlock intactof conditions mesic dark, that possibility (Figure 1)suggeststhe number ofT.of number the and canadensis stems radiation tions. These patterns are suggestive of arepatterns suggestiveThese tions. the otherend ofin gradient soilvery moisture wet loca- salvage logging eralmore years, to the connectedconditions preemptive fornotscalemay be sev- apparent hemlock elongateand decline of easternfromhemlock hemlockwoolly adelgid complex nicheofB.trilobata. role oftheseotherenvironmentalfactorsthatcomprisethe conducted atthisﬁeldsightwillseektofurtherelaboratethe the status of of status the logged area had declined or died in comparisonto 33% diedor declined had area logged , the interesting the interesting B. trilobata, with the associated effects negative rapid of that follow etsalvage logging (Lustenhouwer soil moisture radiation, thetotalnumberoftrees,orevenorganic of notThissolardoes however, the importancedisplace decline modest a more detectedalso site.I of portionsthein experimentalthe the samples unlogged the Discussion 53 samplepointsathigherradiation(mean≥ more north-facingslopes);thereforeIisolatedasubsetof like like on bryophytesimpacts negative willimmediatelikelyhave (Figure 1). (n =27),only29%ofB.trilobatawererecordedasindecline for high radiationand I found that 34% of radiation, butlowT. canadensisabundance,samples(n=26), surrounding eachsamplepoint(Figure1).Amongthehigh stems) abundanceofT. canadensisstemsintheforestcanopy day) thatdifferedbyhavinglower(≤10stems)orhigher(>10 hypothesis thatB.trilobatadependsuponT. canadensis . high,but not saturated, niche for tion tion riskpropor to this liverwortspecies,asobservedbythe appearstoposethegreatest logging salvage from impact T.liverwort the canadensison not otherwise support stablesupport not otherwise fered by eastern hemlock canopies on sites that might June 2015 survey,2015 ofin thethe100%June samples recently B. trilobata of of microclimate, includingmicroclimate, drying and increased light, Although the ultimate effects associated withthe associatedtheeffects ultimate Although Expanding upon theExpanding notionof a niche space for thepossibility suggest analysisof my results The samples declining the highest were found in low in found samplesdeclining the highest were B.with trilobataat ideal ,to conditions moderate B. trilobata. The dramatic changes in within within have thatto appear B. trilobata were in decline. In contrast, this particular habitat. Futurestudies habitat. particular this immediate relevance in relation toin relation relevance immediate soil soil T. canadensisabundance samples moisture moisture In particular,B. trilobata. the growth, thussupportingmy growth, interaction interaction be adapted conditions. B. a trilobata trilobata between solar soil moisture to the cool, tothe in in 13.0 MJ/m samples at decline al. under 2012) is buf- of of of of 2 - - /

tained onsamplesofB.trilobata. trigger a similar decline in the long- the in decline a similar trigger would species deciduous bya hemlock of eastern ment vascular plant species thatplantfollowingspecies appear vascular ture extremes when samples are placed in open, recently passed awayinDecember2015. colleague, and former peer mentee, Noemi Collazo, who Fassler.study isdedicatedinmemorytomyfriend, This Emily Barbour, ElizabethBesozzi,ClaudiaDeeg,andAliza thanks tomymentor, JesseBellemare,andlabmembers access tostudysitesattheMacLeishFieldStation.Special Smith CollegeandtheCEEDSadvisoryboardforproviding Mays Undergraduate Fellowship (MMUF). Thank you to to examine determined. A follow-up experiment is currently underway Moreover, whether a gradual Moreover,whether Acknowledgements logged Lustenhouwer, M.N., Nicoll, L., and Ellison, A.M. (2012). (2012). A.M. Ellison, L.,Nicoll, and M.N., Lustenhouwer, Lincoln, M.S.(2008).LiverwortsofNewEngland:AGuidefor R.C., Cobb, D.A., and Foster, Orwig, M.L., D.R. Kizlinski, J.C.,Jenkins, Aber, J.D., Hemlock andC.D. (1999). Canham, Elliot, E.A., Colburn, B.D., Clinton, M.S., Bank, A.M., Ellison, Fahey, T. roleof Theand K.L.,N.L., Klima J. Cleavitt, (2007). References the physiological mechanisms of thein decline mechanisms the physiological the possible impacts of leaf litter either cleared or main might have, including the inﬂuenceincluding have, might factors othereffectsenvironmentaland whatadditional 3(9), 3(9), Journal of Biogeography,Journal hemlock.by eastern dominatedonpest forests invasive ested of for forand thedynamics structure consequences species: boulders in an eastern hemlock stand. The Bryologist.110(2): Microclimate effects of theofeffectsloss a Microclimate Bronx, NY. 161p. the AmateurNaturalist.NewYork BotanicalGardenPress, Directand indirect (2002). woolly adelgid impactson community C.R., Ford, K., 295–308. growth in seasonal availabilitywater New England forests. Ecosphere, 3(3): forests. England New of Forest Research, 29: of ForestResearch,29: N cycling rates in eastern hemlockforests. Canadian Journal Funding for research was provided by the Mellon 479–486. ecosystems. areas. Further study is also required to determine to determine required is also study Further areas. the tolerance of . Frontiers in Ecology and the Environment. Webster, J.R.( 630–645. 29:1489–1503. ecosystem B. trilobata decline 2005). foundation of of of of term term consequences of an consequences 1–16. structures structures Bazzania trilobata andreplace natural- Loss of foundationLoss invasive andinvasive weedy tomois- lightand hasnot yet been species from logging and and B.

trilobata trilobata on on - - Mathewson, B. (2009). The relative abundance of eastern red- backed salamanders in eastern hemlock-dominated and mixed deciduous forests at Harvard Forest. Northeastern Naturalist, 16(1): 1–12.

Ollinger, S.V., Aber, J.D., Federberg, C.A., Lovett, G.M., and Ellis, J. (1995). Modeling physical and chemical climatic variables across the northeastern U.S. for a Geographic Information System. General Technical Report No. NE-191, U.S. Dept. of Agriculture, Forest Service, Washington, D.C.

Orwig, D.A. and Foster, D.R. (1998). Forest response to the introduced hemlock woolly adelgid in southern New England, USA. Journal of the Torrey Botanical Society, 125: 60–73.

Orwig, D.A., Foster, D.R., and Mausel, D.L.(2002). Landscape patterns of hemlock decline in New England due to the introduced hemlock woolly adelgid. Journal of Biogeography, 29: 1475–1487.

Martin K.L., and Goebel, P.C. (2013). The foundation species inﬂuence of eastern hemlock (Tsuga canadensis) on biodiversity and ecosystem function on the Unglaciated Allegheny Plateau. Forest Ecology and Management, 289:143–152.

Preisser, E.L., Miller-Pierce, M.R., Vansant, J., and Orwig, D.A. (2011). Eastern hemlock (Tsuga canadensis) regeneration in the presence of hemlock woolly adelgid (Adelges tsugae) and elongate hemlock scale (Fiorinia externa). Canadian Journal of Forest Research, 41: 2433–2439.

Ross, R.M., Bennett, R.M., Snyder, C.D., Young, J.A., Smith, D.R., and Lemarie, D.P. (2003). Inﬂuence of eastern hemlock (Tsuga canadensis L.) on ﬁsh community structure and function in headwater streams of the Delaware River basin. Ecology of Freshwater Fish, 12(1): 60–65

RStudio Team (2015). RStudio: Integrated Development for R. RStudio, Inc., Boston, MA URL http://www.rstudio.com/.

Snyder, C.D., Young, J.A., Lemarie, D.P., and Smith, D.R. (2002). Inﬂuence of eastern hemlock (Tsuga canadensis) forests on aquatic invertebrate assemblages in headwater streams. Canadian Journal of Fisheries and Aquatic Sciences, 59(2): 262–275.

Sollows, M.C., Frego, K.A., and Norfolk, C. (2001). Recovery of Bazzania trilobata following desiccation. Bryologist, 104(1): 421–429.

Tingley, M.W., Orwig, D.A., Field, R., and Motzkin, G. (2002). Avian response to removal of a forest dominant: consequences of hemlock woolly adelgid infestations. Journal of Biogeography, 29(10–11): 1505–1516.

49 Resisting the Matrix: Black Female Agency in Issa Rae’s Awkward Black Girl Hadiya Layla Jones, Spelman College

Hadiya graduated summa cum laude from Spelman College create independent media infrastructures without an exist- with a BA in English and sociology in May 2015. Her research ing wealth of resources. interests include race, gender, intersectionality, new media, and virtual ethnography. Currently, she is pursuing her PhD in Issa Rae created The Misadventures of the Awkward sociology at Princeton University. Black Girl, a scripted comedy web series, in 2011 due to the limited amount of roles in Hollywood available for black actresses (such as herself), and as a result of her realization In this paper, I explore Issa Rae’s 2011 web series, that a socially awkward character has yet to be fully explored The Misadventures of the Awkward Black Girl, as a case study of through the lens of a black woman. Rae directs, writes, and the larger phenomenon of black women who use the inter- stars as the main character in her first-person narrative show. net to increase the visibility of black women in the media by The series consists of two seasons, a total of 25 episodes, presenting more complex representations of black woman- and was filmed between February 2011 and February 2013. hood through the creation of their own images. I argue that Currently, the first episode has nearly two million views on The Misadventures of the Awkward Black Girl works out- YouTube (where the series was originally released). Awkward side of the traditional tropes of black women in the media Black Girl follows the life of J, who is self-described as being in order to illustrate a more complete representation of both black and awkward, as she navigates her way through black woman hood. This paper is part of a larger research uncomfortable social situations with co-workers, friends, project I am conducting on The Misadventures of the Awkward and love interests. For example, in one episode, the show Black Girl. illustrates how J overcomes walking down a hallway multiple times, while passing the same co-worker each time, and another episode shows how J interacts with a co-worker, Introduction with whom she had a regretful one-night stand. Scholars such as Donald Bogle (1973) and Michele Issa Rae constructed “J” to work outside of the Wallace (2004) argue that, historically, black women in film paradigm that historically limits the representation of and television have suffered from limited visibility and the black women in the media or what Collins refers to as tendency of being reduced to caricatures. Furthermore, “controlling images.” This historical paradigm highlights Patricia Hill Collins (2000) and bell hooks (1981) assert that one-dimensionality to black womanhood. For example, the objectification of black women to stereotypical roles in within this paradigm, black women are generally seen as the media, such as the Mammy and the Sapphire, leads to the either unreasonably quick to anger or they are compla- dehumanization of black women within society as a whole. cently passive. They either have an insatiable and impulsive Collins considers the stereotypical representation of black sexual appetite or they are unattractive and asexual. In this women in the media to be a product of controlling images, paper, through exploring the themes of anger, sexuality, and which she argues influences the oppression of black women beauty/desirability, I argue that Awkward Black Girl works within the United States’ matrix of domination. According outside of this historical paradigm through its multi-di- to Collins, “portraying African-American women as stereo- mensional representation of a black woman who is allowed typical mammies, matriarchs, welfare recipients, and hot agency and humanity. mommas helps justify U.S. Black women’s oppression” (86). The representation of black women on screen is thus critical Awkward Black Girl and Anger to how black women are perceived in society overall. Since the objectifying marginalization of black women However, the current digital moment complicates during United States’ slavery, to the nineteenth century’s these discussions, for anyone can now create and disperse hyper-sexualization of Sara Baartman, black women typi- their own creations on the web. There is a growing amount cally have been reduced to tropes such as the Mammy, the of web content created by black women featuring black Sapphire, the Jezebel, and the Tragic Mulatto (Harris-Perry women, such as Issa Rae’s The Misadventures of the Awkward 29). The Sapphire archetype of black womanhood defines Black Girl (2011–2013). The existence of such media con- black women to be uncontrollable, loud, angry, and emas- tent illustrates an agency that black women are beginning culating (Bogle 77). Additionally, Collins adds that black to demand over the production and distribution of their women are commonly represented as being unfeminine, own images. Issa Rae turned to the web to distribute her too strong, and undesirable due to their inability to adhere The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2 015 content due to the many master narratives and bureau- to the “cult of true womanhood,” which Collins argues is cratic practices that hinder the distribution of certain images the ideal construct of white femininity within a patriarchal and representations through mainstream media outlets. society (Collins 75–80). Within this lens, black women are Before the rise of the web and YouTube, it was difficult to denied the ability to be in control over their emotions, 50 especially with regard to anger and assertiveness. However, aggressive black woman with an excessive and insatiable in Awkward Black Girl, there is a multi- dimensional element sexual appetite. She—the image of the Jezebel—justifies to how J deals with anger. the myth that black women cannot be sexually assaulted or raped because black women are naturally and uncontrollably For example, in the first episode, we watch J as she sexual (90). Hence, black women tend to lose agency over is driving to work and is faced with the uncomfortable their sexuality due to the stereotypical narrative that they are dilemma of meeting up with an aggravating co-worker at inherently sexually deviant, but Rae attempts to reconcile every single stop sign. Every single time, her co-worker these narratives with J. attempts to have a conversation with J, and it is obvious that J has no interest in engaging with her co-worker. At each For example, one of the first scenes that we see of J in stop, J is becoming more annoyed and frustrated with the the show is her regretfully admitting to an impulsive, drunk, situation. Her anger and frustration is written on her face, one-night stand with one of her co-workers. Her regret had yet J does not berate her colleague. Instead, she awkwardly little to do with her impulsive sexual decision, and more to invents creative ways to discourage conversation at each stop do with the awkwardness of having to continue to work with sign. For instance, J pretends to talk on the phone in one said co-worker. While this example illustrates J making an scene, and she pretends to be excessively busy with searching impulsive sexual decision, we also witness an insecure J, later for something in her car in another scene. in the show, who is struggling with navigating the landscape of having a crush on another co-worker. It is not a sexually In another episode, J is sitting at work after her recent confident and stereotypically promiscuous black woman that decision to cut off her hair. Upon viewing her employee’s we see when J imagines all of the ways in which her crush close-to-shaved head, J’s boss begins to overwhelm J with could fall in love with her. Yet, J is hesitant to actually initi- micro-aggressive questions, such as “how often she washes ate a conversation with him. Additionally, in the first episode her hair?” and “if she changed her hair because it was black of the second season, J contemplates the decision to become history month?” The scene flashes to an illustration of J’s intimate with her current boyfriend. We watch J internalize inner thoughts, and we watch an imaginary, enraged J yell at her inner “Nia Long” as she lights candles in her lingerie her boss to “Shut up.” Then J admits that she is passive, and and gives herself a prep talk in her bathroom mirror, while contains her anger. However, unlike the previous example also practicing her seduction skills. We not only see a black where J navigated her frustration with passive maneuvers, J woman who is debating if the time is right for her first sexual takes a different approach here. When J’s boss asks to touch encounter with a new man, but we see a black woman who her hair and proceeds to reach out to touch J’s hair without views herself as sexy, and as an object of desire. her permission, J exclaims “No!” and uses her arm to stop her boss’s hand from touching her hair. J’s anger had reached Rae has ensured that J’s sexuality is no more defined a point where she could no longer contain it. As soon as her by “controlling images” than it is defined by men. For exam- boss was in the process of violating J’s personal space and ple, after J decides to cut her hair, her ex-boyfriend decides body, J reacted. that he could never re-enter a relationship with her because she reminds him of a man; he feels emasculated. Later, in These two examples from the series illustrate passiv- episode seven, the same ex-boyfriend runs into J while she ity to J’s encounters with frustration and anger, but they do is on a date and tells J that he confused her with his friend, not deny her ability to become enraged. This trait is further Reggie, from behind. Reggie is a male friend, and this was an seen in J’s hobby of expressing her anger by creating rap attempt to dismiss J’s femininity. Yet, in the opening of this with aggressive lyrics in the privacy of her own bedroom. same episode, J is planning to go on a date, and in her men- However, what is ultimately displayed is J’s ability to control tal fantasy, she imagines herself wearing a red dress with red her anger. She is allowed to be passive and internalize her high-heels, walking in slow motion to her date as romantic angry, but she is also allowed to release it, especially when music plays in the background. It is obvious that J considers her humanity is threatened. herself to be sexy and attractive. J’s sexuality is not impulsive, and the men in her life do not define it. She is illustrated as Awkward Black Girl and Sexuality being both sexually assertive and romantically shy. She is both fearful and confident. In terms of her sexual decisions, Collin’s argues, “efforts to control Black women’s sex- J illustrates a control over her life, an agency that we do not uality lie at the heart of Black women’s oppression,” and she normally see from black women in the media with regard to acknowledges the Jezebel as a controlling image working to their sexual decisions. achieve this effect (81). Historically, the Jezebel functions as an image of black womanhood that is juxtaposed against the asexuality of the Mammy, wherein the Jezebel is the sexually 51 52 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 The abilitytodefine“societalvalues” isa“majorinstrument matrix ofdominationinthe United States”(Collins72). they help justify the social practices that characterize the intersecting oppressionsofrace, class,gender, andsexuality, sexuality andfertility. Moreover, bymeshingsmoothly with resent eliteWhitemaleinterests indefiningBlackwomen’s argues, “theseprevailingimagesofBlackwomanhoodrep- tations ofblackwomenas“controllingimages,”forshe Collins referstothehistoricalandstereotypicalrepresen- to plaguetherepresentationofblackwomeninmedia. characteristics blur. Yet, their historicallegaciescontinue plicated andre-imagined,thelinesbetweentheirindividual and Jareobjectsofbeautydesire. Nina’s beauty, butrathertheshow illustrateshowbothNina However, thisisnotthecase.Theshowdoesnegate for being pretty and asymbol ofbeauty within the show. would bethoughtthatNinareceivetheattention plot revolvesaroundJ’s multipleloveinterestdilemma.It tractive. Herdesirabilityishighlightedinhowtheshow’s (resembling amalehaircut),butsheisnotviewedasunat- majority oftheseries,Jhasdarkskinandashorthaircut off herstraighthairinthebeginningofseries.For actively deconstructingthesebeautystandardsbycutting J doesnotadhereto these samecharacteristics. J isseenas beauty; Ninahaslightbrownskinandlong,straighthair. Nina follows certain standards of Western-Eurocentric co-worker Nina’s un-awkwardness.InAwkward BlackGirl, J challengesthisnarrative. straight hairorashavingmoreEuropeanfeatures.However, black womeniscommonlyillustratedbylighterskinand definition ofblackwomanhood.Beautyandfemininityfor Tragic Mulattohighlightamorebeautifulandfeminine ability. However, historically, imagesoftheJezebeland hair, forbothrepresentationsareassociatedwithundesir tend tofeaturedarker-skinned blackwomenwithkinkier Thus, historicalimagesoftheMammyandSapphire tends toberepresentedasunattractiveand/orunfeminine. values ofthe“culttruewomanhood,”Sapphirealso the Sapphireisassociatedwithaninabilitytoachieve unsuitable sexualpartner”(84).Sincetherepresentation of and withcharacteristicallyAfricanfeatures—inbrief,asan “the mammyistypicallyportrayedasoverweight,dark, be the“faithful,obedient,domesticservant,”shealsonotes and un-femininity. WhileCollinsdefinestheMammyto Sapphire, arecommonlyassociatedwithun-attractiveness Awkward BlackGirlandAgency Awkward BlackGirlandBeauty/Desirability As thesehistoricalarchetypescontinuetobecom- Issa Rae juxtaposes J’s awkwardness against her Stereotypical images, such as the Mammy and the - directed byJustinSimien. of thisshift is thefilmDearWhitePeople Television (BET). However, the most prominent example (2012), wasrecentlyreleased onBlackEntertainment oped byHBO,andherotherweb series,RoomieLoverFriends Numa Perrier’s TheCoupleisintheprocessofbeingdevel- season ofInsecure, HBO’s adaptationofAwkward BlackGirl. stream mediaoutlets.IssaRaeiscurrentlyfilmingthefirst consider howthisspaceismovingfromthewebtomain- how thisspacemanifestsontheweb,itisalsoimportantto ginalized bymainstreammedia.Whilethispaperfocuseson narratives thathavetraditionallybeenignoredand/ormar a spacewherepeopleofcoloraregivingvoicetopersonal web showsarebeingcreatedwithinthesamevirtualspace— Obama UnitedStates.Ultimately, Iassertthatallof these part ofalargerconversationinsocietyaboutracepost- (2012) andAndreaLewis’s BlackActress (2013). (2011), AshleyFeatherson’s andLenaWaithe’s Hello,Cupid created byblackwomen,suchasNumaPerrier’s TheCouple vacuum. Thewebishometoanumberofothershows is crucial to note that Rae’s web series does not exist in a women inthemediabycreationofherownimages.It is respondingtohercritiqueofthelimitedvisibilityblack including type. Thatistheissue.”Asacreatorofmultiplewebseries, always regulatedtooneimage,impression,stereo- more oftheotherstuff.Ithinkthatasblackwomenweare Issa Raeresponded,“Theonlyissuetomeisthattherenot concerning the representation of black women in themedia, Conclusion black womanhood. allows forhertobeamulti-dimensionalrepresentationof is J’s agencyto enact control over herlife and decisions that ward. Herraceandgenderneitherdefinenorlimither. It J isablackwoman,andontheotherhand,shejustawk- to beinsecureandexpressreservations.Ontheonehand, to make impulsive sexual decisions, but she is also allowed look for a newjob. She isallowedto view herselfassexy and is allowedtonotonlyhateherjob,butshealso shown ashavingtheabilitytochoosebetweentwomen.She in the media. For example, she is dumped, but she is also in waysthatare seldom seenintheimagesofblack women resistance ofthematrixdomination. typically displayedbyblackfemalecharactersthroughher to reclaimthispowerbychallengingthelackofagency allowed. However, inAwkward BlackGirl,IssaRaeattempts of power”thatblackwomenhavetraditionallynotbeen What iscrucialabouttheseshowsthattheyare When askedina2014interviewaboutherviews Ultimately, Jexercisesasenseofagencyoverherlife The Misadventures oftheAwkward BlackGirl,Rae (2013), written and - Dear White People raised notoriety and more than $40,000 through its viral web trailer and Indiegogo fund (an online fundraising site). Even though this film was not created for virtual distribution, its production was directly connected to many of those who exist within this virtual space. For example, Issa Rae helped edit the film, and Lena Waithe (co-creator of Hello, Cupid) served as one of the executive producers. Dear White People won the Special Jury Award for Breakthrough Talent at the 2014 Sundance Film Festival, and received overwhelmingly positive reviews from the New York Times. This film exemplifies how new conversations about race and representation can transition from the limited audiences of the web to mainstream media, and that these conversations are not necessarily limited by race, class, gender, age, or nationality. Within this cultural moment, there seems to be a need to express untold narratives. In the future, I attempt to further investigate this virtual space, explore the factors that lead women of color to seek out these spaces to voice their own narratives, and analyze the virtual communities that form around these narratives.

Works Cited

Bogle, Donald. Toms, Coons, Mulattoes, Mammies, and Bucks; An Interpretive History of Blacks in American Films. New York: Continuum, 1973. Print.

Collins, Patricia Hill. Black Feminist Thought. Boston: Unwin Hyman, 2000. Print.

Harris-Perry, Melissa V. Sister Citizen: Shame, Stereotypes, and Black Women in America. New Haven: Yale UP, 2011. Print. hooks, bell. Ain’t I a Woman: Black Women and Feminism. Boston: South End Press. 1981. Print.

The MisAdventures of the Awkward Black Girl. Created by Issa Rae. YouTube. February 3, 2011–February 28, 2013.

Wallace, Michele. Dark Designs & Visual Culture. New York, NY: Duke University Press, 2004. Print.

53 The Limits of Narration in Nonﬁction and Fiction Paulina Jones-Torregrosa, Wesleyan University

Paulina Jones-Torregrosa graduated from Wesleyan University does a writer prevent further violence onto their subjects? in 2015 with a degree in English and feminist, gender, and If, as Hartman claims, historians in the genre of nonfiction sexuality studies. Her senior thesis was entitled This Bridge have a responsibility to avoid romanticism, as well as the That Never Dissipates: Recreations of This Bridge Called My impulse to “fill in the gaps,” to what ethical stakes can we Back, 1981–2015. Her scholarly interests include 20th-century hold writers of fiction? As I describe the ramifications of literature, Latino/a studies, ethnic studies, and feminist thought. Hartman and Bolaño’s work, I state how developments in She currently works as Teaching Fellow at Noble and Greenough nonfiction can be useful for fiction writers. Also, I argue School in Dedham, Massachusetts. Paulina hopes to pursue a for a productive kinship between African-American studies PhD in English, perhaps with a dual degree in gender studies. and Latin American studies, where writers can incorporate analyses from other disciplines in order to construct ethical narratives about violence against women of color. This paper places the work of Saidiya Hartman in conversation with the novel 2666 by Roberto Bolaño in In “Venus in Two Acts,” Hartman revisits the story of order to interrogate the limits of narration. Though they two African girls who died on the slave ship Recovery. One of write in different genres, both authors are concerned with these young women was dubbed “Venus;” the other remains how the global economy renders the bodies of women of nameless. Both girls enter the archive in the 1792 murder color disposable. By using similar methods to Hartman, trial proceedings of Captain John Kimber. He was eventu- Bolaño is subject to critique about his fictional adaptation of ally acquitted in both of their deaths. Hartman says that she the Ciudad Juárez femicides. In comparing the two authors, came across this story in the archives while researching her it becomes clear how historiography is crucial to fiction 2007 book Lose Your Mother, but did not address it in that writing, and how it can be productive to draw from African- text: “I feared what I might invent, and it would have been American studies in constructing a Latin American history a romance” (8). She wanted to show that the transatlantic of violence. slave trade was unaffected by the loss of human cargo, and that the slave ship was a space that did not allow for grief, At first glance, the Chilean novelist Roberto Bolaño nor for retribution against those who willingly harmed the and the African-American historian Saidiya Hartman appear abducted African peoples. to address different questions in their respective work. Also, Hartman wanted to invent a history for these However, in Bolaño’s novel 2666 and Hartman’s article two girls to remedy their brief mention in the archive. She “Venus in Two Acts,” both published in 2008, the queries of encounters her subjects only through the literature of their fiction and nonfiction collide. Both writers work to expose killers. Unfortunately, the two women have already been how the transnational economy renders fungible the bod- marked as disposable when they enter the archive, as the ies of women of color, without impunity. In 2666, Bolaño European male slave traders did not think to acknowledge describes the insidious nature of the maquiladora system their existence until it came time to record the moment of along the U.S.-Mexican border, an economy that depends their brutal deaths. To recuperate her subjects, Hartman on a constant supply of cheap female labor. Relying heavily wanted to elaborate on their lives. Instead, she quickly aban- on journalist Sergio Rodríguez González’s 2006 account of doned this approach: the femicides in Ciudad Juárez, México, Bolaño’s omniscient narrator describes the deaths of over one hundred women Initially I thought I wanted to represent the affilia- in the fictional Mexican border town of Santa Teresa. In a tions severed and remade in the hollow of the slave different genre, Hartman also undertakes a critique of the ship by imagining the two girls as friends, by giving global economy, narrating how the transatlantic slave trade them one another. But in the end I was forced to resulted in the deaths of two abducted African girls on the admit that I wanted to console myself and to escape slave ship Recovery in 1792. She clarifies that she aims to the slave hold with the vision of something other than the bodies of two girls settling on the floor of “make visible the production of disposable lives” (11). As the Atlantic. (9) Hartman outlines her techniques, which she terms “critical fabulation” and “narrative restraint,” as well as the ethical In examining her personal aims, Hartman concludes stakes of her work, those elements of Bolaño’s work are that inventing details or a backstory would only serve to thrown into question. comfort her, which only conceals the truth of the matter. If she wishes to pursue a recuperative project, she cannot con- The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2 015 This paper explores the methodologies and moral jure a romance to soften the violence evident in the archive. imperatives of Hartman and Bolaño in their similar yet quite distinctive projects. How is it possible to write about The challenges of Hartman’s work, however, do not gendered and racialized bodies in the archive that have been render it impossible. On the contrary, these possible pitfalls 54 rendered voiceless in the moment of their deaths? How illuminate her work’s immediacy. Hartman outlines the (in the Atlantic slave trade and, as well, in the discipline of stakes of her work when she writes, “I want to tell a story history),” Hartman explains (11). As Hartman succeeds in about two girls capable of retrieving what remains dormant— her goal of reminding the reader of the atrocities of the the purchase or claim of their lives on the present—without transatlantic slave trade, she also contests the neutrality of committing further violence in my act of narration” (2). her historical sources that necessarily render her subjects Thus, Hartman does not believe that the details of their lives disposable. Readers are reminded that the archive that his- and deaths need to be excavated from the archive or invented torians use contains numerous unheard voices. Finally, when through a romance. Instead, what serves to be illuminated in Hartman claims that “this writing is personal because this her work is how the brutal deaths of these two girls affect history has engendered me” (4), she points out how the our age today. She outlines an important caveat: the writer, lives of modern African-American women are shaped by the like a doctor, must swear not to harm their subjects. If the violence against their foremothers. writer succeeds in this goal, Hartman imagines that she will succeed not in recuperating the two girls, but in dreaming The other principal tenet of Hartman’s method is of a time in which the violence of their age does not mark called “narrative restraint.” She defines this as “the refusal ours: “As I understand it, a history of the present strives to to fill in the gaps and provide closure . . . the imperative to illuminate the intimacy of our experience with the lives of respect black noise” (12). Under this philosophy, Hartman the dead, to write our now as it is interrupted by this past, does not put words in her subject’s mouths, and avoids writ- and to imagine a free state, not as the time before captivity ing a romance. Narration in this style honors the unknow- or slavery, but rather as the anticipated future of this writ- able details of these girls’ lives. Hartman remarks how easy ing” (4). She argues that the historian’s work can signal the it would be not to write in this manner: “The loss of stories precarious condition of her subjects’ lives as they echo into sharpens the hunger for them. So it is tempting to fill in the our own, inviting writer and reader to imagine what kind of gaps and to provide closure where there is none. To create world would make them as well as us free. Thus, Hartman a space for mourning where it is prohibited. To fabricate a outlines not only the limitations of narration, but also the witness to a death not much noticed” (8). Yet, if the imper- expansive possibilities for what the writer can accomplish if ative of the historian is to prevent further violence on her she succeeds in her task. victimized subjects, the writer must acknowledge the limitations of narration, and work within those limitations to In producing her biography of the two girls, Hartman create a new realm of possibility for her subjects. relies on a guiding method that she terms “critical fabulation.” She borrow the word “fabula” from Mieke Bal, It’s arguable that Bolaño uses similar narratological defining it as “the building blocks of the of the narrative.” devices in 2666. In the plot of 2666, Bolaño effectively uses Therefore, the method of “critical fabulation” is “playing critical fabulation, or “throwing into crisis what happened with and rearranging the basic elements of the story . . . when” (Hartman 11). The novel starts with a group of re-presenting the sequence of events in divergent stories European academics who are hot on the trail of their shared and from contested points of view” (11). Hartman clearly idol. They travel to Santa Teresa in Part One in hopes displays this methodology in her article. Instead of starting of finding the reclusive author whom they all study. In directly with the archive (the record of Captain Kimber’s Part Two, set in Santa Teresa, they meet an exiled Chilean murder trial), Hartman guides us through other recorded professor who fears his daughter will fall victim to the gen- instances of physical and sexual violence against enslaved dered violence in the city. Part Three concerns an African- African women. As she describes these events in the archive, American journalist who has been sent to Santa Teresa to by the time she arrives at the story of Venus, it becomes clear cover a boxing match, and who fights with his editors to that the abuse that the two women were subject to was a sys- write about the femicides instead. Finally, the readers arrive temic component of the transatlantic slave trade. Multiple at “The Part about the Killings,” which sparely begins, “The women, not just “Venus,” enter the archive solely at the girl’s body turned up in a vacant lot in Colonia Las Flores” hands of white male slave traders. Curiously, the global (Bolaño 353). This is only the beginning. Eventually, the economy relies on this persistent silencing: the abuse and narrator in Part Four 2666 presents 110 dead women in the subsequent deaths of African women, whose names, bodies, fictional Mexican city of Santa Teresa, going into great detail and histories had been stolen, only increased the demand about the brutal condition of their bodies. for more slaves. It is important to note that Bolaño, like Hartman, Critical fabulation brings a number of conclusions to based his account on an archival source. He used the Mexican light: “By throwing into crisis ‘what happened when’ and by journalist Sergio González Rodríguez’s book Huesos en el exploiting ‘the transparency of sources’ as fictions of history, desierto, though it was unpublished as Bolaño was writing I wanted to make visible the production of disposable lives 2666. González Rodríguez started his research in 1995 and 55 56 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 las; atothertimes,thenarratorprovides thisdetail: maquiladora workers.Attimestheyarefound bythemaqui- dead in2666(accordingtomycalculations) are identifiedas cartels. Forexample,atleast20% ofthewomenwhoturnup in the killings, namely the his narrative,heimplicatestwofacetsoftheglobaleconomy insist itwastheworkofa serial killer. As Bolaño constructs as welltheAmericaninvestigatortheyhired,continuedto However, evenaswomencontinued todie,thegovernment, purported band of teenage accomplices for themurders (6). Abdel LatifSharifandblamedhimaswellhis the government arrested an Arab-American man named recounts inherarticle“AloneamongtheGhosts”1995, early 2000ssurroundingthefemicides.AsMarcelaValdes the Mexicangovernment’s discourseinthemid-1990sand course ofPartFour. women keep turning up brutally murderedover the entire entire unwieldy chapter spans over two hundred pages, and spectives on the killings, none of which is a romance. The and others.Inthisway, thereadergetsseveraldifferentper someone else,thejournalistSergioGonzálezRodríguez, the killings,jailedsuspectinmurderswhoaccuses several otherpolicemen,aseer(FloritaAlmada)whoprotests murders (OscarFate),theinspectorJuandeDiosMartínez, an Americanjournalistwhowantstostartwritingaboutthe who isindangerwiththe drug cartels (Rosa Amalfitano), narrator followsvariouscharacters,suchasayoungwoman ery is intermixedwithseveral different plot lines. Bolaño’s example, thebodiesturnupintermittently, andtheirdiscov- that go unclarified, and, at times,narrative restraint. For critical fabulation,includingmultiplepointsofview, dates lence againstwomenalongtheU.S.-Mexicanborder. details fromeachmurderthatexposeasystemofmassvio- in whatstate.Thereaderislefttopiecetogetherrepeating describes howthewomenwerefound,bywhom,where,and murderer or murderers. Instead, the narrator repeatedly tive. Bolañoneverpointsconclusivelytotheidentityof killed inreallifethatBolañodidnotincludethisnarra- 1993 totheendof1997,thereweremorewomenwho 110 (231).However, sincePartFourof2666spansfrom that werekilledinCiudadJuárezbetween1995and1998: the number of dead women in the novel is the same number between PartFourof2666andHuesos.Andrewsnotesthat Expanding Universe,ChrisAndrewsclarifiestherelationship (Valdes 9,11).Inhis2014bookRobertoBolaño’s Fiction:An 2000, though Huesos would not be published until 2002 González Rodríguez’s researchsometimearound1999and tion intotheCiudadJuárezfemicides.Bolañostartedusing eventually produced The effectofthiscriticalfabulationistointerrupt In PartFour, Bolañoemploysseveralelementsof Huesos, maquiladora system and the drug a lengthynonfictioninvestiga- - from furthernarrativeviolence. restraint inamannerthatprotects thevictimsinarchive (60). In this manner, Bolaño effectively employs narrative them fortheirowndeaths,as the Mexicanpoliceoftendid However, Reinares notes that the narrator does not blame sexual violence, or involve sex workers who have been killed. most ofthefemicidesinCiudadJuárezinvolveanaspect inant discoursethemurders.Thisisimportantbecause ‘provocative’ attire” (57). Here, Bolaño questions the dom- patriarchal discourses that blame victims of rape for their tives suchas“long-sleeved”or“knee-length,”subverting “When [describingvictims’clothes],Bolañochoosesadjec- Reinares describes Bolaño’s compassionate writing style: In her article “Globalized Philomels,” Laura Berberán employs thistechniqueindescribingthemurderedwomen. critique arequitesimilartoHartman’s. solving the murders. Thus, hismethodologyand subject of government, soneitherofthoseinstitutionsisinvestedin chapter thatthedrugcartelscontrolpoliceand life. Bolañoalsocontinuouslypointsoutinhisfractured Juárez, andtheydieonthepagesof2666asdidinreal dreds ofyoung,poor, andvulnerablewomentoCiudad [drug traffickers]”(2).Thus,themaquilasystemdrawshun- NATFA . . an hour. ThesametraitsthatmadeJuárezappealingto over Mexicototakejobsthatoftenpaidaslittle50cents ing hundreds of thousands of destitute residents from all in the1990s.Hundredsofassemblyplantssprangup,lur economy: “JuárezgrewrapidlyafterNAFTA wasimplanted Juárez isoneoftheworstexamplespredatoryglobal killed withimpunity. economy increatingacesspoolwhichwomenofcolorare if theydied.Thisisourfirsthintattheroleofglobal who soughtemployment,andwouldonlybereplaced that the maquila system drew women from all over Mexico (supposedly located in thestateofSonora),Bolaño shows Zapatero worked at, and that she was not from Santa Teresa In terms of narrative restraint, Bolaño importantly As Valdes pointsout,the maquilasysteminCiudad By specifyingexactlywhichmaquilaPaulaGarcía Querétaro. (Bolaño454) the Colonia LomasdelToro, machineoperatorat that shewasPaulaGarcíaZapatero,residentof and cowboyboots.Threedayslateritwaslearned She wasdressedinjeans,alow-cutwhiteblouse, Her bodywasfoundinacarabouttobescrapped. was nineteen and had been raped and strangled. Refugio, neartheNogaleshighway. Thewoman the yardofanautorepairshop,atendCalle The first dead woman [in July 1995] appeared in maquiladora TECNOSA,borninthestateof . also madeitanidealhubfornarcotraficantes -

Yet, there is one example in 2666 that illustrates two As the engineer set off down the street, Isabel separate and not inconsequential breaks of the technique of walked toward the place where she had left her car. narrative restraint. The fourth victim in Part Four is called As she got out her keys to unlock it, a shadowy fig- Isabel Urrea, and she is a journalist who is shot. Andrews ure appeared on the sidewalk and fired three times. The keys fell. A passerby some twenty feet away points out that her murder very closely resembles the real- dropped to the ground. Isabel tried to get up but life killing of a reporter named Jessica Lizalde León in 1993 she could only lean against the front tire. She felt (205). Yet, Bolaño gave this character a pseudonym, as he no pain. The shadowy figure appeared and shot her did for all of the women in 2666. This is his first act of in the forehead. (Bolaño 356) narrative violence that spans throughout the entire novel. It is important to point out that Bolaño does not invent Unlike the other women who are found in the names for the bodies in the archive that were never iden- novel, the condition of Jessica Lizalde León’s body is never tified, which is an act of restraint. Yet, the majority of the revealed. Instead, the narrator depicts her as she lay dying. women who turn up dead in 2666 are given a pseudonym. However, how does the narrator know that she felt no pain? One must question if Bolaño effectively erases the identities Was that in the autopsy of Jessica Lizalde León? As her killer of each named woman who died between 1995 and 1998 in approached, how can anyone be sure that Jessica Lizalde Ciudad Juárez. León was not deeply afraid? Did she start to pray? Did she cry out for help? This is a story that we will never know and Sometimes, writers use pseudonyms when writing cannot presume to know. In this instance, the silences of the about dead women of color to call attention to their pre- archive, as well as the silence of the dead, are disrespected. carious place in the archive. For example, in her 2011 book Unspeakable Violence: Remapping U.S. and Mexican National It’s important to point out that as a fiction writer, Identities, Nicole Guidotti-Hernández retells the story of Bolaño may not be subject to the constraints of historiog- Josefa/Juanita, a woman who was lynched by a mob in raphy. Though he’s addressing a similar theme as Hartman; Downieville, California, in 1851. This woman had been that is, the predatory and violent nature of transnational given conflicting names in the historical archive and, at economies, Bolaño never claims to be a historian, and nei- times, went unnamed. Guidotti-Hernández writes that she ther does his narrator. Hartman clearly states that in comb- intentionally uses both of the names attributed to the victim: ing through various archives, she wants to approach “a “By calling attention to all of Josefa/Juanita’s names, we defy biography of the captive and the enslaved” (3). In contrast, the practice of making her nameless and problematize the the real women behind Bolaño’s characters were neither question of truth in historical scholarship” (43). Thus, in captive nor enslaved. They are not entirely ignored by the Guidotti-Hernández’s case, she employs multiple names, archive, and as I mention above, many of their identities including a pseudonym, to ensure that her subject is named, were documented by Chris Andrews. Many of the victims and to point out how she has been misrendered by the his- of the Ciudad Juárez femicides likely have birth and death torical archive. certificates that acknowledge their existence. They also likely have families who mourn them. Unlike the enslaved Yet, unlike the dubiously factual sources from women that Hartman documents, the women of Santa Downieville, California in 1851, it is unclear if Huesos en Teresa/Ciudad Juárez existed in a relatively free state prior el desierto is an archive that needs to be problematized. I to the moment of their deaths; that is, as free as one can be doubt that the factual transcription of the victims’ given when the menace of drug cartels, transnational corporations, names warrants scrutiny. Instead, the pseudonyms in 2666 and societal misogyny darken one’s days. Also, Bolaño never do not challenge the archive but instead are complicit in intended for 2666 to be read as a biography. Instead, Bolaño the continued silence around these women’s deaths. Jessica told his friend Carla Rippey in a 1995 letter that 2666 Lizalde León’s name, and the numerous other women who “is MY NOVEL” (Valdes 2). 2666 is a magnum opus, not a perished in the years following her death, is erased when character study. she is called Isabel Urrea. She might has well have been dubbed Venus. It would require an incredible amount of academic sleuthing (as well as a Ouija board, perhaps) to solve the This murder is a violent outlier in 2666 because the mystery of why a Chilean author painstakingly fictionalized author attempts to fill in the gaps of the story, presumably the crimes against women in Ciudad Juárez. Though Bolaño to provide comfort to the reader. Though all of the other lived in Mexico after being exiled from Chile, he never even women in 2666 are described after their deaths, this is the set foot in Sonora (Valdes 2). We may never know if his only instance in which the reader witnesses the murder: aims were like Hartman’s; that is, to illuminate the ways in which the past of Ciudad Juárez/Santa Teresa resonates

57 58 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 and silencesechointoourshared future. may betterrecuperatethoseinthepastwhoseexperiences archive sharpenourhungerforeachother’s work,sothatwe loss ofstoriesintheLatin-AmericanandAfrican-American and nonfiction.To borrowaphrasefromHartman,letthe archive, thelimitationsofnarrationareapplicableinfiction Hartman. Aswritersofallracesanddisciplinesturntothe against womenofcolor, which concernedbothBolañoand such astheroleoftransnationaleconomiesinviolence two disciplinescontinuetograpplewithsimilarquestions, by worksinAfrican-AmericanstudieslikeHartman’s. The ing toconstructanarrativeofviolencemaybewellinformed work. But,anyfutureLatinoorLatinAmericanwriterwish- Bolaño’s death in 2003, he never could have read Hartman’s phy tofiction.As2666waspublishedposthumouslyafter of thedangersnarration,andutilityhistoriogra- two genresandfieldsofstudy. 2666, whichspeakstotheproductivekinshipbetweenthese my knowledgeofAfrican-Americanstudiestoreading would nothavecometothisanalysiswithoutsynthesizing of how“myageistetheredtohers”(Hartman13).Yet, I violence solelyduetomynationality, Iamferventlyaware produced inthemaquilas that NAFTA enabled,safe from violence againstwomen.AsIwearclothingmadeinMexico, but ofasharedLatinAmericanhistorystate-condoned creating NAFTA, whichenabledthespreadofmaquilas, am remindednotonlyofmyhomecountry’s complicityin synthesizes theproblemsofbothnations.Reading2666,I Distante deChileand inNocturno the Chileandictatorship women inMexico.ThoughBolañoaddressestheabusesof male Chileanwriterwouldtakeupthestoriesofmurdered reader ofBolaño’s fiction,Iamparticularlystruckthata against LatinAmericancitizens. AsaChilean-American oeuvre thatisdedicatedtoexposinggovernmentalabuses affected bythepast.2666isanotherentryintoBolaño’s in whichthereaderisremindedhowourpresentlivesare glory, thenovelhasasimilareffectasHartman’s project sider thatpassagetobeafurtheractofviolence. the detailsofJessicaLizaldeLeón’s death,andonecancon- historiography. Thus,Bolañocanbecriticizedforinventing that Hartman believes iscrucial tothe practice ofethical argue issubjecttothesameimperativeofnarrativerestraint intentions inwriting2666, into present-dayLatinAmerica.But,regardlessofBolaño’s For allofitsvalue,2666canalsoserveasanexample Even ifBolañowrote2666inthepursuitofpersonal and theMexicandirtywarsinAmuleta,thisnovel he producedanarrative,whichI Estrella University ofMichiganforherhelpinrevisingthisarticle. Valdes, Marcela.“AloneamongtheGhosts:RobertoBolaño’s Reinares, Laura Barberán. “Globalized Philomels: State Patriarchy, Guidotti-Hernández, Nicole.“AWoman withNoNamesand Hartman, Saidya.“Venus inTwo Acts.”smallaxe26(2008):1–14. Bolaño, Roberto.2666.Trans. NatashaWimmer. NewYork: Andrews, Chris.RobertoBolaño’s Fiction:AnExpandingUniverse. Works Cited Acknowledgement 2666.” (2010): 51–72.Jstor. Web. 30November2014. Border inRobertoBolaño’s 2666.” Transnational Capital,andtheFemicidesofU.S.-Mexican Imaginaries. Unspeakable Violence: RemappingUSandMexicanNational Many Names:Lynching, Gender, Violence andSubjectivity.” Jstor. Web. 2November2014. Picador Press,2008.Print. New York: ColumbiaUniversityPress,2014.Print. The authorthanksProfessorRubyTapia atthe The Nation8December2008.Web. 9December2014. Durham: DukeUniversityPress,2011.Print. South AtlanticReview75.4 Patriots: The Creation of the Chaoxianzu Ethnic Identity Maya Little, Bowdoin College

Maya Little graduated from Bowdoin College in 2015 with a This essay uses secondary texts along with Chinese degree in history and a minor in Chinese language. Her research propaganda, written during the Korean War, to analyze focuses on the historical strategies of creating national and politi- how and why the chaoxianzu ethnic category came about and cal identity in modern China. She is also interested in depictions who spurred on its creation. Through this essay one can see of ethnic minorities in national media and politicized narratives that the chaoxianzu identity is connected to patriotic “blood of Chinese history. Maya’s current work as a teacher at a rural shed” and nationalist duty to China in the Korean War. school in Anhui, China allows her to pursue new lines of inquiry Secondarily, this essay discusses how chaoxianzu themselves, about local identity as well as continue her study of Mandarin. speciﬁcally the war hero Chu Tokhae, also played a part in highlighting the patriotic origins of this identity.

Before the founding of the People’s Republic of Additionally, this essay gives more credence to the China in 1949, Korean immigrants in China were regarded emerging dialogue about ethnic identity as a sometimes with suspicion as permanent foreigners and enemies who artificial and historically contingent phenomenon in China were more loyal to the Japanese colonial regime than to by arguing that the creation of the chaoxianzu ethnicity is China. However, during the Korean War many of these closely related to Chinese nationalism during the Korean immigrants were given Chinese citizenship as members of War and the “shedding of blood” for the Chinese nation the newly designed chaoxianzu (Chinese-Korean) ethnic throughout the bellicose 1940s. Hopefully, this essay raises minority group. They were praised for their patriotism and new questions about the Chinese-Korean identity; Sino- commitment to the Chinese Communist Party’s goals in the Korean relations; who benefits from ethnic identity cre- Korean War. How did these Korean immigrants go from ation; and how rhetoric, nationalism, and group members being despised and persecuted to revered and celebrated take part in the process of identity creation. within such a short time span? In order to answer that question, this essay examines the methods in which the state, as Who are the Chaoxianzu? well as Chinese-Koreans themselves, created an ethnic identity dependent on Korean patriotism for the Chinese nation. As the CCP rose to power and entered the War to Resist America and Aid Korea, they faced a new challenge. During the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937–45), What was to be done with the large number of ethnic the Chinese did not just grapple with casting off the yoke Koreans living in Northern China? The construction of of Japanese occupation, but also with casting out the erguizi, the chaoxianzu ethnic minority and its implantation into the the secondary devils who had entered their country from politicized history of the Chinese nation was no easy proc- Korea. Many Korean immigrants, facing persecution at the ess. This minority group, which continued to grow even hands of their Chinese neighbors and officials, eventually in the early 1950s, differed from other Chinese minority returned to their increasingly disparate homeland, Korea. groups in that many of these Koreans had not lived for The majority that stayed, however, gained Chinese citizen- even a single generation in China. They were mostly a large ship only seven years after the Japanese fled China. They immigrant group rather than a group, like the Hui or Miao, also gained an autonomous province, Yanbian, in Northern who had existing pre-modern roots in China. Additionally, China as well as being designated ethnic minority members a Korean state (the DPRK) already existed and was fighting and Chinese patriots. The question that begs to be answered for its liberation. is: how did a hated minority become a model for Chinese The biggest struggle in cementing this ethnic iden- nationalism within the timespan of only a decade? tity into a Chinese historical and political narrative was the The creation of the chaoxianzu (Chinese-Korean) fact that the Korean War was supposedly an interventionist ethnic minority category was a fairly uncontroversial deci- war to promote Korean self-determination and a sovereign sion made by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in 1952 Korean state (albeit one that was in line with Soviet and as the CCP aided the Democratic People’s Republic of Chinese political goals). How could ethnic Korean immi- Korea (DPRK) during the Korean War. In shaping the grants who did not have a firm place in the history of China’s political narrative of Koreans in China, the CCP focused interior and who fought for the creation of a sovereign on ethnic Koreans’ service in the People’s Liberation Army, Korean nation be considered Chinese citizens with rightful demonstrating their Chinese nationalism and justifying their ownership to land and benefits in China? right to citizenship. The creation of this highly nationalist To explain the process of creating the chaoxianzu history of Koreans in China also helped shift dialogue about ethnic identity, it is important to first consider the history the Korean War from that of Chinese interventionism to of Korean settlement in China and the obstacles ethnic defense of the Chinese nation. Koreans in China faced during the early and mid-20th 59 60 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 who migratedandsettledinto northeasternChinawas land povertyinKorea. to populatethedesolateandroughnortheastrelieve northeastern ChinathatgavelandtoKoreanfarmersboth of China’s occupation,theJapaneseinitiatedaprogramin laborators andtaxcollectorsinChina.Duringthelateryears and CCP).OthersaidedJapanesecolonialactivitiesascol- exile inconnectionwithboththeChineseNationalistParty joined theKoreanIndependenceMovement(operatingin tion andpovertyundertheJapanesecolonialregime.Many Koreans againfledtoChinaenmasseescapepersecu- the ChineseNationalistParty(guomindang) Japanese occupiersandthusfacedbrutalreprisalfromboth these Koreanswereoftenregardedascollaboratorswiththe nial regime.However, whenJapaneseoccupationended, nomic purposes rather than to support the Japanese colo to andeventuallysettledinChinacameprimarilyforeco- for landandlivelihood. ural disastersdrovepoorKoreanfarmersintoChinalooking Korean dynasty’s low level of interaction with the Qing, nat- late Qing dynasty in the 19th century. Despite the Joseon chaoxianzu began migrating to Northern China during the homelands. MostoftheKoreanswhobecameknownas life and livelihood just over the border ineach other’s in timewhenChineseandKoreanstradedestablished century. PastfluidityinChina’s bordersledtomanypoints collaborators. picion thatKoreanscouldnever riseabovebeingJapanese tributed tomutualdistrustand affirmedtheChinesesus- con - Korea, which and violencetargetedChineselivingin riots inPyongyang.Intheaftermath,massiveprotests by Japanesemediaandcausedsubsequentanti-Chinese as theWanpaoshan Incidentof1931,wassensationalized A dispute between Chinese and Korean farmers, known tensions in order to bolster its own colonial legitimacy. and theJapanesemediawashappytoexploitSino-Korean tensions, occurringsincepre-moderntimes,oftenflaredup, acculturation toJapaneselanguage.Furthermore,regional such asthechangingofsurnames(soshi-kamei)andforced that Chinesemainlandersresistedorwereabletoevade, spicuously acquiesced to Japanese assimilation programs comprehensive thanitwasinChina,manyKoreanscon- As JapaneseoccupationinKoreabecamemorebrutaland bors didnot,whilehelpingtomaintainthecolonialregime. collectors, thusenjoyingprivilegesthattheirChineseneigh- gram tofarmChineseland.Manyhadalsoservedastax had willingly come as a part of a Japanese-initiated pro- although misguided,wasnottotallyunreasonable.Koreans Because of these incidents, the standing of Koreans As timewenton,JapanoccupiedKoreain1910and The suspicionmanyChinesehadforKoreans, iv ii ManyoftheKoreanswhomigrated i and theCCP. iii

Communist Chinesenation. CCP againsttheguomindang;theyshedbloodfornew Many Koreansalsovolunteeredtofightonthesideof industrial workers,andotherportionsoftheChinesenation. Korean farminginnortheasternChinawasfeedingsoldiers, closer relationshipwiththeethnicKoreansinManchuria. than ideological. many KoreanstosidewiththeCCPwaseconomicrather incorporating and whydidtheCCPbegintotakeaninterestinlegally ileges, legalcitizenship,andrightstoChineseland.How formerly despised,relativelyisolatedminoritygainedpriv- Sino-Japanese War tothetwilightofKoreanWar, a Within thespanofsevenyearsfromend oftheSecond eventually bedesignateda“modelminority”inChina. mindang andthecommunists,Chinese-Koreanswould Japanese. Koreans assuspiciousandpermanentlyconnectedtothe port Korean permanent settlement and that it regarded pation, the guomindang made it clear that it would not sup- in the guomindang. In theaftermathofJapaneseoccu- to colludewiththeCommuniststhanfindcamaraderie was simplyeasierandsmarterforKoreanslivinginChina War (1937–1945) and subsequent Chinese Civil War. It Koreans becamestrongerduringtheSecondSino-Japanese How Was theEthnicDesignationChaoxianzuCreated? the CCP, wastheSupremeLeaderKimIl-Sung.) this massacre,andeventuallygainedthetrustsupportof a pro-Japangroup.(OneoftheKoreanswhobarely escaped dreds ofKoreancommunistsforsuspectedassociationwith paranoid CCP cadres in northeastern China purged hun- Korean relationsistheMinsaengdanIncident,inwhich secution. OftenerasedintheCCPhistoryofmodernSino- Koreans withdistrust—orevenparticipatingintheirper retribution. TheCCPwasalsonotaboveregardingthe petual foreignersanddidlittletoprotectthemfromlocal regime sawtheseKoreansasenemycollaboratorsandper 1945. Forone,theguomindang(ChineseNationalistParty) incredibly precariousintheaftermathofJapan’s defeatin identified with. farming peasants,whommanyethnicKoreansinManchuria plans toaid,redistributelandto,andlessenthetaxburdenof from theKoreanslivinginNortheastthrougheconomic ingness todefendtheChinese nation didnotgounnoticed, as Chinesecitizensunitedwith theNorthKoreans.Awill- to NorthKorea to fightfor its liberation but also tofight the KoreanWar inlate1950, manyKoreansrelocatedback The CCPhaditsownincentivesfordevelopinga Despite persecution and mistrust from both the The relationshipbetween the CCP and theethnic vi The CCP, ontheotherhand,gainedsupport chaoxianzu intotheChinesestate? vii Thustheimpetusthatfinallyconvinced viii DuringChina’s entranceinto v guo- - - and CCP rhetoric that was supportive of Korean immigrant but is heavily scripted to reflect the missions of the state and inclusion and permanent settlement in China centered on the classification system.ix And as state goals change, those propagating that there was a patriotic strain within these qualities the ethnic group is said to possess also change, Koreans evident through their sacrifice for the Communist such that although ethnic identity remains a mode of self- Chinese nation. identification, the ways in which this identity is discussed in media and politics varies with what goals it serves. As the CCP’s victory in the Chinese Civil War turned into struggle during the Korean War, CCP officials Understanding an ethnicity’s flexibility clarifies its as well as ethnic Korean high-ranking soldiers, such as functionality. Ethnicity can also be constructed by ethnic Chu Tokhae, began devising strategies to incorporate the minority group members themselves in order to gain lever- Korean ethnic population of China into the Chinese nation. age, rights, and privileges. It is used by the state to promote This meant both creating an ethnic identity and a national the state’s values, legitimacy, and political goals. The chaox- identity for these Koreans, as well as giving them some ianzu identity comes from the groups’ own understanding of space to self-identify culturally and to have legal rights to what it means to be ethnically Korean, paired with a national Chinese land. However these new rights were conditional consciousness during the Korean War, and connected with to a Chinese-Korean movement that espoused loyalty to the the Chinese state’s goals in Korea to promote a nationalist Chinese nation and followed CCP state goals, one of which war, rather than one for Korean sovereignty. was to help liberate the new Korean state to the north, the DPRK. The goals of this war were not simply to fight for the liberation of Korea, but also to fight a nationalist war to The problem inherent in this process was how to legitimize the CCP’s political platform and to defend its own create an ethnicity with viable and strong national ties to sovereignty. This is clearly seen in a propaganda piece from China, against the background of a war that promoted self- 1950 written by a spokesperson for the Chinese Central determination for the Korean state. The Koreans living Government’s Diplomatic Bureau: in China were not like Tibetans, Miao, Hui, or any other The Chinese people have every reason to accuse the Chinese ethnic minorities who had strong cultural identities American government of challenging and invading but also strong historical ties to the Chinese nation. China. . . . So because of the Chinese people’s righ- The ethnic minority designation that eventually teous anger they have volunteered to send aid to the Korean people and help them resist the American arose from this process, chaoxianzu, was a layered identity, invasion.x which served Chinese national goals as well as appeased Korean agitation for rights to land and freedom from being Thus the Korean conflict is tied to threats to China’s regarded as disloyal enemy collaborators. This notion of a own sovereignty, and in some ways to a chance multi- faceted identity was not entirely outside of the norm for China (and by proxy, the communist bloc) to of CCP’s historical development of ethnic identity and demonstrate the viability of its newly formed gov- narratives in a multiethnic state. As detailed by Thomas ernment and national mission. The spokesperson Mullaney in Coming to Terms with the Nation (2011), the further legitimates the need for this nationalist war ethnic classification system developed both by CCP officials to resist America by writing: America’s purpose in invading Korea is not just to get into Korea but and ethnographers works to make ethnic identifiers flexible also to try and get into China. To aid Korea and enough that ethnicity is cohesive with state goals of nation- resist America is also for the purpose of preventing alism, efficiency, and Chinese-style communism. invasion in our own homeland.xi Mullaney, whose research focuses on the southwest- Those Koreans who were active in fighting during the ern province of Yunnan, states that many ethnic minority Korean War are no longer regarded simply as heroes against groups were combined in order to produce a smaller num- American interventionism and for Korean sovereignty. As ber of dialect groups. However, the combination process demonstrated by the other goal of the war, “preventing inva- was not random. The representative dialect group is often sion in our homeland,” those Korean soldiers also become picked based on its size and the willingness of minority elites defenders of a Chinese homeland. They become nationalist to align themselves with, and help carry out, the goals of the war heroes who have brought glory to China, shed blood for CCP. These minority cadres also often become part of the China, and defended the CCP’s mission on the world stage. process of producing films to appeal to the Chinese populace However, it was not just the government that stood to ben- to showcase their ethnic identity. This media, just like the efit from the creation of this ethnic identity; ethnic Koreans eventual ethnic designation and representative dialect that in China were also active in creating this identity. comes out of the categorization process, is not entirely false 61 62 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 izenship becamemoreand unclear. Chineseofficials ings andwar, theissueofwhowouldreceiveChinese cit- and more Koreans fled their homeland to escape bomb and whoweresimplyKoreanimmigrants inChina.Asmore Chu andothershadtoclarifywhoexactlywerechao xianzu its ownbordersfromAmericaninvasion. and self-determination and more on China’s need to protect movement, whileputtinglessemphasisonKoreanliberation pagandizing fornationwideparticipationintheAidKorea to theChinesestate.Itwasalsoimportantcontinuepro- and other ethnic Koreans to continue reaffirming loyalty Within thisframework,itwasimportant for ChuTokhae citizens withethnicminoritystatusbetraysthosedifficulties. process oftryingtoturnChinese-KoreansintoChinese rifice theymadetodefendthecommunistChinesenation. Koreans inChinafromotherwastheimmensesac- dang, andeventuallytheAmericansinKoreanWar. for aChinesenationagainstfirsttheJapanese,guomin- were fiercely loyal to the CCP and who consistently fought Korean communityasheroic,modelminorityfigureswho rights bycontinuallypresentinghimselfandtheChinese- come intoconflictwithCCPideology. Chufoughtforthese to continuepracticingthoseculturalactivitiesthatdidnot came acknowledgementthattheseKoreanshadsomerights farmed for years. Additionally, with ethnic minority status continuous rights to the land their families had settled and immigrants withfewpropertyrights,citizenscouldmaintain in warsagainsttheJapaneseandguomindang.Unlike zen. Citizensreceivedlandandcompensationfromfighting China. Chusawtheextensivebenefitsofbecomingaciti- regarded as Chinese citizens and as anethnic minority in ical processthatdraftedhowexactlychaoxianzu receive Chinesecitizenship.Hewasalsoapartofthepolit- paigned extensivelyforethnicKoreanslivinginChinato creating theethnicdesignationchaoxianzu,Chustates: a government conference set up to throw out ideas about Who ShapedtheEthnicIdentityChaoxianzu? Even whileaffirmingthegoalsofanationalistwar, But thiswasstillatrickyargumenttomake,andthe According toChu,whatseparatestheseethnic Chu Tokhae, anethnicKoreanandawarhero,cam- the Chinesecitizen. one race, the Chinese-Koreans receive the rights of Although theChinese-KoreansandKoreansare lives toprotectthislandfromforeigninvaders. land. They have shed blood andsacrificed their have usedtheirownsweatandbloodtofarmthis xianzu), fightingalongsidetheirChinesebrothers, For ahundredyearstheChinese-Koreans(chao- xiii xiv would be xii In - as ideologicalhome. China asplaceoflawfulresidence,andtotheSovietUnion allegiances were to the North Korean state as homeland, to a systemofthreenationalitiesforKoreans.These of a homeland for Chinese-Koreans than Korea invented officials whowereskepticalthatChinacouldeverbemore nic KoreanssettledinnortheasternChina.Manyother uncompromising inhismissiontogaincitizenshipforeth- which KoreansinChinashouldreceivecitizenship,hewas xianzu andwhodidnot. played integralpartsindeterminingwhobecameachao- instrument fighting against the Japanese bandits.” Chinese northeastcommittee,butKoreanpeoplearethe Imperialists andtheguomindangincitesabotagewithin notion ofsacrificeandpatrioticdutytoChina:“Japanese ganda piecewrittenduringtheKoreanWar displaysthat ethnic categorychaoxianzu.Thisstatementfromapropa- War. the ChineseCivilWar andcontinuedtofightintheKorean business ownership.Othersweresoldierswhohadfoughtin land throughhomeownership,farming,andsmallstore xianzu werepeoplewhoalreadyhadsomelegalrighttothe often rewardedwithChinesecitizenship and becamechao- alty totheCCP. Civil War andChinese-Koreans’continuouspatrioticloy- sacrifice duringtheJapaneseOccupationandChinese argument for but alsoaChinesenationalhero.Chucontinuallycouchedhis tice hisculture,andtobedeemednotjustaKoreanhero in Chinabutalsoforrightstolandandcommunity, toprac- Furthermore, Chuwasnotjustcampaigningforcitizenship China andtheSovietUnionwerealreadybeginningtosour. ous andwouldhavebeenburdensomeasrelationsbetween China. Having three concurrent nationalities was precari- cultural andethnictiestoKorea,butnationalisticduty of ethnic Koreans in China asethnic minorities, who had homeland, refusingcitizenshipinChina. left becauseoftheirownsensepatrioticdutytoaKorean to developandprotecttheNorthKoreanstate,voluntarily mechanics, andsoldiers,whowereskilledneeded ent utility to the Chinese state. However, many scientists, would sendbackChinese-Koreanswhodidnothaveappar their own territory and to help protect China itself from in thistextitisalsoaKoreanmission toaidtheChineseon simply aKoreanmissionforindependence fromJapan,but is unitingaKoreanmissionto aChinesemission.Itisnot but whenthequoteisunpackedonecanseethatwriter use of“instrument”atfirstglanceseemscondescending, xvi Inthissense,propertyownershipandserviceinwar Although Chu was cautious in campaigning forAlthough Chuwascautiousin That rhetoriceventuallygarneredacceptanceforthe chaoxianzu xviii xvii ButChucampaignedforacceptance citizenship in theChinese-Korean xv Thosewhowere xix The - Japan. The Koreans are preventing sabotage and division Conclusion that the Japanese and guomindang have created by dividing the Chinese committee. They are not just fighting against This essay synthesizes information and analysis from the Japanese but also taking part in a thoroughly Chinese a number of different texts on the Chinese-Koreans to give nationalist organization and involving themselves in Chinese a more complete picture of one facet of identity creation in domestic issues. China, the ways in which nationalism can engender social change, and how the Chinese-Koreans came to be an ethnic Through Chu’s and other Chinese-Korean leaders’ minority in China. In writing this piece, I did not intend agitation for citizenship came the designation chaoxianzu, to necessarily find conclusive understandings of the com- the Korean ethnic minority group, which firmly placed plicated process of creating, changing, and molding ethnic Chinese-Koreans within the Chinese ethnic categorization identity in China. Instead to use a classic Chinese idiom, system. This identity placed heavy emphasis on nation- I hoped to cast a brick to find jade: to add information I alism and loyalty to state while also allowing some room gathered from my research to continue the dialogue around for Korean ethnic and cultural identity. Their identity was understanding and conceptualizing ethnicity in modern changed, but through this change they gained recognition in China. China as citizens and ethnic minority members rather than resident aliens. Note: The cited evidence from “Chize? Ke Ase (Baogao) Ji Aositing Shengming de Shengming.” November Under Chu Tokhae’s leadership, Korean language 11, 1950, as cited in Kangmei Yuanchao Zhongyao Wenxian and culture took on a new level of importance for the Yanlun Huipian, is based on the author’s own English trans- Chinese-Koreans living in the Yanbian Korean autono- lation of the original Chinese source text. mous region. Cultural awareness was encouraged during the early years of the PRC as long as the chaoxianzu clearly Acknowledgements professed their role as Chinese patriots, loyal to the PRC and its political efforts. However, this dynamic changed in I would like to offer my special thanks to my advi- the 1960s when Mao Zedong condemned Chu Tokhae as a sor and mentor, Professor Leah Zuo, for her invaluable traitor and denounced the Korean cultural projects Chu had feedback in the development of this research work. I would allowed in the schools and universities of Yanbian.xx Despite also like to thank Rosemary Effiom and Anne Clifford for Mao’s turning on Chu Tokhae, the residency and citizenship their continued guidance and support of Bowdoin College’s of chaoxianzu was never questioned, only the hindrance that MMUF program. Mao thought cultural projects put on the state’s agenda. This is a testament to the power of campaigning for ethnic Endnotes minority status so many years back. i Enze Han, “Emigration and Fragmentation of the Chinese Koreans,” One question may still remain: what did the inven- Contestation and Adaptation: The Politics of National Identity in China (Oxford University Press, 2013), 67 tion of the chaoxianzu ethnic minority do for the war effort ii and how did it contribute to the nationalist rhetoric during Dongji Jin, “Guogongneizhan yu Dongbei Chaoxianren de Chaoxianzu Huaguocheng,” Lishi Yanjiu (2006): 62 the Korean War? Firstly, it continued to blur the lines iii Adam Cathcart, “Nationalism and Ethnic Identity in the Sino-Korean between a Chinese nationalist war and an interventionist Border Region of Yanbian 1945–1950,” Korean Studies 34 (2010): 28–29 war for Korean self-determination. By aggregating many iv Whitewall Wang, Wanpaoshan Incident and the Anti-Chinese Riots in Korea Koreans into Chinese citizenship with loyalty to a Chinese (Nanking: Internationals Relations Committee, 1931) nation, ethnic lines were made more distinct while national v Hongkoo Han, “Wounded nationalism : the Minsaengdan incident lines were blurred. War rhetoric could furthermore invoke and Kim Il Sung in Eastern Manchuria,” (PhD diss., University of a territorial nationalism that confused and enlarged both Washington, 1999) the boundaries of nation and citizenship as well as changed vi Adam Cathcart, “Nationalism and Ethnic Identity in the Sino-Korean national distinctions (such as Korean versus Chinese) Border Region of Yanbian 1945–1950,” Korean Studies 34 (2010), 32 into much more innocuous ethnic ones. This national- vii Dongji Jin, “Guogongneizhan yu Dongbei Chaoxianren de Chaoxianzu ist rhetoric turned a struggle that took place on Korean Huaguocheng,” Lishi Yanjiu (2006): 70 territory into a war against American aggression and for viii Ibid., 68 Chinese sovereignty. It portrayed Koreans as defenders ix Thomas S. Mullaney, Coming to Terms with the Nation: Ethnic of the Chinese nation, rather than as fighters for Korean Classification in Modern China (Berkeley: U of California, 2011), 124–125 self-determination.

63 64 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 Wen, Meinan.“ZhongchaoRenminZaiDongbeiKangri Wang, Whitewall.Wanpaoshan IncidentandtheAnti-ChineseRiotsin Mullaney, Thomas.ComingtoTerms withtheNation: Ethnic Jin, Dongji.“GuogongneizhanyuDongbeiChaoxianrende Han, Hongkoo.“Wounded nationalism:theMinsaengdanincident Han, Enze.“EmigrationandFragmentationoftheChinese Cathcart, Adam.“NationalismandEthnicIdentityintheSino- Bibliography xx xix xviii xvii xvi xv xiv xiii xii xi x publisher, 1951.Pgs.18–20 Kangmei Yuanchao Zhongyao Wenxian Yanlun Huipian,unknown Zhanzheng ZhongdeGuojiZhuyi Tuanjie.” Ascitedin Korea. China.Berkeley:UofCalifornia,2011. Classiﬁcation inModern Chaoxianzu Huaguocheng.”LishiYanjiu (2013):55–70 of Washington, 1999. and KimIlSunginEasternManchuria.”PhDdiss.,University Identity inChina.OxfordUniversityPress,2013.Pgs.65–86 Koreans.” 34 (2010):23–53 Korean BorderRegionofYanbian 1945–1950.”Korean Studies Adam Cathcart,“NationalismandEthnicIdentityintheSino-Korean Meinan Wen, “ZhongchaoRenminZaiDongbeiKangriZhanzheng Adam Cathcart,“NationalismandEthnicIdentityintheSino-Korean Ibid., 71 Ibid., 70 Dongji Jin,“GuogongneizhanyuDongbeiChaoxianrendeChaoxianzu Adam Cathcart,“NationalismandEthnicIdentityintheSino-Korean Dehai Zhuandeditors,Yisheng, pg.135ascitedinDongji Adam Cathcart,“NationalismandEthnicIdentityintheSino-Korean Ibid., 20 Zhongyang RenminZhengfuWaijiaobu Yanren, “Chize?KeAse Border RegionofYanbian 1945–1950,”KoreanStudies34(2010),47 反对日括的工具朝鲜民会.” “中共东北党委会不断揭露日本帝国注意与国民党反动派的挑拨离间， Zhongyao WenxianYanlunHuipian,unknownpublisher, 1951,103 Zhong deGuojiZhuyiTuanjie,” ascitedinKangmeiYuanchao Border RegionofYanbian 1945–1950,”KoreanStudies34(2010): Huaguocheng,” Border RegionofYanbian 1945–1950,”KoreanStudies34(2010):41–42 族了” 人，虽然同属于一个民族，但前者已是享受着不同公民权的中国朝鲜卫了这块土地 . 一道，用血汗开发了这块土地，在外敌入侵时又共同用鲜血和生命保 Huaguocheng,” Jin, “GuogongneizhanyuDongbeiChaoxianrendeChaoxianzu Border RegionofYanbian 1945–1950,”KoreanStudies34(2010): publisher, 1951),20 cited inKangmeiYuanchaoZhongyaoWenxianYanlunHuipian(unknown (Baogao) JiAositingShengmingdeShengming,”November11,1950as Nanking: InternationalsRelationsCommittee,1931. Contestation andAdaptation:ThePoliticsofNational Lishi Yanjiu(2006):71 Lishi Yanjiu(2006):71“百年来朝鲜族同其它兄弟民族这一切都说明中国东北的朝鲜族和朝鲜国土上的朝鲜 Zhongyang RenminZhengfuWaijiaobu Yanren. “Chize?KeAse Huipian, unknownpublisher, 1951.Pg.103 11, 1950ascitedinKangmeiYuanchao ZhongyaoWenxian Yanlun (Baogao) JiAositingShengmingdeShengming.”November The Madwoman Is Out of the Attic: A Literary Analysis on Contemporary Anthologies’ Construction of the “Madwoman” in 19th-Century British Women’s Literature Madison Nelson-Turner, Hampton University

Madison “Maddie” Nelson-Turner is a graduating senior Hsin Ying Chi’s Artist and Attic: A Study of Poetic Space in English major (creative writing emphasis) from Irving, Texas. Nineteenth-Century Women’s Writing (1999), Sandra Gilbert Upon the completion of her bachelor’s degree, Maddie plans to and Susan Gubar’s The Madwoman in the Attic: The Woman pursue a doctorate in English with a concentration in creative Writer and the Nineteenth-Century Literary Imagination writing. Ultimately, she aspires to become a professor of creative (2000), Annette Federico’s The Madwoman in the Attic after writing and a novelist. Her prospective graduate schools include Thirty Years (2009), and the Wordsworth Classics’ edition Georgia State University, Binghamton University, University of Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein (1999). I have chosen to use of North Texas (Denton), and the University of Southern the second edition of The Madwoman in the Attic because Mississippi. the added introduction by Gilbert and Gubar elaborates on the significance of their research: to understand and situate British women writers within the literary canon alongside The general objective of this research is to ana- their male counterparts. lyze how contemporary anthologies have constructed the 19th-century British woman writer and her literary endeavors as an act of “madness.” Specifically, this research analyzes Artist and Attic (1999) the definition of the literary “madwoman,” the origins of her Hsin Ying Chi’s literary psychoanalysis discusses the confinement, and her progression into modern scholarship effects of space on literary creativity, more specifically, the as it applies to Mary Shelley, one of the most influential attic’s effect on women’s writings. Chi’s introduction offers 19th-century British woman writers. For the purpose of this several definitions and connotations of space, but for the pur- study, physical space refers to the actual environment, whereas pose of this article, the concept of space is limited to physical refers to academic discourse, imagination, psychological space space (i.e., the attic, social standards), intellectual space (i.e., social standards, etc. The “attic” functions as both physical literary discourse, academia), and creative space (i.e., imag- space and psychological space for the 19th-century British ination, dreaming). woman writer. Literary creativity and/or “madness” resulted from the British woman writer’s successful or unsuccessful Applying the above description, the “attic” assumes a navigation of these spaces, especially the social sphere of dual function: to both limit and liberate the British woman writing. writer. The suppression of their social spaces enforced by patriarchal figures compelled these women to create an environment removed from masculine authority. This sim- Introduction ple solution, however, perpetuated the women’s plight. In escaping social confinement, British women writers found The emergence of the nineteenth-century British themselves physically and mentally incarcerated. Chi cites woman writer was arguably one of the most radical expe- fellow scholar Marilyn R. Chandler, who illustrates this riences of the Victorian Era. Since the late 1900s, several dilemma, stating “. . . the limitless space we create through anthologies have been published on these controversial the imagination is influenced by the limited architectural figures, especially ones addressing their desire for literary space we occupy” (Chi 3). Why, then, the attic and not some autonomy and the reactions of their patriarchal societies. other room? Mary Shelley is a prime example of this authorial archetype due to the questions of humanity and monstrosity in her Attics are traditionally neglected due to their remote critically acclaimed Frankenstein. Literarily speaking, Shelley location in the house. Hidden from the rest of the structure is a creative literary genius for contributing a new perspec- and, therefore, from the rest of society, women reconnected tive to nineteenth-century British literature; socially speak- with their history, which was largely absent from human ing, Shelley is a “madwoman” for engaging in a masculine antiquity. Chi cites another psycho-literary scholar, Gaston profession. This juxtaposition of social status and creative Bachelard, who: integrity provides the fundamental question addressed in this research project: To what extent, if any, did “mad- . . . concentrates on the space of solitude, espe- ness” shape the literary genius of nineteenth-century British cially the attic, in order to highlight the relationship women authors? This research analyzes how contempo- between seclusion and creativity. The repeatedly used word “solitude” emphasizes the importance of rary anthologies have constructed the nineteenth-century solitariness in artistic creation. Solitude means free- British woman writer and her literary endeavors as an act of dom, and freedom leads to free imagination. (Chi 3) “madness”—specifically, the definition of the literary “madwoman” as it applies to Mary Shelley. If solitude is indeed necessary for limitless imagination, creativity—and not “madness”—is the end result. In order to effectively evaluate the “madwoman” and However, because the female writer was confined to the Mary Shelley as a “madwoman,” this research engages in 65 66 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 from theliterarytradition. arship toincludethosewhohad beenhistoricallyexcluded “madwoman” providedthe foundations for modern schol- dominance andgenderconventions. Still,thetropeof redefine were notattemptingtoredefine literature, butsoughtto social norms,GilbertandGubarcontendthatthesewomen and condemnedtoincarceration.Despitethisbreachof with a“metaphoricalpenis,”shewasdeemed“monstrous” of masculinity. Becausesocietycouldn’t acceptan“angel” of nature.Thepursuitwritingwas,therefore,a For a woman to attempt the pen was defying the very laws ascribed masculinegenderqualitiestotheartofwriting. was considered a male inheritance; the phallic metaphor spoken of and spoken for. In this patriarchy, autonomy for the study and pleasure of masculine audiences. She was epitome ofvirtue,an“angel,”amereobjectsolelyintended respectively. TheBritishwomanwasexpectedtobethe woman andthenineteenth-centuryBritishwriter, by scholarstodescribetheidealnineteenth-centuryBritish the literary“madwoman”astwentieth-centurytermsused Gubar indicate“theangelinthehouse”andGilbert and ink) wassufficient. female “egg”toproduce“offspring.”Their“semen”(the writing literaturebecausehedidnothavetodependonthe equation. Thus,malewritersexperiencedtotalfreedomin and appropriatethecompletelyexcludefemalefrom dominant to anycomponentofthewritingprocess.Writing wasamale tilized egg; however, no feminine gender quality is ascribed sary toconceive“offspring”(poem,shortstory, novel,etc.). penis” (thepen)functionsasoneofthesexualorgansneces- created throughtheirpenmanship.The“metaphorical Male Britishwriters “played God”withintheworldsthey female intheprocessofcreatinglife,literarilyspeaking. granted maleBritishwriterstheabilitytocircumvent aphor createdtheconceptof“literarypaternity,” which and Gubar3).Gilbertarguethisphallicmet- voking question:“Isthepenametaphoricalpenis?”(Gilbert role ofgenderinwritingthroughaskingthethought-pro- nineteenth-centuryBritishwomenwriterselaboratesonthe The MadwomanintheAttic(2000) wither awayintheattic. dismissed thesetrivialeffortsandleftthefemalewriterto share it with the world? Thus, society and scholars alike endeavors. Afterall,whycreateamasterpieceifyoucannot attic, onemaymisconstruehertrueintentionsforartistic Addressing thefemale’s displacementinliterature, One wouldthinktheblankpaperrepresentsunfer Sandra Gilbert and Susan Gubar’s anthology of themselves andtheirliteratureoutsideof masculine profession, and,therefore,itwasdeemednecessary - and unloved,theCreatureexecutes hispersonalvendetta society that rejectsitfor its grotesque appearance. Alienated Creature, andFrankensteinabandons hischildtoacallous of humanlife.Hisgoodintentions produceahideous scientist, who attempts to play God through the creation ling narrativeofVictor Frankenstein,an aspiring young benefits of“madness.” strosity, thesources ofcreativity, andthedangers and/or due to the work’s questions concerning humanity and mon- gression theofnineteenth-centuryBritishwomanwriter research, MaryShelleyandFrankensteinrepresentthepro- scholar ofprose,PercyByssheShelley. Forthesakeofthis scholarship inclinedShelleytomarryaRomanticpoetand activist. This constant exposure to controversial, literary philosopher, and Mary Wollstonecraft, awoman’s rights radical literary authorities: William Godwin, a utilitarian this genreandhermostcriticallyacclaimednovel. found inoneofthemostfrequentlydebated individuals of out inaworkofliterature?Theanswercanbepartially origins ofherconfinement,andgradualliberationplay contemporary definitionsoftheliterary“madwoman,” and non-feminist critics and writers. How, then, do these ical interpretationsoftheMadwomanfromcurrentfeminist unprecedented scholarship through providing modern crit- the literaryandsocialreactionstoGilbertGubar’s line female,monster).Furthermore,Federico’s textengages longer beassociatedwithitsnegativeconnotations(mascu- and historicalrestraints,hernamesake isandshould no review issurmisedinthefollowingquote: late twentieth-centuryfeministwritersandcritics.Federico’s selected essaysdemonstratetheinfluenceofMadwoman literary “madwoman”intothecontemporaryperiod.Her its firstpublication on theoriginalMadwomaninAtticthroughanalyzing brainchild. Federico’s criticalanthologyfurtherexpounds Federico provides an extension of Gilbert and Gubar’s feminist-centric than the original slowly emergedfromtheattic.Whilemoreblatantly Frankenstein (1999) The MadwomanafterThirtyYears (2009) In thisclassicnarrative,Shelleyrelatesthechil- Mary Wollstonecraft Shelleywasthedaughteroftwo Not onlyisthe“madwoman”freefromhersocial Nearly twocenturieslater, theliterary“madwoman” on aculturalandcriticallifeofitsown.(Federico3) logical demandsofthepatriarchalorder, hastaken the explicitsocialstructuresandimplicitpsycho- woman, nolonger“cabin’d,cribbed,confined”by Thirty yearslater, theimageof[literary]mad- (1979) andtherapidprogressionof Madwoman, Annette on against his creator; Frankenstein dissolves into madness at story; it was her husband who compelled her to further pur- the mercy of his failed experiment. sue the novel. Although originally published anonymously, Percy Shelley wrote the preface as if the novel were his. The following excerpt, taken from Shelley’s added The dedication never explicitly names Mary Shelley, simply introduction (1831), is her personal recollection of the birth referencing her as “The Author.” Her authorship would not of Frankenstein’s ill-fated story: be officially recognized until the 1831 edition. When I placed my head on my pillow, I did not Recreational writing was her favorite leisure, but sleep, nor could I be said to think. My imagination, Shelley “. . . had a dearer pleasure . . . the indulging in wak- unbidden, possessed and guided me, gifting the successive images that arouse in my mind with a ing dreams. . . . What [she] wrote was intended for at least vividness far beyond the usual bounds of reverie. . . . one other eye . . . but [her] dreams were all [her] own. . . .” I saw the pale student of unhallowed arts kneeling (Shelley 1). This preference could be a plausible explanation beside the thing he had put together. I saw the hid- to her disinterest in a full-length novel. When the publish- eous phantasm of a man stretched out, and then, on ers requested an account of Frankenstein’s conception, she the working of some powerful engine, show signs expressed opposition; in doing so, her personal thoughts of life, and stir with an uneasy, half-vital motion. would be exposed to public scrutiny. Instead, she opted for a Frightful must it be; for supremely frightful would general statement concentrated on her authorship. As long be the effect of any human endeavour to mock the as her thoughts and dreams resided within her imagination, stupendous mechanism of the creator of the world. innocent or deviant, no one could judge her for them. His success would terrify the artist; he would rush away from his odious handywork, horror-stricken. Still, Shelley sought to write something that He would hope that, left to itself, the slight spark “. . . would speak to the mysterious fears of our nature, and of life which he had communicated would fade; awaken a thrilling horror, one to make the reader dread to that this thing, which had received such imperfect look round, to curdle the blood and quicken the beatings animation, would subside into dead matter; and he might sleep in the belief that the silence of the of the heart, [and] If [she] did not accomplish these things, grave would quench for ever the transient existence [her] ghost story would be unworthy of its name,” (Shelley of the hideous corpse which he had looked upon as 3). In a sense, she sought to establish her own autonomy, the cradle of life. He sleeps; but he is awakened; he validating herself as a writer to herself and not to another. It opens his eyes; behold the horrid thing stands at his was her child, her “hideous progeny” which she bade to “go bedside, opening his curtains, and looking on him forth and prosper,” haunting the imagination for genera- with yellow, watery, but speculative eyes. (Shelley 4) tions to come (Shelley 5).

First, Shelley mentions her imagination’s role in writ- Conclusion ing this particular novel, a prime example of the influence of space (in this case, academic discourse in the natural sciences) Nineteenth-century British women were expected on creativity and/or “madness” (Shelley’s imagination). to be the “angels in the house”: spoken of and spoken for. Second, Shelley’s resulting nightmare-based novel not only For a women to attempt the pen was considered mon- demonstrates the influence of the male writer, but the power strous, because in doing so she renounced her femininity; of suggestion in general. Earlier in the 1831 introduction, society could not accepted a “masculine female” and thus she references conversations she observed between two condemned her monstrous, a “madwoman.” Still, these distinguished male British writers, Lord Byron and Percy women desired their own voice and found their own space Shelley (her husband), regarding the possibility of assem- in which they could speak life into existence. The attic was bling and animating a human corpse. The mere thought equally limitless and limiting, for while women could gain was translated into a dream, which consequently inspired their literary voice, no one was around to hear it. Thus, the her to translate the dream into a short story. The power nineteenth-century British woman writer spoke into the of suggestion resurfaces when her husband encourages her darkness, alone with an imagination bursting at the seams of to develop the short story into a full-length novel. Lastly, the walls in her attic. Shelley’s dream speaks to her dilemma (and possible phobia) of authorship, for she was quite abhorred at the thought that Hsin Ying Chi defines the spaces in which the nine- her own imagination could conjure such a terrifying scene. teenth-century British woman writer was confined collectively as “the attic.” Sandra Gilbert and Susan Gubar define While Percy insistently encouraged her to write, the “angel in the house” and the literary “madwoman” it was more so for the purpose of evaluating her personal as twentieth-century terms applied to nineteenth-century worth to him as opposed to gaining literary recognition. British women writers. Annette Federico applies these Shelley originally intended to write Frankenstein as a short 67 68 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 Shelley, Mary. Prometheus.1818. FrankensteinorTheModern Gilbert, SandraM.andSusanGubar. TheMadwomaninthe Federico, AnnetteR.TheMadwomanintheAtticafterThirtyYears. Chi, HsinYing. ArtistandAttic:AStudyofPoeticSpacein Bibliography (MLAStyle) or recreatethediscourse,some“madness”isrequired. artistic oracademic.Nonetheless,ifoneaspirestoredefine social norms,andthedominantvoiceofdiscourse,beit tus ofanindividual’s creationisdependentontime,region, dictate creativity?”Theanswerisentirelysubjective;thesta- by thepatriarchallineageofwriting. appearance, MaryShelley’s childFrankenstein society. AstheCreaturewasabhorredforhisgrotesque ness” oncerevealedinthelighttoeyesofanunforgiving tions, these“masterpieces”becametheproductof“mad- share theirambitionsandnoonetounderstandthoseambi- rooms in which to create their masterpieces. With no one to and Frankensteinwereconfinedtotheirown“attics,”dark playing Godandgivinglifetoahumanbody. BothShelley the pen, Victor Frankenstein defied the laws of nature by as MaryShelleydefiedthelawsofnaturebyattempting between Victor FrankensteinandMaryShelleyherself.Just pilation of knowledge and brings to light several parallels her extensivebackgroundinliteratureandradicalthinking. resents thenineteenth-centuryBritishwomanwriterdueto of thesetermsarethenappliedtoMaryShelley, whorep- stereotype butasamarkofdistinctionfemalegenius.All its thatthe“madwoman”shouldnolongerbetreatedasa concepts to twentieth-century feminist criticism and pos- Hertfordshire: Wordsworth Classics,1999.Print. 2000. Print. Imagination. 2ndedition.NewHaven:Yale UniversityPress, Attic: TheWoman Writer Literary andtheNineteenth-Century Columbia: UniversityofMissouriPress,2009.Print. of AmericaInc.,1999.Print. Women’sNineteenth-Century Writing. Lanham:UniversityPress “Is therecreativityin‘madness’ordoes Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein incorporates thiscom- was abhorred Producing “Reality”: “Authentic” Representations of Black Women in Reality Television Golden Marie Owens, Bowdoin College

Golden Owens graduated cum laude from Bowdoin College in that audiences may still inscribe authenticity to parts of the May 2015 with a bachelor’s degree in English literature. Her programming (Hill 2005); and reality television, in spite academic interests center on the intersections of race, gender, and of the fact that it selects participants by typecasting and is media, and on the ways in which media, society, and culture substantially edited, still claims to present authentic images work to influence and even dictate each other. Golden plans to of reality. The genre goes out of its way to construct people, further explore these interests by pursuing a PhD in the near events, and interactions as authentic, while also striving future. to make its content entertaining. While these efforts may entrance some viewers, this construction of reality is potentially dangerous for racial minorities, as reality programs The following article is an exploration of the ways often present one-sided images of these individuals and pass in which Black women are represented in reality television. them off as markers of authenticity for an entire race. In the article, I examine how the tools that reality television uses to construct both its content and its characters as While a number of scholars have explored reality tele- “authentic”—including typecasting, emphasis on specific vision’s treatment of racial minorities in their own research events and behaviors, and post-production editing—work (e.g., Orbe 1998; Bell-Jordan 2008; Deo et al. 2008; Park to present Black women as modern-day representations of 2009; Tyree 2011), several scholars, such as Ji Hoon Park historic stereotypes, and to present their behaviors, their (2009) and Herman Gray (2005), seem to have turned away interactions, and even their bodies as markers of their from researching recognizably problematic images of these “authenticity” as Black women. I accomplish this by explor- individuals in favor of studying newer, more representative, ing and analyzing the treatment of Black women in MTV’s supposedly less problematic portrayals of people of color. The Real World: Portland (2013) and VH1’s Love and Hip While there is merit in researching these emerging images, Hop: Atlanta (2012–present). I discuss how reality television the reality is that depictions of racial minorities which still manipulates its content in order to tell a desired story and adhere to and reinforce historical stereotypes—such as the present its cast members in specific ways; I also argue that Sapphire and the Jezebel, in the case of Black womeni—are reality television takes advantage of pre-existing stereotypes still present and dominant throughout television and, espe- and preconceived notions of Black women in its construc- cially, in reality TV. By shifting their focus of study away tion and portrayal of its Black female participants. Allowing from these portrayals, these researchers leave room for the these persistent and still-dominant representations of Black creators of reality programs to continue broadcasting mar- women to go unchecked leaves room for reality TV creators ginalizing, stereotypically coded representations of people to continue constructing and broadcasting these women as of color, and thus contributing to and reconfirming existing little more than walking stereotypes. sociopolitical understandings of what it means to be an “authentic” minority—without facing any accountability for When it first appeared in the 1990s, many viewers doing so. and researchers dismissed reality television as “trash,” argu- In this article, I refocus on the genre’s treatment of ing that it was cheap, inferior, and even moronic. Unlike racial minorities by looking exclusively into the ways in other genres of television, the reality genre claimed to pres- which it depicts Black women, in order to contribute to ent real people and situations; and while some viewers were existing research on race in reality television. More spe- intrigued by this marketing, critics asserted that reality cifically, I discuss the methods that reality television uses television lacked class and would ruin television as a whole. to present certain behaviors exhibited by Black women— Regardless of these dismissals, reality programs have proven usually behaviors that can easily be recognized or coded as to be extremely popular: reality television is consistently stereotypical and/or invoke historical stereotypes of Black one of the most-watched genres of television each year, and women—as markers of these women’s “authenticity.” To the number of reality programs on television has increased accomplish this, I explore the ways in which reality televi- significantly since the genre emerged—according to The sion endeavors to make every element of its content appear Washington Post, “hundreds of reality shows are produced authentic while also striving to make this content entertain- every year for almost every channel” (Yahr et al. 2015). ing for its viewers, and how this commitment to construct- Over the past two decades, the increasing presence and ing authenticity translates into the genre’s portrayal of Black popularity of reality programs has led researchers to pay women. I also analyze how the behaviors, the interactions, closer attention to the genre and its presentations of sup- and even the bodies of the Black women featured in MTV’s posed realness. At the same time, audiences drawn in by The Real World: Portland (2013) and VH1’s Love and Hip the “real-life drama” of reality programs (Orbe 2008) have Hop: Atlanta (2012–present) are framed in ways that create become increasingly aware of how un-real the genre actually one-dimensional images of these women, invoke historical is. In spite of this awareness, however, research has shown stereotypes of Black women, and allow these programs to 69 70 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 Frankenbites, reactionshots can betakenfromanyarea others’ reactions (usually just visually)” (Pardo, 76). Like away fromthepersonspeaking orsceneunfoldingtoshow Editors also make use of reaction shots, “shots that cut show wishtheyhadsaid”(Poniewozik andMcDowell,62). in order“tomakeparticipantssaywhatthemakersof which involvesstitchingtogetherclipsfromdifferentscenes reality TVeditorsusetoalterfootageis“Frankenbiting,” alter theirfootageinpost-production.Onetechniquethat mainstream sociopoliticalbeliefsabouttheseminorities. they haverepeatedlyinformedandcontinuetoreinforce cled intelevision(andsociety)forsuchalongtimethat tative ofracialminorities;thesestereotypeshavebeenrecy- these people’s behaviorsareoftenbelievedtoberepresen- largely becausethestereotypesthatareorcanbeevokedby long-existing stereotypes.Thegenreselectssuchindividuals or behaviorsarecanbemadetoappearreminiscentof often tendstochooseindividualswhosepersonalitiesand/ In castingracialminorities,forexample,realitytelevision sure that the people it casts will come across as “authentic.” its contentappearstobe“real,”thegenremustalsomake entertain itsviewers(MurrayandOulette2008). show’s content—and its carefully selected characters—will 154); thisisdonewiththegoalofensuringthatagiven have disagreementsandthussparkdramaorconflict(Park personalities orbackgrounds,”astheywillbemorelikelyto reality programsalsotendtocastpeoplewith“opposite beliefs. To increasethechances that castmemberswillclash, usually onthebasisofrace,gender, ordifferingpolitical bump headswithatleastoneofhisorherfellowcastmates, “type.” This“type”isusuallysomeonethatwillbelikelyto process toselectindividualsthatwillfitacertaindesired behind thescenesofrealitytelevisiongothroughacasting they believewillfitspecificcharacters,thepeopleworking ing directorsofscriptedtelevisionshowsselectactorswho shape the content of its programs is casting. Just as the cast- certain storyandpresentsimages. content—before, during, and after filming—so thatittellsa scenes ofrealityprogramstendtomanipulateagivenshow’s time. To createthesenarratives,thoseworkingbehindthe narratives usingthefootagecapturedoveragivenperiodof realistic. Instead, reality programs must construct their own acters, andinteractionsthatarebothentertainingquasi- rely onpre-writtenstorylinestoprovideplotpoints,char Black woman. construct andbroadcasttheirconceptionofan“authentic” In additiontocasting,realityprogramsalsoheavily Because realitytelevisionalsostrivestoensurethat One of the resources that reality television uses to Unlike scriptedprograms,realitytelevisioncannot - portray them as acting” (Gooding-Williams, 9). In this way, torically receivedlegendsandstories aboutNegroestendto these images“[portray]theNegro asactingpreciselyhis- fied imagesasbeingrepresentative of“real”Blackpeople,as representations inturnworkto presentsimilar, oftentypi - the storieswehaveinheritedfrom thepast”(9).Theseracial people) toNegroeswhentheyappearedinthelegendsand function (e.g.,theorroleofcausingfearinwhite tion thatwas[originally]constitutedbyassigningaparticular Williams callsan“interpretedimage”:“aracialrepresenta- re-establishmentandreinforcementofwhatGooding- who areoftencharacterizedinspecificways—leadstothe Black bodies—that is, of African American menandwomen, government andmediasaturationcharacterizationof icy pundits,andotheragentsofrepresentation”(1–2).This popular film,televisionprogramming,publicofficials,pol- relentlessly subjectedtocharacterizationbynewspapers, have been saturated with significance, for they have been Negro,” RobertGooding-Williams notes,“Black bodies . . political positioningofBlackwomen.Inhisessay“Look!A works toreinscribedominantsocialpowerandthesocio made possiblebytherealitythatuseofthesestereotypes repetition, however, codingthesewomenas“authentic”is in whichtelevisionhasexisted.Morethanthispatternof have beenreplicatedandreinforcedthroughoutthedecades because of—thewayinwhichstereotypesofBlackwomen as believablyrealisticrelieson—andislargelysuccessful in therealitygenre’s treatmentofBlackwomen. stories andpresentcertaincharacters,areextremelyvisible ulations, and the ways in which they work to tell certain understandings ofminoritygroups.Thesecalculatedmanip- grams areabletocontributeandreinforcesociopolitical members inveryspecificandoftencodedways,realitypro- many ofthesemanipulationsareusedtodepictrealitycast random andmundaneevents”(Park,154).Inaddition,since programs, andto“constructanentertainingshowoutof producers areableto“activelyshapethereality”oftheir types ofpeopleinanefforttopromptdramaandconflict, these editingtechniques,andbydeliberatelycastingcertain about their castmates or about in-show conflicts. By using of confessionals,inwhichcastmemberssharetheirthoughts (Pardo 2013); and playing with theplacement and content mood musictodramatizecertaininteractionsorsituations not bedoing/saying(Poniewozik2006);usingnon-diegetic suggest thattheyaredoing/saying something theymay on topofsceneswherecharactersarenotactuallyseento niques includeoverdubbing—addingnoisesandcaptions or day-to-dayinteractions—totheviewers.Additionaltech- a desiredmessageoridea—aboutcastmembers,conflicts, post-production tocreatedramaortension,andconvey techniques allow producers, editors, and others working in in thefootageandinsertedsomewhereelse.Bothofthese Reality television’s presentation ofBlack women - stereotypes become concrete signifiers of “authenticity,” at framed as being Nia’s fault. Jordan repeatedly claims that least for those who believe in the realness of a given medi- Nia provoked his behavior and that he only responded the um’s depictions of Black people: they serve as recognizable, way he did because he was drunk and wanted to prove a repeatedly circulated “evidence” that solidifies continuously point; and other roommates repeatedly cut Nia off when reinforced sociopolitical understandings of what it means she tries to speak more about the incident. By refusing to to be a Black person. For Black women in reality television, account for his own role in the altercation and blaming Nia these representations mean that any demonstrated behav- for his behavior, Jordan and the housemates who agree with iors, characteristics, and attitudes which are or can be made him both silence Nia and cause her anger and aggression to appear stereotypical will be accepted—at least by those to appear unfounded. By emphasizing Jordan’s perspective working behind the scenes of a given reality program—as on the incident throughout the episode, the show itself uses “genuine,” and will be coded as such. The reality genre’s these judgments, and Nia’s behavior, to portray Nia as an continued use of stereotypical representations of Black angry, aggressive woman, rather than as a person who was women reflects a behind-the-scenes effort to create images driven to anger and aggression by a series of frustrating of these women that adhere to interpreted images of Black actions and comments. females and that audiences may be inclined to accept as “real.” A clear example of the reality genre’s exploitation of Ascribing Nia’s behavior to her character rather than these stereotypes can be found in The Real World: Portland’s to her frustrations causes Nia to look very much like an portrayal of Nia Moore. Angry Black Woman, a centuries-old stereotyped character known for her “unprovoked” aggression against men. Nia From the moment she first appears on The Real herself picks up on this: in a conversation that she has with World: Portland (RWP), it is clear that Nia, as the show’s lone Marlon the day after the incident, she states that Jordan’s Black woman, will be portrayed as a problematic character behavior caused her to go “angry Black girl” on him. By throughout her time on the show. When she first arrives, including this admission, and by repeatedly focusing on the show places considerable emphasis on her body and Jordan and his supporters’ opinions about the incident, this her sexual nature, displaying shot after shot of her walking episode of RWP—as edited, produced, directed, and shot by through the house half-naked and speaking bluntly about those working behind the scenes of the program—empha- sex—something her castmates repeatedly condemn her for sizes Nia’s anger and aggression while de-emphasizing even though many of them behave similarly. Even more Jordan’s role in contributing to her anger and aggression. As noticeably, RWP repeatedly emphasizes any anger and/or a result, Episodes Six and Seven both work to code Nia as an aggression that Nia displays on the show, which ultimately Angry Black Woman, and to code her behavior as a marker plays a large role in creating the drama that reality televi- of her personality and of her identity as a Black woman. sion strives to foster. Viewers first encounter this aggression in Episode Six, when Nia gets into a major altercation Many other examples of reality television’s treatment with roommate Jordan, a White male. What begins as a of Black women can be found in VH1’s Love and Hip Hop: relatively playful interaction, with Jordan and Nia flirting Atlanta (LHHA), a series that currently has four seasons and and teasing each other, quickly becomes more serious after is preparing for its fifth. Unlike RWP, LHHA consists of Jordan begins spitting Cheerios into Nia’s face. After Nia an entirely Black cast and is executive-produced by a Black threatens to hit Jordan over the head with an alarm clock if woman on a channel that targets Black viewers. Because of he spits at her again, the two end up screaming at each other, these factors, one might think that the women on this show with Jordan offering insults and mocking statements while would offer a more representative image of Black women Nia curses profusely and continues to threaten him. The as a whole, especially since the women on LHHA are the event comes to a head when Jordan begins making monkey show’s main characters. However, as is quickly revealed, noises at Nia, who responds by shoving Jordan backwards the Black women on LHHA are also frequently coded by and screaming that she will kill him.ii In the end, Nia stops stereotypes and are depicted in much the same way that responding to Jordan’s taunts only when Marlon, the show’s Nia is portrayed on RWP. One illustration of this coding lone Black male, confirms that she will be sent home if she appears in the third episode of Season Two, in which there physically attacks Jordan. This allows Marlon to get Jordan is a verbal and physical conflict between feuding castmates away from Nia, and for the confrontation to end. K. Michelle and Rasheeda. The conflict occurs at a house- warming celebration for their mutual friend Mimi, during While the incident itself comes to a close, discussions which K. Michelle and Rasheeda begin arguing after being of the incident become the central focus of the next episode, encouraged to talk to each other. Rasheeda starts to leave with both Nia and Jordan sharing their feelings about the in order to keep from causing a scene, but returns to the event with the other housemates. However, although Nia apartment when K. Michelle says something insulting about is able to tell her side of the story, the altercation is quickly Rasheeda’s husband. When Rasheeda gets into K. Michelle’s 71 72 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 K. makes itappearasthough Rasheeda hasmerely been point in the series, the show’s framingof her conflict with Rasheeda didnotexhibitthiskind ofbehaviorpriortothis things asinextricablepartsof Rasheeda’s identity. Though anger andaggression,theshow workstocodebothofthese K.’s confrontation. and whichcontinuestoplaythroughouttherestofher another hip hop beat that soundsslightly more aggressive beat thatprecedesRasheeda’s confessionalisreplacedby begins tolosehercomposure:theinstrumentalhiphop background ofthesceneabruptlychangesjustasRasheeda further accentedbythe fact thatthe music playing in the she exhibitsthroughoutthisconfrontation.Thisangeris Rasheeda greatlyemphasizestheangerandaggressionthat to breaktheotherwoman’s neck.Thissustainedfocuson Michelle, allwhilescreamingprofanitiesandthreatening against themenholdingherbackandattemptstoattackK. gets closetoK.Michelle,andzoominonherasshefights apartment, concentrateonherasshecomesbackinsideand K. Michelle.ThecamerasfollowherassheleavesMimi’s the focus moves to Rasheeda the moment she first insults switch backandforthbetweenRasheedaK.Michelle, the majority of the altercation: though the cameras initially the camerasfocussolelyorpredominantlyonRasheedafor she can no longer keep her cool with K. Michelle. Second, show cutstoaconfessionalinwhichRasheedarevealsthat before she leavesMimi’s apartment for the firsttime, the as apreviously hidden aspectofherpersonality. First, just number ofeditingdevicestoestablishRasheeda’s anger come toexpectfromher. Inspiteofthis,LHHA the confrontationdirectlycontradictswhatviewershave until thismomentinSeasonTwo, andherbehaviorduring frustrated. Rasheeda’s exhibitedcalmnessremainsinplace her othercastmates,evenwhenshewasvisiblyupsetor confessionals andinherinteractionswithhusband season, Rasheedaexhibitedacalmdemeanorinherpersonal appears somewhatoutofcharacter:throughoutthefirst stereotype. Ofthetwo,itisRasheedawhoseangerinitially modern-day representations of the Angry Black Woman Rasheeda works to frame both ofthesetwowomenas ending theconfrontation. the room,Rasheedawalksoutofapartment,effectively Finally, with the women being kept on opposite sides of tle, non-verballythreateningtouseitagainstK.Michelle. as K.throwsanothercandleandRasheedapicksupabot- continue tryingtoattackeachother, tradingverbalinsults back andseparateherfromK.Michelle.Thetwowomen eral menwhowereontheset(butnotscreen)holdher ing acandleather. WhenRasheedamovestoretaliate,sev- face, theformerrespondsbykickingatRasheedaandthrow- By focusing on andrepeatedlyemphasizing Rasheeda’s The confrontationbetweenK.Michelleand uses a angry, andaggressive. the musicbusinessrepeatedlydescribedK.asbeingcrazy, representatives ofherformerrecordlabel,andothersin premiered: throughoutthefirstseason,fellowcastmates, established asapartofherpersonalitysinceLHHAfirst to appearoutoftheblue,K.Michelle’s angerhasbeen ited byK.Michelle.UnlikeRasheeda’s anger, whichseems also focusesheavilyontheangerandaggressionexhib- at theforefront ofthis particular confrontation, theshow Black woman. to positRasheeda’s angerasevidencethatsheisa“genuine” works notonlytoreinforcethislong-existingstereotypebut the AngryBlackWoman, LHHA’s portrayalofRasheeda seemingly appearingoutofnowhere—ischaracteristic level. Becausethistypeofanger—uncontrolled,violent, to surface once Rasheeda’s frustration reaches a certain restrained aspectofherpersonality, somethingthatisbound this anger, andtheaggressionthatresultsfromit,isaloosely hidden andnowuncontrollabletrait,theshowpositsthat aggression. BypresentingRasheeda’s angerasapreviously was at least a partial cover for her underlying anger and the calmnessRasheedahadpreviouslydisplayed in LHHA she willbreakK.’s neck,boththreatswhichsuggestthat door, that K. ismessingwiththewrongpersonandthat threats: shetellsMimi,asisbeingusheredtowardsthe herself todoso.TheideaisfurthersupportedbyRasheeda’s while shetriedtoremaincalm,couldnolongerbring herself, bothbeforeandafterthealtercation,statesthat This ideaisespeciallysupportedbythefactthatRasheeda holding backherangerandhasfinallylostcontrolofit. Ariane, andRasheedaherself—later blametheincident cast memberspresentforthealtercation—Mimi, herfriend aggression aremoreprominent, especiallysincetheother atic thanRasheeda’s, eventhoughRasheeda’s angerand watching the scene, that K.’s actions are more problem as beingbothinstigativeandaggressive. Onegetsthesense, comparatively moreuncontrolledbehavior, arepresented fact thattheyaresomewhatovershadowedbyRasheeda’s hold bothwomenback.Asaresult,K.’s actions,despitethe even asthelarge,previouslyoff-screenmencontinueto continues to yell at, insult, and throw objects at Rasheeda, of Rasheeda,viewersreceiveseveralglimpsesK.,who cameras certainlydonotignoreK.Michelle.Betweenshots though thescene’s focusispredominantlyonRasheeda,the to physical action by throwing the candle. Furthermore, the onewhocausesargumenttoescalatefromwords treated unfairly. she tendstolosehertemperwhenfeelsthathasbeen admissions—at variouspointinSeasonsOneandTwo—that strongly supportstheseearlyclaims,asdoK.Michelle’s own While Rasheeda’s angerandaggressive behavior are In theconfrontationwithRasheeda,K.Michelleis iii Herbehaviorinthisconfrontation - entirely on K. Michelle. As a result, K.’s antics become the MTV. Why, then, in spite of these differences in target audi- central focus of the scene and work to support the idea, as ences and viewer statistics, would the shows portray Black promoted by other characters and by K. herself, that K. women in such similar ways? Wouldn’t a network whose Michelle is prone to responding to situations with anger aim is to target Black viewers attempt to present them in a and/or aggression. Because of this, K.’s anger is coded as non-stereotypical light? being such an intrinsic part of her character that she cannot prevent herself from expressing it—an idea that is often These questions become even more pressing when presented in descriptions of the Angry Black Woman. By one considers the race of both programs’ executive produc- framing K.’s anger as a central part of her identity, LHHA ers. The executive producer of RWP is Jonathan Murray, presents K. Michelle as a modern-day incarnation of the a White man; the executive producer of LHHA is Mona Sapphire stereotype and as an “authentic” Black woman, Scott-Young, a Black woman. In spite of their differences just as it does in framing Rasheeda’s anger as a hidden but in race and gender, the executive producers of these two inevitable part of her own nature. programs seem to have similar agendas when it comes to portraying Black female characters: LHHA’s portrayal of The fact that RWP and LHHA portray their respec- Black women is just as stereotype-based as RWP and other tive Black female characters so similarly is not surprising White-produced reality programs, even though its executive insofar as both are reality programs: reality television, as I producer is herself a Black woman. While looking at these discussed previously, relies on such depictions of minority two shows cannot, in any way, prove that the race of the characters in order to make them seem authentic, to cre- producer has an effect on the way Blacks are presented, the ate conflict, and to provide entertainment. Thus, it is less evidence I have found in analyzing these shows suggests than shocking that both programs capitalize on their Black that the presence of a Black producer itself does not prevent female cast members’ stereotypical or seemingly stereo- the recirculation of radically limiting profiles. This evi- typical behaviors, attitudes, statements, and even physical dence in itself suggests that even if Scott-Young and other appearances, using these things to construct and signify Black Americans working in television wish to abolish the each woman as an “authentic” Black female. The similarity reliance on racial stereotypes, they may not have the real in the two shows’ portrayals of Black women becomes sur- power to do so, and as such are present only to provide prising, however, when one considers the major differences authenticity—or at least the illusion of authenticity—to the in several behind-the-scenes factors. One such difference is portrayals that are depicted. This notion adds an even more in the audiences that each program targets. LHHA appears interesting layer to the idea that reality television goes out on VH1, while RWP appears on MTV. Both channels are of its way to construct specific, supposedly “real” images of owned by Viacom—a mass media company whose channels Black women. As Dubrofsky and Hardy note in their article are broadcast all over the world—but each channel is geared on race in Flavor of Love and The Bachelor, all performances towards a different kind of audience. MTV targets young of Blackness in reality television “must adhere to a ‘test of adult viewers, specifically those between the ages of 12 and authenticity’ (Hall 2003) by confessing an ‘otherness’ that 34 (Elliott 2011), and primarily attracts White viewers, ‘preserves Whiteness’ `” (Shugart 2007, 115). In other though there is no mention of whether the channel goes out words, these conditions exist regardless of the race of a of its way to do so. VH1, on the other hand, actively targets show’s producers, writers, and other workers; regardless Black audiences. Much of the channel’s programming is of these people’s individual beliefs and goals; and regard- geared toward African American viewers, with an increasing less of the target audience of a given program. The Black number of shows starring entirely or predominantly Black people—in this case, Black women—who are chosen for casts; in 2014, VH1 was “the most watched cable network and depicted in reality programming must therefore adhere during primetime in black households, with 8.1 million to mainstream audiences’ preconceived notions of what it viewers across four shows” (Brown 2014). The channel also means to be a “real” Black woman. And in order to present attracts a large number of female viewers between the ages of its Black female cast members in accordance with these 18 and 49, many of whom are drawn to these predominantly notions, LHHA, RWP, and all other forms of reality tele- Black programs (TV by the Numbers, 2014). Considering that vision must emphasize and manipulate behaviors, attitudes, Viacom also owns Black Entertainment Television (BET), statements, and appearances that are—or can be made to it is not surprising that it would try to direct the content of appear— stereotypical, and construct each of these elements one of its more mainstream channels towards Black viewers, as markers of Black female “authenticity.” Only by perform- especially since Black American viewers have the highest ing these repetitions, after all, can these reality programs rate of total TV usage of any demographic (Villareal and reinforce the stereotypes and the associated sociopolitical Braxton 2012). In light of this information, it makes sense allegories that are, were, and continue to be associated with that a show like LHHA, with its entirely Black cast, would Black women. appear on VH1, while a show like RWP would appear on 73 74 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 step oftheway. Program, for standing by meand encouraging meevery Effiom, thecoordinatorforBowdoinCollege’s MMUF and editedthisarticle.IwouldalsoliketothankRosemary resource andsupportsystematBowdoinasIwrote tor, Professor Elizabeth Muther, for being an incredible tations ofreality. churning out these images and positing them as represen- to goaway—itwillonlyallowrealitycreatorscontinue Ignoring orde-emphasizingthisproblemwillnotcauseit be presentedasrecognizablyand“authentically”Black. and emotions are manipulated so that these women may as one-dimensionalcharacters,individualswhosebehaviors shadowed bythosethatpersistentlyportrayBlackwomen keep highlightingthefactthattheseimagesarestillover the future of Black women in television, itis essential to ing whattheemergenceofthesenewimagesmaymeanfor researching more varied images of Blackwomen or explor women inrealitytelevision.Whilenothingiswrongwith ing toexplorethestereotypicalrepresentationsofBlack of realityprograms,alsoillustratesthenecessity of continu- Black womenthemselvesareinvolvedwiththeproduction to existandbefosteredinrealitytelevision,evenwhen Deo, MeeraE.etal.“MissinginAction: ‘Framing’Raceon Brown, CarolynM.“VH1No.OneCableNetworkamongBlack Bell-Jordan, KatrinaE.“Black.White.andaSurvivorofTheReal Bibliography Endnotes Acknowledgements iii ii i Print. Prime-Time Television.” SocialJustice 35.2(2008):145–162. Viewers.” Media Communication25.4(2008):353–372.Print. World: ConstructionsofRaceonRealityTV.” CriticalStudiesin Or, atleast, remindingK.thatshehasareputationforbeingthese Calling aBlackpersonmonkey, ormakingmonkeynoises/gestures The Sapphire,akatheAngryBlackWoman, isdescribedasviolentand things. underdeveloped. to monkeysandotherprimates,describedasbeingugly, stupid,and at them,isextremelyracist;AfricanAmericansareoftencompared for decades. promiscuous. BothhavebeenevokedinTVdepictionsofBlackwomen overly aggressive;theJezebelisdescribedasprovocativeandsexually I wouldliketosincerelythankmyadvisorandmen- The factthattheseimagesofBlackwomencontinue Black Enterprise.N.p.,n.d.Web. 25Feb.2015. - - Yahr, Emily, CaitlinMoore,andEmilyChow. “HowWe Went Villarreal, Yvonne, andGregBraxton.“VH1’s Reality:ARockand “VH1 PrimetimeRatingsRise16%inAdult18–49Demographic Tyree, Tia. “AfricanAmericanStereotypesinRealityTelevision.” Poniewozik, James,andJeanneMcDowell.“HowRealityTV Park, JiHoon.“TheUncomfortableEncounterBetweenanUrban Pardo, Rebecca.“RealityTelevision andtheMetapragmaticsof ____. “RepresentationsofRaceinRealityTV: Watch and Orbe, MarkP. “ConstructionsofRealityonMTV’s TheReal Murray, Susan,andLaurieOullette.RealityTV: RemakingTelevision Love andHipHop:Atlanta.VH1,Present2012.Television. Hill, Annette.RealityTV: AudiencesandPopularFactualTelevision. Gooding-Williams, Robert.Look,ANegro!:PhilosophicalEssayson Elliott, Stuart.“MTVStrivestoKeepUpwithYoung Viewers.” Dubrofsky, RachelE.,andAntoineHardy. “PerformingRace Guide.” from 25 Feb.2015. a HardPlace.”LosAngelesTimes 3June2012.LATimes. Web. Web. 25Feb.2015. in theSecondQuarterof2014.”TVbytheNumbers.N.p.,n.d. The HowardofCommuncations22(2011):394–413.Print. Journal Fakes It.”Time 167.6(2006):60–62.Print. 59.1 (2009):152–171.EBSCOhost.Web. 20June2014. Conflict onMTV’s TheRealWorld.” Black andaRuralWhite:TheIdeologicalImplicationsofRacial EBSCOhost. Web. 20June2014. Racism.” 345–352. Print. Discuss.” 32–47. Masculinity.” World: AnAnalysisoftheRestrictiveCodingBlack Culture. 2nded.NewYork: NYUPress,2008.Print. Psychology Press,2005.Print. Race, Culture andPolitics.NewYork, NY: Routledge.Print. 2015. The NewYork Times 30Jan.2011.NYTimes.com. Web. 25Feb. 2014. Communication 25.4(2008):373–392.EBSCOhost.Web. 20June in Flavor ofLoveandTheBachelor.” Survivor toMorethan300RealityShows:AComplete Taylor andFrancis+NEJM.Web. 31July2014. Washington Post.N.p.,n.d.Web. 8Feb.2016. Journal ofLinguisticAnthropology23.1(2013):65–81. Journal Critical StudiesinMediaCommunication25.4(2008): 64.1(1998): CommunicationJournal Southern Critical StudiesinMedia Journal ofCommunication Journal Kara Walker’s Pornographic Parody of the Black, Enslaved, Raped Woman Angela Pastorelli-Sosa, Williams College

Angela Pastorelli-Sosa is a senior at Williams College pursuing line, engage in violent, interracial sex, which was once con- a degree in art history. Her academic interests focus on the inter- sidered illicit, and debauchery. Her scenes range in tone section between aesthetics and politics, speciﬁcally the use of prints from the humorous to the unspeakable. Walker’s themes as a medium for social protest and the role of artists in revolu- and motifs are a commentary on the system of slavery and its tionary moments. Angela plans to pursue a PhD in art history. continuing legacy in the American consciousness.v

Walker is not the first African-American female artist Kara Walker’s controversial art—in particular, her to comment on the origin of racial relations in the United life-size depictions of psychosexual fantasies seeded by States. In postmodern fashion, previously marginalized art- American slavery—has resulted in a nearly constant debate ists challenge their exclusion within master narratives, which about whether the artist should be celebrated for her por- asserted the notion that only men are artistic geniuses, the trayal of our country’s fascination with racial differences, or idea that history and human experiences can be encom- condemned as a perverse individual who rehashes demean- passed in totalizing theories, and the colonialist assumption ing imagery about African-American women. Through an that non-white races are inferior. Following the Civil Rights analysis of a few of Walker’s works, I argue that while the era, many female African-American artists belonging to a artist perpetuates stereotypes about black women’s sexual- generation older than Walker’s, such as Betye Saar and Faith ity, her postmodern approach to parody also introduces an Ringgold, used slavery as a theme and setting to question alternative way of thinking about the exchange of sexual the complex set of relations of domination for which we still pleasure between white males and black, enslaved women in do not yet have a literary or visual language.vi Despite the the antebellum South. relationship between Walker’s works and the works of these earlier artists, some of these same artists have raised objec- Contemporary African-American artist Kara Walker tions to Walker’s racially coded figures and her seemingly addresses issues of race, gender, and sexuality within the mocking attitude towards the sexual exploitation of enslave antebellum past and their prevailing influence on contempo- females. rary race relations. Most of the artist’s works are set within Following Walker’s reception of the MacArthur the context of a fantastical slave plantation world that depicts Foundation “genius” grant at age 27 in 1997, there has been parodic images from black memorabilia, folklore, historical nearly constant debate about whether the artist should be novels, movies, cartoons, old advertisements, Harlequin celebrated because she portrays our country’s ugly fascina- romance, and the nineteenth-century slave autobiography.i tion with racial difference, or condemned as an intentionally Walker is best known for panoramic friezes in her signature spiteful and perverse individual who rehashes demeaning medium, cut-paper silhouettes on a life-sized scale in a imagery because “sex sells.”vii In my paper, I argue that even reduced color gamut—typically black shapes against a white though Walker perpetuates stereotypes about black women wall, though she has more recently placed black and white in her silhouettes and prints—with regard to their biological shapes against a slate gray background.ii In the eighteenth markers and supposed hypersexuality—her postmodern pas- and nineteenth centuries, silhouettes were used to capture tiche simultaneously calls for a reconsideration of the black, an individual’s personal image; they were also associated enslaved, raped woman narrative. with the pseudoscience of physiognomy, which held that one could analyze psychological and racial types by studying Because Walker depicts black females through racially iii facial features. In using the silhouette, Walker has appro- coded profiles and silhouettes, she is criticized for dissem- priated this historical form of representation and reverted inating derogatory stereotypes. Black women have been to caricatured aspects of blackness and whiteness, using regarded as icons of deviant sexuality since the European racially coded ways to represent racial differences; her work encounter with African peoples circa the fifteenth century. engages the question of how one represents race through European scientists asserted this stereotype as fact due to reduced means. With all figures shown on black paper, the black women’s supposedly highly developed sexual organs, identity of a figure as black or white can be shown through connoted through elongated labia majora, large breasts, racially coded profiles. Walker uses the silhouette to outline and robust buttocks.viii Black women in Walker’s oeuvre are caricatured, biological markers of blackness and whiteness represented with sexualized biological markers such as large (see Figure 1). breasts and rotund buttocks and “negroid” features including wide, prominent noses, thick lips, and kinky, curly hair. To evoke an antebellum world, Walker relies on slave Walker further sensationalizes black women’s sexual bio- plantation stereotypes including the master, the mistress/ logical markers (breasts and buttocks) by rendering some as missus, the Negress/slave mistress, the pickaninny, the naked, so that the viewer can stare at their nipples and pubic mammy, the young buck, the field hand, the overseer, and iv hair, while the white women remain clothed (Figure 1). the Southern belle. Walker’s figures, transcribed by fluid 75 76 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 emerges repeatedlyinWalker’s work. mistress whorivalsthemaster’s wifeforhisaffectionsand (1905). TheNegressisthefigureofpromiscuousslave Jr.’s deviance fromtheNegress,acharacterinThomasDixon seems todrawinspirationforherfemalecharacters’sexual women to depict them as the sexual aggressors. Walker Walker appropriatesnineteenth-centurystereotypesofblack cism againstherisdirected. women inobsceneways,whichiswheremostofthecriti- act. image—which never rage appropriatetoacultural tragedy hassurrounded the rape ofenslavedwomen,anattitudemourningandout- on girlsinwhichthewomen often appeartobeassenting founding because she repeatedly represents sexual assaults and overseerstoavoidretribution. Walker’s worksarecon- women wereoftenrapedorforced tosatisfytheirmasters promiscuous, astheDixonJr.’s bookdetails;rather, these bodies. Fieldslavesandmistresseswerenot,infact,sexually have easieraccessibilityandgreaterfreedomtoviolatetheir often takenoutofthefieldssothattheirmasterswould sidered promiscuous. but ratherthanbeingperceivedasvictims,theywerecon- stantly atthebeckandcalloftheirmaster’s sexualdesires; forced tobearmanyillegitimatechildrenandwerecon- on theirsociallyunacceptabledesires.Enslavedwomenwere blacks, violentinterracialsexalsoallowedwhitementoact and disruptnotionsofmarriagefamilyamongenslaved Southern men.Notonlydiditdiminishblackmasculinity black womenwasconsideredarightofpassageforyoung Despite theanti-miscegenationlaws,sexualdominanceover lent rapeortreatingfemaleslavesastheirconcubines. dominance overblackfemaleslaveseitherthroughvio- white plantation ownersfrequently asserted their sexual such asHarrietJacobs’IncidentsintheLifeofaSlaveGirl— hypersexuality. As revealed in varioushistoricalaccounts— lascivious creatures whose biological markers denote their partaking inimmortalizesthetropethatblackwomenare females are tures, thepornographicactionsthatenslaved female bodies share similarandeasilydistinguishable fea- markers. the same—andarecharacterizedby—sexualized,biological and haironlyreinforcestheideathatallblackwomenshare depictions ofblackwomenwiththesameposteriors,noses, ception oftheblackfemalebodyduringslavery, therecurring Although Walker’s intentionistoevokethesexualizedper xi The Clansmen: An Historical Romance of the Ku Klux Klan In contrast, Walker depicts the rape of enslaved black Rather thandepictenslavedwomenasvictims, When otherartistshavevisuallyrepresentedthe Not onlydoWalker’s imagesconveythatallblack x explicitly depictsthesexuallyviolent xii These womenwere ix ix - chooses toleavethefigureswhite—instead of black—and Walker etchesthewhitemale andblackfemale.Walker also than implementherusual silhouettes to depictfigures, is on top ofa presumably half-naked white male. Rather this work. the sexualexploitationofblackfemaleslavesisathemein water andcoastalregions.Despitethedifferenceofsetting, a fantasticalslaveplantationbut,instead,variousbodiesof rather thantheantebellumSouth.Thus,settingisnot in thatitisadirectreferencetotheAtlanticslavetrade, in Uncharted Waters” differs from Walker’s other series sions, biologicalmarkers,andgesture.“AnUnpeopledLand nature ofenslavedwomenthroughreadablefacialexpres- cuss howWalker intentionallydepictsthesexuallyaggressive (from “AnUnpeopledLandinUnchartedWaters”), Idis- woman intothetroupeofhypersexualwench. artist continuestotransformtheiconofenslaved,raped so thattheaudiencecanreadthesewomen’s expressions,the sexual favors.EvenwhenWalkerdifferent medium adoptsa plicit in their sexual violation and even willing to bestow expressions, theenslavedwomenareassumedtobecom- logical markers. is a product—both literally and figuratively—of their bio- body, sustainingtheideathatblackwomen’s hypersexuality a demon,theartistchoosestosexualizeblackwoman’s forced nature.Despiteherportrayalofthewhiteslaveras cial sex,suggestingthatitwasinherentlyevilbecauseofits Walker’s useofreligious/folkallusions demonizesinterra- of her buttocks, so that it appears the slave has her own tail. slaver’s penisgoesintothefieldslave’s mouthandcomesout claws, paws,andtailofSatanthejawanape. nightmarish uponrealizingthatthewhiteslaverhas from sexualpleasure.Thepornographicscenequicklyturns quote bubbleabovetheslaver’s head,conveyinghismoaning ible. Theirsexualencounterismademoreillicitwiththe so thattheoutlineofherbreastandnipplesarediscern- eroticizes the field slave’s body by depicting her as naked, female fieldslavestowearwhiletheywereworking.Walker and iswearingaturbanoverherhair, whichwastypicalof owner, or the master. The enslaved woman is seemingly thin over performingoralsexonapresumablywhiteplantation (1998.) ple, fellatioisgraphicallydepictedinKaraWalker’s Successes engage inracyintercoursewiththeirsuperiors.Forexam- display noreadableaffect. to their violation and receiving pleasure in the process, or In In ananalysisofWalker’s 2010print, thesecret sharerer Because thesilhouettesdonotprovidereadable In Walker’s scenes,the silhouettes of blackwomen In thisimage(Figure2),anenslavedfemaleisbent the secret sharerer (Figure3), xiii a nakedfemaleslave xiv The uses stereotypical biological markers so that the audience women as victims, whereas Walker’s quasi-porn in which can decipher their races. The black female has a wide nose the women are the sexual aggressors would be considered with flaring nostrils, thick lips, and nappy hair that sticks fiction. It is this stark binary between portrayals of slav- out in various directions. Although her breasts do not seem ery that Walker addresses. In an interview, Walker argues to be overwhelmingly large, the audience can tell that her that she and other Americans are informed about historical posterior is plump because of the way it leaps away from the memories through fiction just as much as they are through charcoal background. In comparison to the enslaved female, fact.xv While we have Harriet Jacobs’s Incidents in the Life of a the primary signifier that reveals this man is racially white Slave Girl to grasp the details of interracial violence, we have is his hair, which falls in gentle waves instead of being very no visual evidence. Instead, contemporary culture relies curly. The juxtaposition between the multiple biological on films—which are usually fictitious—with graphic rape signifiers for the enslaved black female and the singular scenes to convey the horror of sexual exploitation during biological marker for the white male reinforces stereotypical slavery.xvi Although Walker’s complicit female slaves seem biological differences between the white and black races. to be a fictitious representation of slavery, they are, in fact, supposed to be an alternative narrative or novel dimension Not only does Walker exaggerate biological stereo- that explores the complexity of these women’s relationships types historically attributed to black people, she also rein- with their masters. forces the idea that black females are licentious creatures. Although the silhouettes in the foreground are partially Walker’s “fictitious” representations contrast with obstructing the white male and black female, there are sev- what are considered realistic depictions of slavery. Older eral erotic allusions to a sexual encounter. The black female’s generations of African-American artists—who have per- sexually dominant position, her lecherous sneer, and her sonally experienced interracial violence—convey the sexual hand caressing his neck all indicate that she is seducing the exploitation of female slaves in a solemn and critical manner. male. Their heated sexual encounter is further alluded to These older women have created a “culture of dissem- through the positioning of the man’s head, which is thrown blance,” or community in which they conceal their feelings back into space, as though moaning from pleasure. In this regarding the trauma of sexual violence.xvii Because older alternative historical representation of sexual exploitation generations are still healing from the trauma of interracial during the Atlantic slave trade, Walker chooses to depict the sexual violence, they relate to the self-sacrifice, confusion, enslaved female as the sexual aggressor, not the white male. and pain that their enslaved female ancestors similarly experience, and simultaneously reject Walker’s oeuvre, which The two silhouettes in the foreground obstruct the discusses questions about sexual pleasure in the context of graphic sexual act between the white male and enslaved enslavement. black female. The silhouettes seem to be removed from the scene in the background—given their difference in Unlike this older generation of artists, Walker is not medium—and are conversing about what they see. The interested in mourning enslaved, raped women; instead, she silhouette on the left is turned to the side so that her profile strives to create a visual language for the affective legacy faces the audience. This silhouette is presumably that of a of extended relationships of sexual domination. In trying female because her hair is piled on her head, which is typical to understand the subservient position of a woman who is of Walker’s white female figures. The female silhouette is not raped a few times but is sexually subjugated for years or turned towards the silhouette on the right—assumed to be a for her entire sexual life, Walker imagines agency in sexual male—and is whispering something in his ear, given that his situations with the master and overseer class as a way to head is cocked to the side and the print’s title. I would like empower the helpless enslaved women.xviii In what ways did to suggest that these two silhouettes are a representation of enslaved women exercise power in their sexually subservient contemporary America and how we [the people] associate positions? Were these women able to manipulate their mas- slavery with interracial sexual violence and the enslaved, ters with the sexual favors they bestowed? raped woman narrative. Walker’s interpretation of the past encapsulates the Because academic discourse has only recently idea of unending context. In their seminal article, “Semiotics acknowledged the hypersexualization and rape of black and Art History,” cultural theorist Mieke Bal and art his- women during slavery, it is now at the forefront of African- torian Norman Bryson suggest that in addition to con- American reconstructions of history and memory. These sidering the context of a specific historical moment, art reconstructions result in dichotomous portrayals of slavery: historians have to consider how the present interacts with those that are considered realistic depictions and those that and interprets the past, in this way context is unending. are written off as fiction. In thinking about Walker’s work, xix While Walker considers historical accounts about the realistic depictions of interracial violence depict the enslaved antebellum South such as Incidents in the Life of a Slave 77 78 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 women’s relationshipswiththeirmasters. memory ofviolentinterracialsex:thecomplexitythese an attempt to unveil a novel dimension within the traumatic tary onslavery’s legacyintheAmericanconsciousnessand artist’s choicetoparodyviolentinterracialsexisacommen- turbing andamerereflectionofher“lostblacksoul,”the Walker’s pornotropingofenslaved rapedwomentobedis- sexualities. While many scholars, activists, and artists find women’s bodies,thusleadingthemtopossesanimalistic women’s bodies are fullerand more sensuous than white women rearticulates the nineteenth century belief that black consistent racialprofilinginherarchetypalimagesofblack trope thatblackwomenareinnatesexualdeviants.Walker’s historical stereotypesabouttheblackfemalebodyand masters causesdiscomfortandoutragebecauseitupholds imagery ofillicitdebaucherybetweenfemaleslavesandtheir deeply ingrainedthroughtheinstitutionofslavery. Walker’s narrative ofraceintheUnitedStates,becauseithasbeenso the whitemalesandblackfemales. power dynamicsandexchangeofsexualpleasurebetween in anattempttointroduceanewwayofthinkingaboutthe female victimandpresentsherasasexualbeingwithagency ody, Walker brilliantlyappropriatestheiconofenslaved, their masters.Throughthepostmodernistapproachofpar dependence on, love for, and overall hatred harbored for the combinationofenslavedfemaleslaves’frustration, Walker’s assertionofwomenassexualaggressorsillustrates complicity,interracial relationshipsasinstancesofblack and slaves.Whilethesereconstructionscharacterizethe emotional andpsychologicalrelationshipsbetweenmasters blance that attempt to leave out references to the complex of African-American history and the culture of dissem- Walker’s imagerychallengescontemporary reconstructions Girl, shealsoquestionshowthepresentinterpretspast. enslavement. AsKeizerstated, disregard thepossibilityofsexual pleasureinthecontextof enslaved femalenarrativetooneofsexualexploitation,and women sexualagencyadvocatesthatwecannotlimitthe during slavery, Walker’s choicetogivetheseenslaved no visualevidenceoftheinterracialviolencethatoccurred dichotomous historical portrayals of slavery. Because there is enslaved femalenarrativeisapostmodernchallengetothe tation ofAmericanhistoricalmemory. Walker’s alternative Walker’s conflationoffactandfictionisalargerrepresen- over theirmastersanddominatetheminthesexualrealm. world inwhichtheseenslavedwomenhavesexualpower women, Walker givesthemsexualagencyandimagines a duce asorrowfulmoodtomourntheviolationofenslaved Kara Walker’s workcannotbeseparated fromthe xx Rather than pro- - instead, considers the possibility of fluxing power dynamics. ization betweensuperiormasterandinferiorvictimand, enslaved women’s emotions shatters the historical polar stereotypes pertainingtoblackwomen,herexplorationof it. AlthoughWalker doesrecreatemanyofthehistorical American historyandmemorycannotcontinuetopolarize Appendix adhesive onwall,155cm.x165cm., Collection JamesPatterson. Figure 2.KaraWalker, Successes, Miami. of cutpaperandadhesive,22.86x127cm,RubellFamilyCollection, Figure 1.KaraWalker, CamptownLadies In otherwords,historyisnotblackandwhite, whom thesewomengavebirth? inated womenandthegenerationsofdaughtersto about themandtheirlifelongeffectsonthedom- ships everhappened,whatstorydowetellourselves If we’renotbentonforgettingthattheserelation- 1998, Wall installationofcutpaperand (detail), 1998,Wall installation xxi - xx Reid-Pharr, 27. xxi Keizer, 1662.

Bibliography

Bal, Mieke and Norman Bryson, “Semiotics and Art History,” The Art Bulletin 73 no. 2 (1991): 174–208.

Dixon, Annette. “A Negress Speaks Out: The Art of Kara Walker.” In Kara Walker: Pictures from Another Time, edited by Annette Dixon, 11–25. Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Museum of Art, 2002.

Gilman, Sander. “Black Bodies, White Bodies: Toward an Iconography of Female Sexuality in Late Nineteenth-Century Art, Medicine, and Literature.” Critical Inquiry 12, no. 1 (1985): 223–260.

Jacobs, Harriet and Lydia Maria Child. Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987. Figure 3. Kara Walker, the secret sharerer from An Unpeopled Land in Print. Uncharted Waters, 2010, etching with aquatint, sugar-lift, spit-bite, and dry-point on paper; plate: 60.3 x 60.3 cm; sheet: 76.8 x 70.5 cm. Keizer, Arlene. “Gone Astray in the Flesh: Kara Walker, Black Women Writers, and African-American Postmemory.” PMLA Endnotes 123 (2008): 1649–1672. i Annette Dixon, “A Negress Speaks Out: The Art of Kara Walker,” Reid-Pharr, Robert. “Black Girl Lost.” In Kara Walker: Pictures in Kara Walker: Pictures from Another Time, ed. Annette Dixon (Ann from Another Time, edited by Annette Dixon, 27–41. Ann Arbor, Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Museum of Art, 2002), 12. MI: The University of Michigan Museum of Art, 2002. ii Ibid., 11. Saltz, Jerry. “Making the Cut,” The Village Voice, Nov 24, 1998, iii Ibid., 19. sec. Arts. iv Ibid., 12. v Ibid. vi Arlene Keizer, “Gone Astray in the Flesh: Kara Walker, Black Women Writers, and African-American Postmemory,” PMLA 123, no.5 (2008): 1649. vii Robert Reid-Pharr, “Black Girl Lost,” in Kara Walker: Pictures from Another Time, ed. Annette Dixon (Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Museum of Art, 2002), 27. viii Sander Gilman, “Black Bodies, White Bodies: Toward an Iconography of Female Sexuality in Late Nineteenth-Century Art, Medicine, and Literature,” Critical Inquiry, no. 12 (1985): 232. ix Harriet Jacobs and Lydia Maria Child, Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987), 24. x Ibid., 23. xi Keizer, 1656. xii Dixon, 13. xiii Keizer, 1661. xiv Jerry Saltz, “Making the Cut,” The Village Voice, sec. Arts, Nov 24, 1998. xv Reid-Pharr, 32. xvi Ibid. xvii Keizer, 1661. xviii Ibid., 1656. xix Mieke Bal and Norman Bryson, “Semiotics and Art History,” The Art Bulletin 73, no.2 (1991): 175. 79 Speaking with the Dead: Encountering Psychic Violence in the Archives of Slavery and Colonialism Sharee Rivera, University of California, Berkeley

Sharee Rivera is a senior at UC Berkeley studying rhetoric and that she resists the archive. Hartman’s disillusionment gen- interdisciplinary studies with emphases in performance, geogra- erates the question: what possibilities for resistance are there phy, and gender studies. For Sharee, social justice and pedagogy in light of the deficiencies and inadequacies inherent to are intertwined endeavors. They are a published poet who writes archival practices? about personal experiences of trauma, disability, race, and gender. They organize and facilitate educational community events with The way in which history is written can enact violence the Queer Alliance and Resource Center. They also participate in regardless of intent because power is always already operat- various forms of digital activism. Their research interests include ing in the archive. The archive is the site at which historical the ways in which women artists of color confront and challenge inquiry begins, a source from which a narrative is drawn. As colonial, Eurocentric notions of the human. a textual form, “[e]ach historical narrative renews a claim to truth” (Trouillot 6), and therefore produces many silences with respect to the experiences and perspectives of subaltern This paper focuses on the works of Gloria Anzaldúa or colonized subjects. When a claim to truth is made, other and Saidiya Hartman, namely Anzaldua’s Borderlands/ possibilities are implicitly excluded. Archives themselves can La Frontera and Hartman’s Lose Your Mother, along with foment violent histories, whether or not these histories are the essay “Venus in Two Acts.” Each of these works con- intended as counter-readings of archives, because nothing fronts the violence of writing history, especially with regards operates outside of power. The production of history neces- to race, gender, and sexuality. In taking an intersectional sitates the selection of certain archival materials, which are approach, Anzaldúa and Hartman counteract the archival already invested with power. Archives produce not only a violence that occurs at the epistemological level, erasing and particular perspective upon an historical event, but produce imposing forms of knowing history. These epistemologi- the historical event itself. What is included in the archive cal harms also constitute psychic trauma, in denying how sets rules about what materials are pertinent to a topic: failures to see intersectionality serve to discard the lives of “The archive is first the law of what can be said, the system women of color, with the consequence of reinforcing power that governs the appearance of statements as unique events” dynamics that oppress and marginalize women of color. (Foucault 129). Although the archive can be interpreted in However, at the same time that Anzaldúa and Hartman many ways, what is contained in the archive has the power challenge dominant forms of historiography and historical to prelude what can be said about a historical phenomenon; narratives, we find that their alternative forms of historiog- this can be thought of a containment strategy. If the archive raphy are also capable of (re)wounding subaltern subjects. does not exist, how could the event or phenomenon exist? Both authors engage in what Paola Bacchetta calls psychic A topic or event is brought into being through and by the transnational resistance, a mode of resistance that targets archive. Never neutral but in accordance with certain logic epistemological erasure and violence, yet their resistance is or grammar, archives are curated within a certain field of limited. This raises the question, what possibilities for resis- intelligibility, including and excluding based on that logic. tance are there in light of the deficiencies and inadequacies inherent to archival practices? Before demarcating resistance narratives from the hegemonic or oppressive histories, it is imperative to analyze the archives that produce the histories we encounter. This paper focuses on the works of Gloria Anzaldúa Archives do not exist outside of power relations. When and Saidiya Hartman, namely Anzaldua’s Borderlands/ one makes a claim to truth, they make a claim to power. La Frontera and Hartman’s Lose Your Mother, along with the As Michel-Rolph Trouillot argues, “The presences and essay “Venus in Two Acts.” Although these are generally absences embodied in sources . . . or archives . . . are neither regarded as incongruent texts, each of these works confronts neutral nor natural. They are created” (48). The silences the violence of writing history, especially with regard to race, of history are actively produced through the construction gender, and sexuality. Anzaldúa and Hartman counteract the of the archive. Any silence that might exist in the mate- archival violence that occurs at the epistemological level, rial world is also embodied in the archive. Even histories erasing and imposing forms of knowing history. Dominant of resistance are capable of reproducing trauma through historical epistemologies effectively discard women of color, producing silences or leaving existing silences of an archive and in this way reinforce power dynamics that oppress and undisturbed, and so the process by which narratives of resis- marginalize women of color. At the same time that Anzaldúa tance are written must be carefully considered as well. This and Hartman challenge dominant forms of historiography

The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2 015 passage raises questions: what kinds of archival materials and historical narratives, we find such alternative forms of are available? By what logic are they organized? How do historiography are also capable of (re)wounding subaltern histories of resistance interact with the archives themselves? subjects; Anzaldúa fails to ultimately fulfill this goal of resis- And how is state and state-sanctioned violence produced by tance to dominant historical narratives for the very reasons the archive? 80 In the works of Gloria Anzaldúa and Saidiya Hartman, effacement of the violence of slavery in what should have readers must confront the violence of the archives from been a possible homeland, and subsequently becomes disil- which history is written. In their works, normative notions lusioned at the prospect of return. Anzaldúa’s site of trauma of resistance are questioned and, in some ways, displaced, to lies within the borderlands, where she simultaneously finds put forward a form of psychic resistance. As feminist scholar hope and injury. She describes a process of accounting for Paola Bacchetta writes of Anzaldúa’s approach, “[t]his form her history in a borderlands space: “Her first step is to take of [psychic] resistance can be thought of as transnational. inventory. Just what did she inherit from her ancestors? This For the dominant grid of intelligibility, the official history weight on her back—which is the baggage from the Indian that makes sense within it . . . are all produced, variously, mother, which the baggage from the Spanish father, which through transnational relations of power” (44). Anzaldúa the baggage from the Anglo?” (Anzaldúa 105). The silences addresses the exclusionary forms of Chicano history and and absences of history become unnamable, unspeakable resistance, battling epistemological violence created by weights upon Anzaldúa’s back. Her body is an archive of migration and language erasure, resulting in a work of psy- feelings, not metaphorically but materially, meaningfully, chic transnational resistance. Hartman also engages with and holistically; her body is the origin of knowledge and the transnational relations of power, focusing on the Atlantic central site of excavation, and cannot be separated from the slave trade as a global and transnational phenomenon, a land. This connection between her body and the landscape source of trauma that erased lives, histories, and episte- is particularly generative because it highlights the effects of mologies. Both Anzaldúa and Hartman develop histories of spatial power that become embodied in the form of pain. resistance by engaging archives that were produced through Return to her own body is more possible than a return to transnational relations of power. However, Anzaldúa’s work her past. The burden of uncovering and the work of fighting leaves significant silences unquestioned, making possible the the erasure of women of color become the work of women re-wounding of subaltern subjects. In contrast, Hartman’s in both Anzaldúa’s and Hartman’s works. work deals precisely with the ways in which historiography, even resistant forms that are supposed to address trauma, Anzaldúa attempts to reconcile her fractured identity can reproduce violence. Her methods differ from Anzaldúa’s by creating a counter-history that will make her feel whole in that she scrutinizes the process of merely looking at again, but to the detriment of Black subjects. “I will have archives, whereas Anzaldúa fails to grapple with this kind to stand and claim my space, making a new culture—una of violence—which ultimately leads to her failure to create cultura mestiza” (Anzaldúa 44). She wants to form a new a principled strategy of resistance. While both authors, consciousness based upon mixture that goes against notions like all subjects, are formed within power relations, they of racial purity, because she recognizes that her mixed iden- are also capable of making visible transnational relations tities are not anomalous but should be thought of together. of power (re)produced in making archives. Acknowledging To accomplish this, she returns to a nationalist Mexican this strength, it is also important to note how making visible source that contains its own ideas about mestizaje. “José certain power relations does not equate to the suspension of Vasconcelos, Mexican philosopher, envisaged una raza mes- said power relations. tiza, una mezcla de razas afines, una raza de color—la primera raza síntesis del globo . . . la raza cósmica” (Anzaldúa 100). Both authors describe their tensions with the past, What Anzaldúa leaves out of this romanticized definition the inability to know before the trauma of the forced disap- of mestizaje is the fact that José Vasconcelos was a eugeni- pearance of knowledge of the pre-colonial past from social cist, the minister of public education for the Mexican state memory. “There was no going back to a time or place before under President Álvaro Obregón. Jared Sexton stresses the slavery,” Hartman pronounces (40). The Atlantic slave trade problematic nature of racial mixture discourse in his essay, created a rupture in history, an open wound. For Anzaldúa, “The Consequence of Race Mixture: Racialised Barriers and her connection to her indigenous past was ruptured: the Politics of Desire,” writing: “we must carefully consider precisely against what multiracial identity asserts its actual- To live in the Borderlands means knowing that the isation and its empowerment in its purportedly affirmative india in you, betrayed for 500 years, is no longer moment” (242). Rather than being counterhegemonic, mul- speaking to you . . . you are at home, a stranger tiracial ideology is fraught with genocidal logic. This shows (216). that what is empowering for one group can be oppressive to In a state of amnesia, the only thing left to do is to another, if these so-called discourses of empowerment are visit the archives and the sites of trauma, which constitute not scrutinized. As Anzaldúa attempts to reconcile a very archives in and of themselves. For Hartman, her journey real quandary, an inner conflict that is extremely palpable to “excavate a wound,” the wound of chattel slavery, brings in her personal experiences, she makes erroneous claims her to slave trade posts in Ghana (40). She observes the about the genealogy of mestizaje discourse and its liberatory potential. Sexton quotes Vasconcelos: 81 The lower types of the [human] species will be only information that Hartman knows about the people absorbed by the superior type. In this manner, for she encounters in the archive is that something horrific example, the black could be redeemed, and step by happened to them. The Black girls she encounters in the step, by voluntary extinction, the uglier stocks will archive only enter history through violent words scribbled give way to the more handsome. . . . [It would be] in journals, in accounts of ordinary life. Quotidian violence a mixture no longer accomplished by violence, nor defines the life of the enslaved. The violation and death of by reason of necessity, but by the selection founded two enslaved girls is not an anomaly. After all, the captain on beauty . . . and confirmed by the pathos of love responsible for the deaths of these two girls was acquitted (247–248). of charges. The enslaved girl’s dead body is marked with For Vasconcelos, what cannot be accomplished scandal only to be disposed of without any sense of justice. through war (e.g., slavery and indigenous genocide) can be Captivity marks the life of the slave, as well as her death. accomplished through a eugenicist process of racial mixture. The archive confines the possibilities of justice for these two The same goal of war nevertheless remains: to improve, if girls; what was taken from them can never be returned, and not eliminate, the undesirable Black and the Native. There there is no possibility of restitution for what was done to is a sexual undercurrent at play here that is founded in them. We can view the archive, as Derrida does, as contained eugenicist discourse. The biological, sexual undercurrents within a certain place that is commanded by those invested of racial mixing appear in Borderlands. “Indigenous like with power and authority: “[T]he meaning of ‘archive’ . . . : corn, like corn, the mestiza is a product of crossbreeding, initially a house, a domicile, an address, the residence of the designed for preservation under a variety of conditions” superior magistrates, the archons, those who commanded” (Anzaldúa 103). This plays into biological formulations of (2). Archives are heavily guarded within spaces of power. race that essentialize racialized groups. Moreover, the term Divested from humanity and power, the girls amount to a “crossbreeding” dehumanizes and dehistoricizes the process spectacle in the archive of slavery, without the possibility of mestizaje, ignoring how sexual or reproductive practices of ever receiving justice or escaping confinement. Confined have often been historically violent. The racial mixture she during life, these girls are also condemned to silence and speaks of is European and Indian—leaving out the possibil- imprisonment in the form of historical narrative. This is ity of African heritage altogether. The mestiza survives while not only because of the limitations created by the archive the Black and indigenous, these pure types, die out, unable itself, but also because the conditions of slavery continue to to navigate the modern world. Reflecting this ideology, the characterize—to contain—Black life. By thinking of slavery Mexican government only recently officially recognized as a bracketed event, one loses sight of the ongoing violence the presence of Blackness in Mexico in 2015. From the endured by Black people. Moreover, Black life can only be archive that Anzaldúa uses—Vasconcelos’ philosophy—to thought of in terms of violence and scandal if one continues her self-identification, this blaring silence constitutes vio- to regard the archons, the producers of official history, as the lence against Black and indigenous peoples. She looks at the singular arbiters of Black history’s truth. archive and overlooks the way it is weaponized by the nation To investigate the past is to scrutinize the present. In state, which is always already anti-Black. Lose Your Mother, Hartman explains how investigating slavery What, then, can Saidiya Hartman’s work say to is not merely telling a story about the past but is also speak- Anzaldúa’s? Can Hartman’s work inform Anzaldúa’s on the ing about her own present. Lose Your Mother is a narrative of question of mourning erased and violated subjects, specif- Hartman’s experiences in Ghana as a researcher of Atlantic ically Black subjects? Hartman grapples with the simulta- slavery, as well as “a descendant of the enslaved . . . desperate neous presence and absence of Venus, who “appears in the to reclaim the dead” (6). In her journey she not only con- archive of slavery as a dead girl named in a legal indictment fronts the archives of slavery, but also herself. To write about against a slave ship captain tried for the murder of two Negro Venus is to write about her own experience: “This writing is girls” (Hartman 1). In her book, Hartman is talking about personal because this history has engendered me” (Hartman an archival recording of the lives of two slave girls, of whom 25). Like all subjects, Hartman is shaped by history, and, in nothing is known. Not much is known about Venus in her this case, it is a violent one. The conditions that defined the various, spectral appearances in the archives of the Atlantic life of the slave persist until today. “Slavery had established a slave trade. What we do know is that none of her words or measure of man and ranking of life and worth that has yet to perspective or history is recorded. Hartman explains that be undone” (Hartman 6). It is necessary to think of slavery The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2 015 the archive of racial chattel slavery is a site of trauma: “The not as an event, but as a continual process. Jean Laplanche, archive is, in this case, a death sentence, a tomb, a display a theorist of psychoanalysis, describes trauma as not just of the violated body, an inventory of property, a medical one moment, but as a temporally complex process. Psychic treatise on gonorrhea, a few lines about a whore’s life, an “trauma never comes simply from the outside . . . it must 82 asterisk in the grand narrative of history” (Hartman 2). The be internalized, and then afterwards relived, revivified, in order to become an internal trauma . . . the memory of [this this archive? To imagine . . .? To envision a free state . . .? experience] must be invested in a second moment, and then The dangers entailed in this endeavor cannot be . . . avoided it becomes traumatic” (Caruth 1). One can witness the reso- because of the inevitability of the reproduction of such nances today: the failure to indict the captain who murdered scenes of violence” (Hartman 7). If there is a violence upon the enslaved girls, and the failure to indict police officers which slavery’s archive is founded that “regulates and orga- who kill Black women, men, and children in this country. nizes the kinds of statements that can be made about slavery History does not only exist in the past, but shapes the pres- and . . . creates subjects and objects of power” (Hartman 10), ent. Indeed, the conditions that made slavery possible have is it ever possible to create alternative histories that some- yet to be undone, necessitating a revisiting of the past. Each how don’t operate by the same logics as dominant history? traumatic event sets the conditions for another traumatic event to occur. “[N]arrating counter-histories of slavery has Healing is an aspect of resistance that is outlined in always been inseparable from writing a history of present” the works of Anzaldúa. For her, achieving consciousness is (Hartman 4). Counter-histories do not only attempt to tell a way to move beyond one’s current conditions. “‘Knowing’ a story about a violent past but also a story about a violent is painful because after ‘it’ happens I can’t stay in the same present. Entrenched in a cycle of violence, Black subjects place” (Anzaldúa 70). To know the violent past is painful, and are forced by the state and the archive to relive trauma over forces a transformation. To move beyond a state of psychic and over again. oppression, she seeks to achieve a state of consciousness that resists it. Although it may cause pain, she recognizes One may ask, how can Hartman re-visit the archive the need for psychic transformation. For her, the struggle without reproducing the violence of the archive? Why revisit is “inner, and is played out in the outer terrains. Awareness the archive if it is such a re-traumatizing experience? In Lose of our situation must come before inner changes, which in Your Mother, Hartman imagines the different possibilities, turn come before changes in society” (109). Such an act of different stories that might close the gaps of the archive. resistance is holistic because it includes not only material She wishes to write a counter-history of slavery “not to give conditions as harmful, but also psychic ones that actually voice to the slave, but rather to imagine what cannot be veri- connect the body, emotions, and the mind, for “our psyches fied . . . and to reckon with the precarious lives which are vis- resemble the bordertowns” (Anzaldúa 109), in that they ible only in the moment of their disappearance” (Hartman are fractured. Moreover, her intuitive connection between 12). To speak for the slave is to make a claim to truth, but the borderlands and her body reflect an understanding of that is not what she is after. As for Anzaldúa, the weight of subjectivity that takes into account the landscapes of vio- the unsaid is a heavy burden to bear. Uncertainty surrounds lence. She does not understand the self as merely the body each attempt by Hartman to explain away the pain of not or the mind, but understands the self to reside in multiple knowing. Like Anzaldúa, she uses invention to create a parts of our selves. Her understanding of the self is both counter-narrative, imagining different possibilities that can plural and holistic. Although colonialism has fractured the humanize the subjects she is looking for. Unlike Anzaldúa, self, through conocimiento—a concept roughly translated however, Hartman reflects upon the consequences of going to new consciousness—one can heal and become whole back to the archive, to the traumatic event: “Why subject again. Anzaldúa’s path to recovering knowledge is through the dead to new dangers and to a second order of violence?” testimonio, in which she herself is the witness, testifying to (4–5). To look again at the archives, to open back up the cas- her own experiences of trauma: “testimonio is connected to ket or tomb, is to perform an excavation. The act of exam- conocimiento, as it allows one to enter the process of healing ining the wound can also be a re-wounding. Both Hartman through reflecting, recounting, and remembering the past” and Anzaldúa hope to repair something, to make whole (Huber 397). When one thinks of the word remembering, histories that cannot be told. Hartman looks at the sites of there is both a temporal and spatial or corporal aspect of the trauma: Ghana, the slave ship that she accesses through the word: recollection of past instances in the present, making archives, and herself. Anzaldúa identifies as sites of trauma the past present, and putting back together what has been the borderlands, but also explicitly identifies her own body fractured through these remembered instances. Conocimiento as a site. She uses the borderlands as a metaphor for her and testimonio create new possibilities for producing and body, and understands her body and mind as sites of trauma recovering knowledge that goes against dominant forms of and of memory that cannot be separated. These are sites knowing. of pain, but they are visited in order to understand something about the past that has not yet been articulated. Each What Hartman has examined about the writing of author attempts to articulate what has been lost through counter-histories and the act of looking once more at the creating counter-narratives. In the invention of the counter- past, reveals the damage done by Anzaldúa’s inclusion of narrative, something is gained, but questions still remain: is eugenicist archival material. A different psychic process is at work in Hartman—one of disillusionment and even of it “possible to generate a different set of descriptions from 83 84 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 for theirsupport. Trouillot, Michel.SilencingthePast:PowerandProduction of Sexton, Jared.“TheConsequence of RaceMixture:Racialised Mahmood, Saba.PoliticsofPiety:TheIslamicRevivalandthe Huber, LindsayPérez &BertMaríaCueva.“Chicana/Latina Hartman, SaidiyaV. “Venus inTwo Acts.”SmallAxe:ACaribbean Hartman, SaidiyaV. LoseYourMother:AJourneyalongtheAtlantic Foucault, Michel,andAlanSheridan.TheArchaeologyofKnowledge. Caruth, Cathy. “AnInterviewwithJeanLaplanche.”2001. Bacchetta, Paola.“Transnational Borderlands.GloriaAnzaldúa’s Anzaldúa, Gloria.Borderlands:TheNewMestiza=LaFrontera.San Works Cited Acknowledgements undermine thepossibilityofBlackliberation. historical narrativesofresistance,theirprojectswillserveto they are prone to reproduce them. Rather than writing non-Black historians,remainunawareofanti-Blacklogics, resistance cancause(re)wounding.Ifhistorians,especially be an actof resistance to exclusionary archives, but even historically specificwaystowomenofcolormayinitself accounts. To recognize that psychicviolenceisoccurring in order to generate future possibilities forprincipled historical tional resistancecanberecognizedineachoftheseworks to createcounter-histories, theworkofpsychictransna- in historiography. While violence is perpetuated in attempts it forcesustolookcriticallyandhonestlyatpowerdynamics ditional archivesisapsychicallygenerativedynamic,because disillusionment aboutthepossibilitiesofworkingwithtra- genocidal logicscanbeunwittinglyreproduced.Hartman’s with a critical lens like the one Hartman provides, anti-Black pessimism. Without scrutinizing the traditional archives History. Boston,Mass.:Beacon,1995. Barriers andthePoliticsofDesire.” SocialIdentities:241–75. Feminist Subject.Princeton,N.J.:PrincetonUP, 2005.Print. Equity &ExcellenceinEducation45:3:2012. Testimonios onEffectsandResponsestoMicroaggressions.” Journal ofCriticism:1–14. Slave Route.NewYork: Farrar, StrausandGiroux,2007.Print. New York: Pantheon,1972.Print. Aunt Lute,2010.109–126.Print. for theStudyofGloriaAnzaldúa,2007&2009.SanFrancisco: El MundoZurdo:SelectedWorksfromtheMeetingsofTheSociety Epistemologies ofResistanceandLesbians‘ofColor’inParis.” Francisco: Spinsters/AuntLute,1987.Print. I wouldliketothankSameraEsmeirandAlisaSanchez

Rethinking Respeto: The Sexual Politics of Respectability in Queer El Paso, Texas Victoria Sánchez, Adriana Estill, Constanza Ocampo-Raeder

Victoria Sánchez graduated from Carleton College with a BA the home and family. In this study, I explore how queer in women’s and gender studies in 2015. Her research interests Mexican-Americans perceive and navigate their sexuality in include technology and the body, sexuality, migration, materi- the border region of El Paso, Texas at a moment in which alism, posthumanism, U.S.-Mexico borderlands history after homosexual identities and practices are being normalized. 1846, and literary ethnography and poetics. Currently, she is Although social attitudes about homosexuality have liber- a first-year graduate student at the University of California, alized and same-sex marriage is now legalized in 37 states Santa Cruz pursuing a PhD in Latin American and Latino (Human Rights Campaign 2015), these benefits frequently studies. privilege a specific type of normative or homonormative queer subject.i In this paper, I argue that the interviewees in my study mobilized the rhetoric of respectability to dis- This study explores how queer identified Mexican- cuss the ways in which their identities and sexualities were Americans perceive and navigate their sexuality in the recognized and acknowledged in their communities. To border region of El Paso, Texas at a moment in which argue this, I show how the lexicon of respectability emerged homosexual identities and practices are being normalized. as a dominant theme in the interviews I conducted. More Utilizing feminist ethnographic research principles, I con- specifically, I demonstrate how the rhetoric of respectability ducted two months of fieldwork among queer Mexican- permeated the language my participants used when discuss- American men and women between the ages of 18–50, ing their perception of the existence of a queer community integrating methods of participant observation, informal in El Paso as well as their own membership within that conversations, and in-depth interviews. This paper is a short community. In this way, I suggest that the politics of respect- summary of my senior thesis exploring the following ques- ability, as enacted by the participants in my study, complicate tions: How are discourses of homonormativity translated Latino/Chicano analytical frameworks of respeto in the aca- into practices among the everyday lives of queer Mexican- demic literature to include non-normative sexualities. Americans in El Paso, Texas? How is homonormativity enacted in the particular spaces queer Mexican-Americans navigate in this city, a place outside of the urban milieu in Homonormativity and the Politics of Respectability which theoretical debates about homonormativity emerge? I Homonormativity is a theoretical framework that argue that although none of my informants was familiar with accounts for the privileging and assimilation of certain queer the term “homonormativity,” they mobilized the rhetoric of bodies into state projects. As feminist scholars remind us, not respectability to discuss the ways in which their identities all people who are oppressed on the basis of their sexuality and sexualities were recognized and acknowledged in their are oppressed in the same way (see among others Anzaldúa communities. 1987, Collins 1990). In other words, the boundaries of the socially acceptable queer subject have been established so “It’s getting better, I don’t think it’s where it could be that some queer people have been incorporated into state or it should be for the size of the city but it’s going in projects while queer life has become increasingly more pri- the right direction. Having seen what I’ve seen thus vatized and domesticated (see among others Warner 1999, far I’ve noticed it’s more out there. Homosexuality is Duggan 2003, Puar 2007, McRuer 2010). In the current more talked about, the community is getting a little context where transnational shifts in the political economy larger and more people are less afraid of coming have caused the deregulation and liberalization of mar- out. Especially with the recent push for equal rights, kets, queerness has become both an object of consumption you know same sex marriage, and all that didn’t exist 10 years ago, much less when I was in my early 20s. and a signification of the global visibility of queer identity Yeah you would hear about it in other countries but and culture in the global economy (Moghadam 2005: 22). not in the United States. . . . So you know we’ve Neoliberalism, including the diminishment of social ser- come a long way and as a community in El Paso vices, increased privatization, and free market fundamen- we’ve also taken baby steps.” talism, cannot be separated from cultural and political life. — Luis,i 45, interviewee By turning gays and lesbians into a “respectable” or “fit for assimilation” constituency, neoliberalism has enacted a new Introduction sexual politics or what historian Lisa Duggan refers to as homonormativity. According to Duggan, homonormativity Queer critics have been discussing homonormativity, is “a politics that does not contest dominant heteronormative or a turn toward the normalization of queer lives in the assumptions and institutions but upholds and sustains them U.S., including a turn of queer politics toward domestic- while promising the possibility of a demobilized constitu- ity and consumption (Duggan 2003:179). Imaginaries of ency and a privatized, depoliticized gay culture anchored in queer lives have left the bar, the bathhouse, and the lesbian domesticity and consumption (Duggan 2002: 179). periodical, only to be replaced by comfortable images of 85 86 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 (1991) havewritten abouttheirownexperiences asqueer Anzaldúa (1983), Cherrie Moraga (1983), and Carla Trujillo been writingtheirownstories. ScholarssuchasGloria living inElPaso? ity functionintheeverydaylivesofqueerChicanos/Latinos focus onlargemetropolitanareas,howdoeshomonormativ- navigate inElPaso?Asmoststudiesonhomonormativity tivity enacted intheparticularspacesMexican-Americans Mexican-Americans inElPaso,Texas? Howishomonorma- ity translatedintopractice among theeverydaylivesofqueer following questions:Howarediscoursesofhomonormativ- fieldwork inElPasoforthreemonths.Myresearchasksthe queer racializedbodiesinaparticularsite,Iconducted these homonormativediscoursesbecomeembodiedamong tions ofhomosexualityinElPaso.Inordertoexplorehow New Mexico,have,inpart,contributedtoshiftingpercep- legalization ofsame-sexmarriageintheneighboringstate push forgaymarriageacrossthecountry, especiallythe a 45-year-old gay-activist notes above, the visibility of the Family, Modern television showsdepictingqueerlifeanddesiresuchas my interviewees commonly referenced popular American discourses aretranslatedintopractice.InElPaso,manyof 1066). Therehavebeenfewworksthatlookathowthese normative powerongayliveseverywhere”(Brown2014: entity thatexistsoutsideallofusandexertsitsterrifying come toberepresentedasa“homogenous,globalexternal people. AsGavinBrownpointsout,homonormativityhas mativity isreproduced through the everyday practices of ularity inacademicwritings,itisstillunclearhowhomonor marriage andreproductivekinship. to anidentityalignedwithproductivitythroughsame-sex sexual radicalismtodeathviatheAIDScrisisof1980s 2012: 419)queeridentityshiftedfromanalignmentwith are gendered,white,middle-classandheterosexual,”(Joshi tive actsthatalignone’s behaviorswithsocialnormsthat politics ofrespectabilityconstitutedthrough“performa- cating heterosexuality (Castiglia 2012: 48). By enacting a their lives along cleaner, healthier lines that end up repli- “distance themselvesfromthetaintedpastandtostructure on the AIDS crisis of the 1980s, queer folks were urged to ized bya“carelessandadolescenthedonism”thatbrought took place.Inanefforttounrememberagaypastcharacter bathhouses, porn theaters, and other public spaces where sex who activelyengagedinasexualculturerepletewithbars, a gaypastcharacterizedbypleasure-seekingsexradicals ment toward same-sex marriage, the 1960sand1970swas Chicano/Latino/a SexualPractices andNotionsofRespeto Since the1980s,Chicanaand Latinalesbianshave While homonormativityasaconcepthasgainedpop- Prior tothereorientationofLGBTQmove- , andTheLWordThe NewNormal . AsLuis, - - ence. Situated in a historically Chicano/Mexicanarea, the of ethnic,national,linguistic, economicandsocialdiffer Paso’s unique locationprovidesapermanentcontact zone Chihuahua) andtwonations(United StatesandMexico),El Methods confines. the queercommunitywhodonotadheretoitsnarrow lized to police and marginalize Mexican-Americans within necessarily moreliberating,asthisnotionbecomesmobi- include same-sexdesire.Nevertheless,thisinclusionisnot respectability inElPasoareexpandingnotionsofrespeto to of same-sex marriage, the mobilization of the rhetoric of homosexuality arebeing influenced bynationaldiscourses reproductive health”(Garcia2012:28).Asperceptionsof themselves, particularlybytakingcareoftheirsexualand importance ofthehonorthatyoung womenbestow upon argues inherstudy, respeto wasredefinedto“emphasizethe will abideinamannerthatis“goodanddecent.”AsGarcia the family. Foryoungwomen,theexpectationisthatthey the avoidanceofthosebehaviorsthatcouldbringshameto explanations ofLatino/asexualpracticesdefinerespeto as tion practicesinLatinofamilies(Garcia2012:27).Cultural tural valueandfamilialfactorthatimpactsgendersocializa- respeto, orrespect,hastraditionallybeenunderstoodasacul - [respecting one’s self].Accordingtotheliteratureonrespeto , viewed toincludetheexpectationof“respetar asímisma ” respeto was redefined among the young women she inter Latinas inRespectYourself, ProtectYourself , Garciaarguesthat sified accordingtoaclassicvirgin/whoredichotomy. sexual purity. Inthisway, Chicana/Mexicanwomenareclas- Mexican/Chicana women, including feminine passivity and other hand,symbolizestheproperservilityandmodestyfor bine forHernanCortes.TheVirgin ofGuadalupe,onthe allegory becausesheservedasthetranslatorandconcu- or Malintzinandthebetrayalofherpeopleinnational (Zavella 2003:392).Here,referenceismadetoLaMalinche because ofthemythologizedactionsonetheirsex” based discourse,institutions,andeverydaypracticesinpart “submit tothesexualrepressionembeddedinCatholic the Mexicansexual/genderdiscoursewherewomenshould cultural configuration of honor and shameisoverlainonto shame (e.g.Alarcon,Zavella).AccordingtoZavella,the of Chicana/Mexicanasexualitywithregardstohonorand of sexualityhaveemphasizedthegenderedconstruction nist scholarsresearchingChicano/Mexicanconstructions same-sex sexualityremainsnearlyabsent.Chicanafemi- sex sexuality, empiricalworkonChicano/aandLatino/a there isawealthofcreativeworkonChicana/Latinasame- women ofcolorinsideandoutsidetheacademy. Although At thedisjunctureofthreestates (Texas, NewMexico, In LorenaGarcia’s studyonthesexualityofurban - - racial and ethnic composition of El Paso is 80% Hispanic what we have without respecting ourselves. We or Latino (U.S. Census Bureau 2010), making it a prime cannot change anything in our community without location to study cultural shifts in the Mexican-American valuing ourselves. and Mexican community, especially as it relates to queer Similar to Ignacio, other interviewees associated the Chicanos/Latinos who occupy untraditional spaces outside gay bars of Pride Square with immorality, drugs, and promis- of urban gay milieus such as New York or San Francisco. cuity. Respectability had its own spatial lexicon, including Utilizing feminist ethnographic research principles, I con- references to this space as “ghetto,” “trashy,” and “disease– ducted semi-structured formal in-depth interviews with ridden.” Thus respectability was aligned with a moral dis- 14 queer Mexican-American men and women ages 18–50. course associated with moral terms. Interviewees classified Interviews covered a wide range of questions but focused certain spaces such as Pride Square along moral lines, while on participants’ engagement and perceptions of gay spaces certain practices, including refraining from participating in in El Paso. Although participants opted to be interviewed these immoral spaces, were understood as particular prac- in English, participants spoke to me using a mix of Spanish tices that produce respectable queer subjects. Participants and English words. Interviewees identified under the queer enacting respectability through practices of self-correction, umbrella of identifications including gay, bisexual, and les- self-care, and behaviors classified as well mannered, under- bian.ii Overall, the majority of interviewees identified as stood this as an emancipatory act of liberation from the Latino/a, Mexican, Mexican-American or Hispanic. Eleven mainstream LGBTQ movement they perceived as “in your out of the fourteen participants lived in the middle- to face,” or flamboyant. Although the participants in my study lower-middle-class neighborhood of Sunset Heights. In frequently told me that they did not frequent these spaces, addition to conducting interviews, I participated in local participant observation indicated otherwise. During my events and LGBTQ activist spaces. Queer men for my study short stay there, many of the interviewees I worked with at were recruited after conducting participant observation for the Outright Center would attend Pride Square for after- several weeks at an LGBTQ center called the Outright work leisure and socialization. Center. Since activist spaces were primarily composed of queer men, queer women were recruited through queer No Pride in Being that Kind of Gay social media pages such as the Facebook page called the El Paso Lesbians. The queer men and women I interviewed often told me that there was nothing to be proud about embodying a Findings and Discussion queerness aligned with excessive flamboyance and participation in gay bar culture. Rather, drawing off of an assimila- Respectable Acts, Respectable Spaces tionist discourse, participants discussed particular practices and behaviors they deemed respectable in their community. Notions of homonormativity including sexual In addition to frequenting the gay bar, attending main- respectability complicate heteronormative frameworks of stream PRIDE parade events in El Paso was perceived as respeto in the academic literature. In other words, I found that being too “out there,” flamboyant and rowdy. Having or homosexuality was perceived as socially acceptable as long as showing excessive pride in one’s queer identity was marked queerness abided to the narrow confines of homonormativ- with a lack of education, low self-esteem, and associated ity or respectable ways of enacting queerness. Participants with a need for affirmation. Angelica best exemplifies this spoke of having and showing respect for oneself by behav- viewpoint, saying, ing in ways that were well-mannered and well- behaved in order to counteract the negative stereotypes associated with I am not happy with the gay community here. . . . homosexuality. When asked whether there were particular It’s really embarrassing to me. All they do is drink, gay spaces or events they disliked the most, twelve out of and party and hey all you biatches and hoes. You fourteen of my interviewees agreed that they disliked the gay know it’s sad that people don’t think more of them- bars of downtown El Paso in an area called Pride Square. selves and respect themselves and it’s also sad that Ignacio, 25, most clearly illustrated this belief: there is a fine line between pushing forward your agenda and making a clown of yourself . . . like the It’s very trashy I believe. I don’t want to say lower guys running around in pink feathers or panties on class, but it can be very ghetto. It’s not very con- their head or whatever because in my opinion, we servative in the sense that there is no such thing shouldn’t be trying to add to the circus or to let het- as having value for yourself. It’s very promiscuous. erosexuals believe the negative stuff they already do. There has to be a radical change in our mindsets as gay people or members of the LGBT community. Similar to Angelica, the participants in my study I think we need a revival when it comes to those described particular practices that produce respectable things in El Paso because I don’t think we can value queer subjects in the community. Practices such as having 87 88 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 the intimatepracticesofeveryday life. valuing andupholdingcertain typesofqueernessthrough defined andrigidforqueerness, participantsinmystudyare literature. Inhomonormativetimes, wherethescriptiswell predicated onheteronormative interactionsintheacademic lytical frameworksofrespeto, whichhavetraditionallybeen that homonormativityiscomplicatingChicano/Latinoana- of the rhetoric of respectability, my research also suggests as transgenderbodiesinElPaso.Throughthemobilization not abide by thenarrow confines of homonormativity such discourse alsoshapedattitudestowardqueerbodiesthatdid acknowledged intheircommunity. Ontheotherhand,this to highlight the ways theirsexualities and identities were rhetoric of respectability through theirdiscussion on space community. Ontheonehand,participantsmobilized the cially theirrelationshiptospaceandanimaginedqueer place asqueermembersoftheElPasocommunity, espe- ticipants mobilizedrhetoricofrespectabilitytodiscusstheir conducting fieldworkforthreemonths,Ifoundthatmypar reproduced throughtheeverydaypracticesofpeople.After Consequently, it is still unclear how homonormativity is entity exertingitsnormalizingforceonqueersubjects. become conceptualized as a homogenous, external global academic popularityinqueertheory, homonormativityhas Texas atthis particular historical moment. While gaining navigate theirsexualityintheborderregionofElPaso, to understandhowqueerMexican-Americansperceiveand ized intheUnitedStates,mainpurposeofmystudyis community. terms produced respectable, “good” queer subjects in the In theireyes,queernesswithintheconfinesofthesenarrow ation theyfeltfromthemainstreamLGBTQmovement. their communitiesandasawaytocounteractthealien- self-presentation asastrategytocombathomophobiawithin placed on presenting a well-mannered and well-behaved Conclusion panties,” aredevalued.AsSergiofurtherputit, partying, drinking, or “running around in pinkfeathers or or showingexcessivepublicprideinone’s queeridentity, As queernesshasbecomeincreasinglymoreliberal- Similar toSergioandAngelica,importancewas ior, youknow? there yet?Whatdoesthattellusaboutourbehav- experience youknow. Whyisitthatwearenot think verydifferentofgaypeoplebecauseitisby the populationandcommunityingeneralwould and wellmanneredthispersonis.I’mprettysure successful thispersonis,lookathowwellbehaved as membersofthegaycommunity We reallyneedtotakeafocusonhowothersseeus . Look athow - ______. 1983.LovingintheWar Years: Loquenuncapasoporsus Moraga, Cherrie.2011.“StillLovinginthe(Still)War Years/2009. Moghadam, Valentine M.2005.GlobalizingWomen: Transnational McRuer, and CulturalSignsofQueerness Robert.2006. CripTheory: Joshi, Yuvraj. 2012.“RespectableQueerness.”ColumbiaHuman Human RightsCampaign.2015.“MarriageCenter.” Retrieved Garcia, Lorena.2012.RespectYourself, ProtectYourself: Latina Duggan, Lisa.2002.“TheNewHomonormativity:TheSexual Collins, PatriciaH.1990.BlackFeministThought:Knowledge, Castiglia, ChristopherandReed.2011. Brown, Gavin.2012.“Homonormativity:AMetropolitanConcept Anzaldúa, Gloria.1987.Borderlands/La Frontera:TheNewMestiza. Bibliography/Works Cited Endnotes ii i labios. Boston:SouthEndPress. Consciousness. On KeepingQueerQueer.” InAXicanaCodexofChanging Press. Feminist Networks.BaltimoreMD:JohnHopkinsUniversity Disability. NewYork, NY: NewYork UniversityPress. Rights LawReview43(3):415–467. center). March 15,2015.(http://www.hrc.org/campaigns/marriage- University Press. Girls andSexualIdentity.NewYork andLondon:NewYork Press. a RevitalizedCulturalPolitics.Durham,NC:DukeUniversity Politics ofNeoliberalism.” Hyman. . Boston:Unwin Consciousness, andthePoliticsofEmpowerment Press. Promise oftheQueerPast.Minneapolis:MinnesotaUniversity GayMen,AIDSandthe Serves: “Introduction.” InIfMemory 59(7): 1065–1072. ofHomosexuality that Denigrates‘Ordinary’GayLives.”Journal San Francisco:AuntLuteBooks. I amemployingqueerhereasatermthatincludesindividualswho All namespresentedherearepseudonyms. this umbrella. of thediversewaysmyinformantsself-identifiedtheirsexualityunder meant. Thusmyuseofthetermqueerhereisanefforttobeinclusive refer tothemselvesasqueer, nordidtheynotunderstandwhattheterm edge thatduringthecourseoffieldworkthoseintervieweddidnot non-heterosexual ornon-normativesexualitiesandgenders.Iacknowl- identify asgay, lesbian,andbisexualaswellonawidespectrumof Duke UniversityPress. In MaterializingDemocracy:Toward

Moraga, Cherrie, and Gloria Anzaldúa, eds. 1983. This Bridge Called My Back: Writings by Radical Women of Color. 1981. 2nd ed. New York: Kitchen Table/Women of Color Press.

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Rodriguez, Juana Maria. 2003. Queer Latinidad: Identity Practices, Discursive Spaces. New York: New York University Press.

Trujillo, Carla. 1991. Chicana Lesbian: The Girls Our Mothers Warned Us About. Berkeley, CA: Third Woman Press.

Warner, Michael. 1999. The Trouble with Normal: Sex, Politics, and Ethics of Queer Life. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Zavella, Patricia. 2003. “‘Playing With Fire’: The Gendered Construction of Chicana/Mexicana Sexuality.” In Perspectives on Las Americas: A Reader in Culture, History, and Representation, edited by Matthew Gutmann, Felix Matos, Lynn Stephen, and Patricia Zavella, 229–244. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing.

Editor’s note: Since receipt of the original manuscript, same-sex marriage became legal in all 50 states per the U.S. Supreme Court ruling in Obergefell v. Hodges.

89 The Effects of Floods on Educational Attainment for Young Children in Bangladesh Claudia Vargas, Hunter College (CUNY)

Claudia is currently a senior enrolled in the BA/MA program Studies of such post-disaster losses are relevant in economics and the BA program in mathematics at Hunter because it is important to analyze the medium- and long- College, CUNY, in New York, where she is also a teaching term consequences of natural disasters. It is more so if we, assistant for the course Fundamentals of Macroeconomics. as society, remember that climate change is expected to raise She is a Mellon Mays scholar and is also participating in the sea levels and increase the frequency, magnitude, and sever- LSAMP program which is sponsored by NSF. She also holds ity of natural disasters such as flooding (Chu 2014). Usually, an internship with Welfare Rights Initiative (WRI), an orga- support and resources are targeted to the immediate relief nization that works to ensure that everybody has the right of natural disasters. Unfortunately, the medium- and long- to education. She is deeply concerned with, and has developed term consequences of natural disasters are ignored most of her research around, issues concerning developing countries. the time by policy makers and disaster relief agencies around Specifically, she has researched the impact of economic crises on the word. In fact, we do not have a precise knowledge of long-term educational achievement. After she completes her those consequences on the most vulnerable populations and BA/MA, Claudia plans to pursue a PhD in development the different forms in which those consequences are mani- economics and international relations. fested. The situation is even worse in developing countries that are prone to suffer from natural disasters (Kahn 2005). In some cases, the natural disaster in question has to be This paper aims to understand the medium- and out of the ordinary or devastating to be mentioned in the long-term schooling consequences associated with exposure international media and to attract meaningful international to flooding early in life for young people living in rural disaster relief. This is the case in Bangladesh, which is a areas of Bangladesh. This project takes advantage of the low-lying country routinely affected by floods. Barker hypothesis and the random nature of flooding. Since time-of-birth and flooding are assumed to be random, this Research on the effects of natural disasters has typi- paper analyzes whether exposure to floods around the time cally focused on the short-term direct consequences of such of birth has an impact on the number of years of education disasters. Recently, researchers have discovered evidence children achieve. Those children affected by floods are that medium- and long-term, as well as indirect, conse- regarded as the “treatment” group. Likewise, those chil- quences of natural disasters may outnumber the short-term dren who were not affected are regarded as the “control” direct consequences of natural disasters in scope as well as in group. This paper controls for different factors to ensure costs. For instance, Anttila-Hughes et al. (2013) found that, that, roughly, the only difference between the two groups is in the Philippines, the instant post-typhoon damages and whether or not either group was affected by floods around loss of life outnumbered unearned income and additional the time of birth. The difference in the number of years of infant deaths by approximately 15 to 1. education attained should be regarded as a consequence of the exposure to floods during the time of birth. This paper There is a substantial body of evidence about the finds that exposure to floods in the second trimester of effects of complications during the time of pregnancy on pregnancy and in the first and second trimester after birth people’s desirable outcomes later in life. Particularly with have a significant and negative effect on the number of years respect to cognitive outcomes, Talge et al. (2007) found that of education attained. The effect is stronger for males than if a mother is stressed during pregnancy, her child is more for females. likely to have emotional or cognitive problems. Likewise, Bergman et al. (2007) found that prenatal stress significantly affected the cognitive ability and behavioral fearfulness of Introduction children born in Chelsea Hospital, London between 2001 and 2005. The consequences of natural disasters range from direct physical damage to long-term associated conse- In utero malnutrition or other complications cause quences (Brookshire et al. 1997). Floods are one of the most the fetus to shift blood and nutrients from vital organs devastating of all natural disasters potentially experienced to the brain. This diversion is an attempt to protect the by society. In 2013, 33% of the victims of natural disasters fetus and improve the chances for survival (Brenseke et were victims of floods (Guha-Sapir 2014). Post-disaster al. 2013). According to the “fetal origins hypothesis” or losses associated with natural disasters are being overlooked “Barker hypothesis,” that diversion leaves certain organs because they are not easily observable. Consequently, the preprogrammed for failure in later life (Osmond and Barker The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2 015 majority of current efforts are concentrated to mitigate con- 2000). Among others, Landrigan et al. (2005) present a com- spicuous and/or sudden natural disasters (Anttila-Hughes et pilation of several studies which provide evidence about the al. 2013).

90 effect of “early environmental origins on neurodegenerative Guiteras et al. (2013) found evidence that, in diseases in later life” (1230). Bangladesh, exposure to abnormal floods at the time of birth or in utero leads to an increase in stunting on the There exists compelling evidence on the validity of order of 1–2% and an overall decline in standard measures the Barker hypothesis. Moreover, scholars have found indi- of height-for-age among children less than 5 years of age. cation that the negative effects of exposure to harmful or This study tests whether that negative effect persists and if stressful situations early in life are not limited to prenatal schooling is affected as well. Potential strain on education exposure. For instance, Stein et al. (1999) found that respira- could represent a significant extra cost which is associated tory tract illnesses in early childhood (up to three years old) with environmental impacts in Bangladesh and other flood- are associated with the subsequent atopic status at age 11. prone developing countries. Such costs will be exacerbated Studies such as this one are trying to examine whether expo- as climate change increases the frequency and severity of sure to hazardous conditions during pregnancy and early flooding over South Asia (Brecht 2012). in life have negative consequences on other desirable outcomes, such as future health status and educational attain- Data Description ment, in addition to long-term chronic disease risk. For that reason, this study analyzes the educational outcomes of Flood Data exposure to flooding during pregnancy and six months after birth in rural Bangladesh. Flood data is calculated from satellite observations of surface reflectance taken from the Moderate-Resolution Bangladesh Imaging Spectroradiometer (MODIS) instruments operated by NASA. These data are available from the year 2000 until Bangladesh is a low-lying country with poorly pro- now at 250m x 250m resolution. MODIS provides an obser- tected land inhabited by a large population. Flooding is one vation every 16 days, the time the satellite takes to go back of the most devastating natural hazards that continuously to the same point over the planet. affects Bangladesh, the coastal region being particularly vulnerable since it is located in the path of tropical cyclones Socioeconomic Data (Karim and Mimura 2008). Flooding in South Asia is pri- This study uses the 2007 and 2011 rounds of the marily driven by the South Asian monsoon. Bangladesh’s Bangladesh Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS). shape (wide and shallow) and the funneling shape of its coast These surveys provide information at the household make it a particularly flood-prone area. In fact, that kind of and individual level. These surveys ask questions related natural disaster has occurred several times in the past and to education, among others, to individuals 5 years old and has taken the lives of thousands of people (Emdad Haque older. 1997). The well-known Bangladesh vulnerability and the predicted increases in sea level due to climate change have Population of Interest made flooding in Bangladesh, and other flood-prone areas, a major policy concern (Field 2012). Since flood data is available just from the year 2000 and forward, our population of interest, using the DHS- The level of education of rural children in Bangladesh 2007 survey, is children 5 to 7 years old. Likewise, our has been traditionally low. Many areas do not offer second- population of interest, using the DHS-2011 survey, is 5- to ary school, and the quality of instruction in primary school 11-year-old children who lived in rural areas in Bangladesh. needs a lot of improvement. In many cases, education is The sample population provided by those surveys is of 6,359 just for those families that can afford to send their children children. to town. Unfortunately, that remains out of reach for most families. People living in rural areas of Bangladesh are Methods particularly vulnerable to poor conditions of life in general. Most of the people inhabiting rural areas in Bangladesh Measure of Flood Extent do not have the resources necessary to prepare in advance for natural disasters to prevent or diminish their negative For the current statistical purpose, I wish to look his- consequences. To summarize, flooding in Bangladesh is torically at the exact timing of floods. I follow the Sakamoto decreasing the standard of life of people living in rural method (2009), which provides a measure of percentage of areas. area flooded. That measure (DVEL) is constructed by the difference between the index of surface covered by water (LSWI) and the index of vegetation (EVI) as follows:

91 92 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 I use the birth month fixed-effect variable. In addition to the I usethebirthmonth fixed-effectvariable.Inaddition tothe for theseasonalityofmonsoons thataffectthiscountry, a specificyearusingthebirth year fixedeffect.To control ticularly higherorlower. Iisolatetheeffectofbeingborn in some years,thelevelofflooding inthecountrycanbepar levels ofeducationifcompared tootherareas.Likewise, of its people, for anyreason, tend to attain higher (or lower) able alsocontainstheeffectoflivinginanareawheremost particular areausingaclustervariablefixedeffect.Thisvari- to flooding;therefore,Iisolatetheeffectofbeingbornina of theirgeographiclocation,someareasaremoresusceptible of exposuretofloodingaroundtheirtimebirth.Because that bothgroupsdiffer, roughly speaking,onlyonthelevel cation attainment,Icontrolforaseriesoffactorstoensure (control group). by floods(treatmentgroup)withchildrenwhowerenot pare childrenthataroundtheirtimeofbirthwereaffected In thissense,isanaturalexperiment:theideatocom- flooding, exposuretofloodingisregardedasa“treatment.” dard deviationfromthemean.Usingrandomnatureof were normalized,andIanalyzetheeffectofdeviating1stan- and 1meansthattheareawastotallyflooded. These indexes for each trimester, from 0 to 1, where 0 means no flooding structed 5indexesofthepercentageareaflooded,one before achildwasborn,and2trimestersafterthat.Icon- birth for each individual, trimester by trimester, 3trimesters what percentageofthatareawasfloodedaroundthetime establishing theplacewhereachildwasborn,Idetermine ment sincechildrendonotchoosetheirdateofbirth.After area floodedforperiodsofapproximately3months. diminish thecloudinterference,Itooksimpleaveragesof to identifysurfaceproperties is limitedbycloud cover. To to visibleandinfra-redlight,thepracticeofusingimages age oftheclusterareawasflooded.Ascloudsareimpervious by date,thatrangesfrom0to1determinewhatpercent- Econometric AnalysisoftheImpactFlooding ρ NIR: LSWI: BLUE: ReflectanceofBlue RED: EVI: SWIR: :

Land SurfaceWater Index.ApproximateMeasureofBlueness Intensity oflightataparticularwavelength Reflectance ofRed Enhanced Vegetation Index Short Wave Infra-Red Near Infra-Red In order tomeasure the effectofflooding on edu- I expectfloodingtobeanexogenousrandomtreat- The DVELprovidesusanindex,byclusterareaand - (OLS) asfollows: The modelisestimatedusingOrdinaryLeastSquares flood exposure during the 5 trimesters referenced above. education ofchildreninsingleyearsasalinearfunction affected byfloodswithchildrenwhowerenot. paring childrenwho,wheninuteroorjustafterbirth,were level ofeducation,religion,andbirthorder. education achievedbychildren:gender, motherandfather’s economic variablesthatarewellknowntoaffectthelevelof mentioned fixed-effectvariables,Icontrolforsomesocio- Results ofAnalysis (see Figure 1). (see Figure1). dent malesarelikelytobeaffected byfloodsmoreseverely weaker than female fetuses (Catalano et al. 2005); it is evi- effect inmalesreaffirmsthepremise thatmalefetusesare ger for males than for females (see Table 1). The stronger effect forfemalesdisappears.Therefore, theeffectisstron- females, thenegativeeffectinmalespersists,butsame floods. Whentheregressionisrunseparatelyformalesand cation comparedtotheirpeerswhowerenotaffectedby affected byfloodsattained,onaverage,feweryearsofedu- people in Bangladesh. It seems thatchildrenwho were the numberofyearseducationattainedforruralyoung trimesters afterbirth,haveasignificantnegativeeffecton second trimester of pregnancy and in the first and second a positive(ornegative)effectasexpected.Floods,inthe : : : : : : : : The fixed-effectsstrategyusedmeansthatIamcom- All thecontrolvariablesaresignificantandhave :

Individual Average percentageofareafloodedinatrimester Year interview Error term Cluster fixedeffect Vector ofcontrols Cluster Birth yearfixedeffect Education ofthechildinsingleyears the second,soonandforthuntilt second trimesterafteranindividualwasborn. Trimester. t -3 isthefirsttrimesterofpregnancy. t • Birth Order Birth • Religion • Education Father • Education Mother • Gender • Vector ofcontrols:

+2, which is the +2, whichisthe I modelthe -2 is -2 is

Conclusions prevent long-term negative effects. Specifically, it appears that the stress caused by being exposed to flooding around Vulnerability is a key factor in risk assessment, man- the time of birth has a negative cognitive effect which is agement, prevention, and adequate strategic planning. Most translated, later on, to the number of years of education research evaluating the effects of natural hazards focuses rural children in Bangladesh achieved. This effect is evident on the short, direct effect of such phenomena. Lately, evi- when children affected by floods around their time of birth dence has been presented about the indirect, medium-, and are compared to children who were not affected by floods. long-term negative consequences of those disasters. Such research shows that, sometimes, the indirect, medium-, The results of this study are of special importance, and long-term negative consequences of natural disasters since people living in rural areas in Bangladesh suffer, in may in fact outnumber the negative consequences of the general, from particularly low conditions of life and natural more immediate observable consequences. That evidence disasters, which are beyond their control and for which is suggesting that even though they are not easily observ- they do not have the resources to prepare in advance and able, post-disaster losses must be assessed with the aim of diminish their negative consequences and are even more providing scientific evidence of vulnerability to help create worsening their conditions. It is well known that human adequate policies to mitigate or even prevent adverse conse- capital is one of the most important resources to improve quences associated with natural disasters. one’s quality of life. It seems that in rural Bangladesh even the possibility to overcome adversity by taking advantage of This paper shows evidence that in rural Bangladesh, one’s human capital is being systematically undermined just pregnant women and recently born children should be because this is a poor, flood-prone country. provided with specialized care in the event of flooding to

All Male Women First trimester (t–3) 0.080 –0.282 0.431 (0.274) (0.381) (0.432) Second trimester (t–2) –0.419+ –0.326 –0.555 (0.251) (0.352) (0.385) Third trimester (t–1) –0.305 –0.664+ –0.174 (0.248) (0.347) (0.383) 0–3 months (t+1) –0.442+ –0.788* –0.221 (0.247) (0.344) (0.382) 4–6 months (t+2) –0.461+ –0.570 –0.493 (0.280) (0.391) (0.430) R–squared 0.461 0.428 0.486

N 6359 3245 3114 S.E. in parenthesis p<0.10,* p<0.05,** p<0.01

Table 1. Results

First-trimester pregnancy (t–3)

Second-trimester pregnancy (t–2)

Third-trimester pregnancy (t–1)

0–3 months (t+1)

4–6 months (t+2) –1.5 –1 –.5 0 .5

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Jiemin (Tina) Wei is a senior at Princeton University, major- in the fourth century A.D. which went against these trends. ing in philosophy and earning certificates in Hellenic studies Although Christianity was growing in its influence in the and values and public life. Focused on the fields of history of Roman Empire, Emperor Julian, also known as “Julian philosophy, history of ideas, and intellectual history, her schol- the Apostate,” was notable for turning his back against arship primarily seeks new ways to think about the relationship Christianity. Overturning many policies which preceded between identities, race, gender, and canonicity. Her independent him, Julian began reviving pagan religions and institut- research has included Pascal’s Wager, musical training in Plato’s ing anti-Christian measures. In these policies, Julian used Republic, gender and travel in Francis Bacon’s philosophy of religion as “an object of political and educational pagan science, and a history of self-help—from Samuel Smiles to today. restoration.” To combat Julian’s measures, Christians fought for their intellectual, political, and religious influence under the leadership of the three great Cappadocians, who were The historical period of Late Antiquity (A.D. 150– the authoritative church fathers. This event marked a time 750) was a key transitional moment from the Classical civ- of “higher cultural aspirations,” in which both sides waged ilizations of Greece and Rome to the Medieval Era in the a battle “to take over cultural and intellectual leadership,” West. Some have argued that this era of transition bore and to authoritatively establish the Empire’s Paideia; i.e., witness to key contests between the waning Greek tradition the society’s educational and cultural upbringing. The con- and the emerging Christian tradition, as each attempted to cept of “Paideia,” traditionally used to describe the ancient establish itself as the intellectual authority in the Roman Greek tradition of learning, became the model by which Empire. Some have argued that Emperor Julian’s policies both sides sought to assert their influence. Both emphasized in the fourth century A.D. to diminish Christian influ- their tradition of learning and argued for its superiority ence actually galvanized the Christians, who eventually suc- (Jaeger 72–73, 137). Jaeger’s argument about the contest cessfully secured their tradition’s intellectual dominance. between Greek and Christian learning in this moment in the The concept of “Paideia,” traditionally used to describe the fourth century A.D. is that the pressures exerted by Julian’s ancient Greek tradition of learning, became the model by policies actually galvanized the Christians to fight for their which both sides sought to assert their influence. The major intellectual influence, allowing them to subsequently secure flaw of these arguments was that there was not any specific their position of cultural and scholarly domination, which evidence for this claim. In my paper, I explore a specific “exercised a lasting influence on the history and culture of case study by comparing two documents that shed light on the later centuries down to the present day” (Jaeger 75). this key moment in history: Emperor Julian’s “Rescript on Teachers” and Basil of Caesarea’s “To Young Men, on How The major flaw of Jaeger’s grandiose argument was They Might Derive Profit from Pagan Literature.” I argue that he did not provide any specific evidence for this claim.i that the latter successfully responded to the former, thereby In my paper, I discuss a specific case study comparing two establishing the authority of the Christian tradition over the documents that shed light on this key moment in history: Greek tradition. Emperor Julian’s “Rescript on Teachers” from 362 A.D. and Basil of Caesarea’s famous work “To Young Men, on Since Peter Brown published his field-defining book, How They Might Derive Profit from Pagan Literature,” The World of Late Antiquity, the historical period of Late thought to have been written in Basil’s old age (Deferrari Antiquity, defined roughly from A.D. 150 to 750, has been 365). Although these two documents are not necessarily regarded as a fascinating field of study. Serving as the key responding directly to one another, they are addressing transitional moment from the Classical civilizations of roughly the same issue, at roughly the same time. They are Greece and Rome to the Medieval Era in the West, this offering competing arguments regarding the dominance of period tracked both major continuities and discontinuities the Greek versus the Christian tradition of learning, with the in the historical progression which were crucial for under- former arguing that Christians cannot be allowed to teach standing how the modern Western world subsequently the Greek Paideia and the latter arguing that Christians developed. One major site for the contest between things should teach the Greek Paideia. In reading the two docu- that would persist and those that would change was in the ments in conversation with one another, I argue that Basil’s intellectual and religious arenas. treatise successfully responds to Julian’s challenges, thereby establishing the authority of the Christian tradition over the One work which addresses these complex interactions Greek tradition, incorporating the traditional Greek Paideia between Greek and Christian learning in the Mediterranean into an emerging Christian Paideia, and subjecting the for- world in this period is Early Christianity and Greek Paideia mer to the authority of the latter. by Werner Jaeger. While giving a sweeping account of the broad arcs of the disruptions in Classical Greek learning Julian and Basil serve as particularly good coun- terpoints to one another. Emperor Julian was raised in a and the rise of Christianity, Jaeger paused to note an event 95 96 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 simply toconferuponstudents academicknowledge—they kind ofmoral to providepeople(or, morelikely, men)withthe correct road” (Basil379). with humanaffairs,sothat[hecould]indicatethesafest in hislife—hewasnowoldage—“made[him]conversant the educationofyoungmenbecausehismanyexperiences was inaparticularlygoodpositiontoadjudicateregarding way to turn” (Julian 62). Likewise, Basil indicated that he cation were“boyswhoarestilltooignoranttoknowwhich ple whowouldespeciallybenefitfromthepropermoraledu- teach, butnotpunish,thedemented.”The“demented”peo- moral education. Julian wrote that “weought, I think, to roads todescribethesituationofgivingayoungperson soul. Thesetwomenemployedthesameanalogyofforking for them was theproper education of the young person’s cultural domination.Rather, itseemedthatwhatwasatstake Jaeger’s claims, seemed less immediately concerned with of the utmost importance. These documents, contrary to education forcenturiestocome”(Jaeger81). all Christianhigher 371). Itwouldserveas“thecharterof “history of education” and was widely circulated (Deferrari have originatedasaspeech,hadlastingsignificanceinthe 63 editor’s footnote).Likewise,Basil’s treatise,whichmay Greek works Christianswerenotallowedtoteach(Julian this lawthattheywroteChristianliteraturetoreplace the 137). Additionally, someChristiansweresoinfuriatedby the imperialgovernmentenforcedforsometime(Jaeger the GreekPaideiaandwasawidelyinfluentiallawthat teaching was anofficialedictwhichbannedChristiansfrom between Christianity and the Greek Paideia. Julian’s rescript marking a key juncture in the history of the relationship their youth(Bowersock64). having both received a classical Greek education there in been “formerfellow-student[s]fromthedaysinAthens,” 330–379 A.D.Itwassuggestedthattheymightevenhave poraries, withJulianliving 330–363A.D.,andBasilliving pagan classics(Jaeger75).Thetwomenwereroughcontem- was wellknownthatBasilreceivedrigoroustraininginthe rhetorician asoneofthethreerenownedCappadocians.It of CaesareawouldeventuallybecomeafamousChristian named Mardonius(Bowersock23–24).Bycontrast,Basil education, since he was taught pagan classics by a eunuch tures. Therootsofthiscouldlikelyhavebeenfoundinhis away fromChristianitytowardthepaganreligionsandcul- known asJuliantheApostatebecausehefamouslyturned authoritative bishopofNicomedia.However, hewasalso Christian courtandtaughtbyEusebius,thefamous Both menconsideredittobea keytaskofeducation Both documents took the task of education to be These twodocumentswerebothquiteinfluential, upbringing. Assuch,neitherman wassatisfied that oneshouldusethepagan worksasakindofcrutch perhaps themostimportantargument thatBasilmadewas sition and sought to address their concerns. To this end, ments appearedtobeverysensitive tothisChristianoppo- works intoaChristiancurriculum (Jaeger80).Basil’s argu- suspicious ofBasil’s opennesstowardincorporatingpagan ple inBasil’s Christiancommunitywhowereskepticaland and discard the bad components. There were many peo needed toincorporatethegoodcomponentsofpaganworks publically profess”(Julian61). “harbor in theirsouls opinions irreconcilablewith what they Christians, to teach the Greek Paideia was for them to he concludedthatforpeoplebefittinghisdescription,i.e., the godswhom[the pagan writers]used to honour.” Thus, who expoundtheworksof[pagan]writersshoulddishonor name, Julianwrotethathethought“itisabsurdmen directing his attention at Christians, without speaking their he consideredChristianstobesuchunfitteachers.Clearly ple receivingandenforcingtherescripttounderstandthat writing as if hedidnotneed to explicitly state itfor the peo- portion ashefailstobeanhonestman.”Julianseemed teaches hispupilanother . . fails toeducateexactly in pro- Paideia. Hearguedthat“aman[who]thinksonethingand he wasintendingtobarChristiansfromteaching the Greek tioned Christiansonceinpassing),theimplicationwasthat not directly addressed to Christians (indeed, it only men- and evil, honourable and base.”Although the rescript was that hasunderstandingandtrueopinionsaboutthingsgood in ahealthyconditionofmind,” which hedefinedas“a mind laboriously acquiredsymmetryofphrasesandlanguage,but forth the premise that “a proper education results, not in footnote). Julianmadeonekeyargumentativemove.Heput to apagancurriculumunderJulian’s rule(Julian61editor’s Greek Paideiainimperialschools,whichhadswitchedover what wasatstakeforhimthesalvationofpeople’s souls. the religiouslife.HewastryingtoshapeagoodChristian; (Basil 429–433).ForBasil,themorallifeappearedtoalsobe soul’s longjourneythrough“thatandagelesseternity” life, hetoldthem,theirtaskwastopreparefortheimmortal they wouldacquire“travelsupplies”foralongjourney. In “virtues” via apropermoralandreligious education theway deal ofknowledge.He“exhorts”theyoungmentoacquire Basil thoughteducationwastaskedwithinculcatingagreat for himwastheproperfunctioningofhisempire.Similarly, He wastryingtoshapeagoodcitizen.Whatatstake the morallifeappearedtoalsobeproperpoliticallife. ical philosophyistheirpeculiarfield”(Julian61).ForJulian, the useofwords,butmoralsalso,andtheyassertthatpolit- good teachers“teach,inadditiontootherthings,notonly also wantedtoconferacertainlifestyle.Julianwrotethat Basil’s treatisearguedthattheChristianeducation Julian’s rescriptforbadeChristiansfromteachingthe - for understanding Christianity. He wrote that, ideally, “the Having examined the two sides of the debate, we see Holy Scriptures [would] lead the way” in providing a proper that Basil’s robust arguments pretty resoundingly defeated religious education, by “teaching us through mysteries.” Julian’s single argument. Julian’s argument depended not so However, “it [would be] impossible” for the young person, much on the Christians being Christians, but depended on due to his youth, “to understand the depth of the meaning” the notion that one could not teach texts that contradicted of the Holy Scripture. Thus, “in the meantime,” we needed with one’s views without being dishonest to oneself or the to give the youth their religious education “by means of student. There was an additional option that one could other analogies which are not entirely different.” These take in reconciling a mismatch between the teacher’s beliefs analogies would serve as “a preliminary training” for the and the text’s arguments: reinterpret and reappropriate the “care of our soul” so that eventually we would come to know text’s arguments. Julian briefly considered this option in the deep, complex meaning of Holy Scriptures (Basil 383– his rescript when he wrote that it would be “absurd” for 385). This argument responded to the concerns voiced by people who did not believe in pagan gods to teach the writ- the Christian opposition about Basil’s open attitude toward ings inspired by those gods, while “dishonor[ing]” those the Greek Paideia because it clearly established a limited gods (Julian 61). However, this was precisely the approach purpose for the teaching of pagan writings in Christian that Basil took in incorporating the pagan Paideia into the curriculums. Christian Paideia.

In addition to the above argument, Basil gave the One might think of Basil’s argument as a systematic reader many guidelines in deciding what constituted evil account of how one could (and, he argues, should) disam- pagan works, which had to be avoided in a Christian curric- biguate the bad parts of a previous tradition from the good ulum, and what constituted good pagan works, which had to in order to incorporate the good parts into a new tradition, be included. Regarding the avoidance of the evil literature, subjugating the former to the authority of latter. Both in his Basil noted that one had to avoid all depictions of “men arguments and in his frequent allusions to the pagan liter- engaged in amours or drunken, of when they define happi- ature, Basil’s text is a masterful demonstration of how such ness in terms of an over-abundant table to dissolute song.” It incorporation and subjugation of previous traditions was to was of the utmost priority that the youth avoid the bad liter- be accomplished. Structurally in his argument, the pagan ature because “familiarity with evil words [is] a road leading tradition was subsumed into the Christian tradition via his to evil deeds” (Basil 387–389). Regarding the embrace of first and most important argument, which I call the “crutch” the good literature, Basil wrote that “it is possible . . . for argument. By articulating a compelling vision in which the those . . . pursuing not merely what is sweet and pleasant in pagan tradition could be cut up and used only to the extent it such [pagan] writings to store away from them some benefit could serve the purposes of the Christian tradition, Basil, also for their souls.” Most importantly, Basil emphasized indeed, insured that the pagan tradition would survive the that it was possible to simultaneously embrace the bad and death of pagan society. However, this arrangement allowed reject the good in one’s engagement with pagan literature. the pagan tradition to live a kind of post-death existence, He argued, “if we are wise, having appropriated from this surviving not as a continuation of its own tradition, per se, literature what is suitable for us and akin to the truth, [we but as the disarticulated and reappropriated building blocks would] pass over the remainder” of the literature (Basil 391). for a new tradition.

Basil offered us one final argument. Even though we The complicated relationship between Julian’s could distinguish between keeping the good pagan litera- rescript and Basil’s treatise that I present above brings to ture and discarding the bad, the good pagan literature we light many questions regarding continuity and discontinuity kept, beautiful as it was, would still pale in comparison to as historical processes. Regarding Basil’s willful reappropri- Christian teachings. He compared the relative goodness of ation of the pagan tradition, we (especially from an impre- good pagan literature to Christian literature by providing cise, contemporary gaze) might see this, at first glance, as an analogy to vegetation. He argued that just as “beautiful an instance of continuity. Just like many other instances of fruit” often wore leaves that “furnishes both protection to continuity, the Christian theologians drew from traditions the fruit and an aspect not devoid of beauty,” so, too, was and practices that came before them in order to forge ahead “the fruit of the soul,” i.e., truth, “clad with the certainly not with new traditions and practices. On the other hand, after unlovely raiment . . . of wisdom drawn from the outside,” we examine the fourth-century A.D. context out of which i.e., pagan literature. In other words, even if pagan litera- we identified Julian and Basil’s documents, we see that this ture was not quite as beautiful, true, or deep as Christian was a time of great discontinuity, in which both Julian and literature, it could still possess its lesser forms of beauty, Christians opposed the Christian teaching of pagan works. truth, and depth that serve as a complement and support for Given these details, we might think of this scenario as one Christian truth. in which a seeming continuity (the preservation of pagan 97 98 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 tenance extendedtoitbyChristianity, viaBasilofCaesarea. it doesnotsurviveinitsownright,butdependsonthesus- Simon, Bart.“UndeadScience:MakingSenseofColdFusion Julian. “Julian:theRescriptonTeachers, 362.”Creeds, Councils Jaeger, Werner. EarlyChristianityandGreek Paideia.Cambridge: Deferrari, RoyJ.,andMartinR.P. McGuire.“PrefatoryNote.” Brown, Peter. TheWorld ofLateAntiquity.London:Thamesand Bowersock, G.W. JuliantheApostate.Cambridge:Harvard Basil theGreat.“To Young Men,onHowTheyMightDerive Works Cited Endnotes kind of“post-mortem”survival purposes? Perhaps,asIdescribeabove,paganexperiencesa already, inLateAntiquity, remadepaganismfortheirown tion “continuing”intotheChristianeraifChristianshad notion of continuity. Can we really speak of the pagan tradi- are metwiththequestionofhowwetoconceive works, viaJulian’s rescript).Inaddition,inthiscase,we porary discontinuationoftheChristianteachingpagan works) emergedoutofatimediscontinuity(thetem- ii i Web. After theArti(fact).”SocialStudiesofScience29(1999):61–85. Publishing, 1989.61–62.Print. and Controversies.Ed.JamesStevenson.NewYork: SPCK Belknap Press,1965.Print. Harvard UniversityPress,1926.Pagerangeofentry. 365–376. Saint Basil:TheLetters.Trans. RoyJ.Deferrari.Cambridge: Hudson, 1971.Print. University Press,1978.Print. 378–435. Print. Roy J.Deferrari.Cambridge:HarvardUniversityPress,1926. Profit fromPaganLiterature.”SaintBasil:TheLetters.Trans. Although itisnotexactlythesameidea,IwasinspiredbyBartSimon’s This waslikelyduetothefactthatthisworkoriginallygivenasa After theArti(fact),”SocialStudiesofScience29(1999):61–85. existence. BartSimon,“UndeadScience:MakingSenseofColdFusion notion of“undeadscience”inthinkingaboutpaganism’s post-death lecture, andwasthusmoreschematicinitsargumentation. ii inLateAntiquity, inwhich Early 2000s Dancehall, Hip-hop and R&B Collaborations and Audio-Visual Politics of Resistance Melanie White, University of Pennsylvania

Melanie White graduated from the University of Pennsylvania (Gilroy 1993 and Perry 2004). Placing the debate of African in May 2015 and is originally from Miami, Florida. Her retentions and the African aesthetic origins of hip-hop aside, research interests include Black social movements in Central the linkage between Black American hip-hop and R&B and America and the Caribbean, cultural and aesthetic politics of Caribbean dancehall is still a logical one, given the social resistance, and Black Central American identity formation. and structural conditions that led to their similar origins Currently, Melanie is a first-year African and African Diaspora and formats as well as the influence that both have come studies PhD student at the University of Texas at Austin. to have on each other over time. This is less to say that hip-hop is part of a larger Afro-Atlantic culture and more to say that the formation of hip-hop cannot be separated In the late 1980s and early 1990s, Jamaican dance- from the formation of what are considered distinctly Afro- hall artists like Chaka Demus and Pliers and Shabba Ranks Caribbean music genres. Their similar origins point to the reached major international success. In the U.S. during the fact that dancehall, hip-hop, and R&B are not necessarily late 1990s and early 2000s came what seemed like an eruption discrete genres but musics born under similar conditions. of dancehall and contemporary hip-hop and R&B collabora- In a 2013 Red Bull Music Academy interview, DJ Kode9 tions. Most tracks in this booming crossover category of the explains that no matter how local a genre might be, they are early 21st century reached international success, peaking at still syncretic musics “based on looting and pillaging of any low numbers on Billboards’ Hot 100 and Hot R&B/Hip-Hop music from anywhere at any time in any way.” This under- Songs charts. This paper examines the ways in which a standing of the ways genres are always infused with outside radical Black politics of resistance and autonomy emerges influences helps make sense of how dancehall’s influence can in these musical collaborations. Via close analysis of Beenie be simultaneously local and global and central to the forma- Man and Mya’s song and music video “Girls Dem Sugar,” tion of hip-hop and R&B, as well as how hip-hop and R&B this paper ultimately argues that these collaborations repre- elements have influenced and can be found in dancehall sent a radical Black and utopian politics of resistance even as (Perry 14). What follows is a brief overview of the cultural, they negotiate their complicity within processes of culture political, and aesthetic linkages between dancehall, hip-hop, commodification, and that this radical potential can be best and R&B, and an analysis of the song and music video “Girls understood via the theory and politics of Black sound. Dem Sugar,” highlighting its sonic and aesthetic politics of Black utopian autonomy and resistance. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, Jamaican dancehall artists like Chaka Demus and Pliers and Shabba Ranks To think about shared formations is particularly reached major international success. In the U.S. during helpful in understanding what kind of Black politics are at the late 1990s and early 2000s came what seemed like an play in collaborations between dancehall and hip-hop and eruption of dancehall and contemporary hip-hop and R&B R&B. Dancehall’s origins are believed to lie in the inner-city collaborations with tracks like Beenie Man’s “Girls Dem dancehall culture of 1940s Jamaica and its records—often Sugar” (2000) featuring Mya, Sean Paul’s remix of “Make featuring ska, roots reggae, and American R&B—played it Clap” (2002) featuring Busta Rhymes and Spliff Star, and from large, home-made sound systems (Cooper 2004). Elephant Man’s “Jook Gal (Wine, Wine)” (2003) featuring Similarly, hip-hop’s 1970s origins were inaugurated via Twista. Each of these tracks—and most in this booming the introduction of Jamaican sound system culture and the crossover category of the early 21st century—reached inter- practice of dubbing, or “scratching,” as it is referred to national success, peaking at low numbers on Billboards’ in the U.S., to the South Bronx. DJ Kool Herc is specifi- Hot 100 and Hot R&B/Hip-Hop Songs charts. This paper cally credited with having imported his Caribbean style— takes seriously collaborations between Black American and namely, dancehall sound system culture—to the Bronx after Black Jamaican/Caribbean music artists and their impli- his immigration from Jamaica in 1967. Additionally, just cations under a multi-billion-dollar U.S. culture industry. as Jamaican dancehall emerged out of Trench Town and Via close analysis of Beenie Man and Mya’s song and music expressed the community’s social unrest under structural video “Girls Dem Sugar,” this paper highlights how these and economic oppression, hip-hop began growing in the collaborations represent a radical Black and utopian politics South Bronx as a form of cultural and identity expression of resistance even as they negotiate their complicity within that empowered Black working-class youth. Though both processes of culture commodification, and ultimately argues music forms are inevitably highly localized and have thus that it is the radical potential of sound and Black noise in adapted unique forms based on their specific contexts, it particular that enables this resistance. is critical to remember that the influence of both is global in scope, that they were both started as live music in their Scholars of hip-hop and Caribbean music forms have respective underground dance venues, and that reggae (as long been engaged in a debate on whether hip-hop is dis- a precursor to dancehall) assisted U.S. hip-hop with the tinctly American or part of a larger Afro-Atlantic culture 99 technology and dub method that would later give rise to its enable their commodification (Wright 2004), oftentimes formation as an identifiable music genre. in an attempt to reduce their threat against Euro-centric cultural dominance. To recognize hip-hop’s origins as influenced by Jamaican dancehall, however, is not to say that hip-hop and Jamaican dancehall and Black American R&B can R&B have not had a similar influence over Jamaican dance- indeed be traced back to their early formations and linked hall artists. “Roots and Routes: The Connections between to their initial threat even as they are complicit in the Dancehall and Rap,” an article on JahWorks.org, highlights “mainstream” packaging and selling of their brand. Though that “both formal and informal imports and exports carry the dancehall and R&B collaborations of the early 2000s music and culture back and forth” between the U.S. and were not necessarily associated with insurgent, “conscious” Jamaica, conceding that American exports have a stron- rap, this paper—taking up Gilroy’s (1993) position that ger economic reach in Jamaica rather than the other way Black music opposes the world as it is and reaches for the around. This inequality in the import and export relation- world as they would like to see it—argues that early-2000’s ship between the U.S. and Jamaica is undeniably tied to eco- dancehall/R&B collaborations such as Beenie Man and nomic and cultural imperialism, and it is clear that this influx Mya’s “Girls Dem Sugar” and its accompanying music video of U.S. cultural material has influenced dancehall artists as constructs a utopian setting through which alternative soci- Jamaican musicians and DJs are constantly traveling to the eties might be imagined against U.S. white supremacy. U.S. seeking the “lucrative cross-over market” (JahWorks 2012). It is this “cross-over” between dancehall and Black Thus far, this paper has used hip-hop and R&B inter- American hip-hop and contemporary R&B that is the focus changeably as it has referred to both rapped (hip-hop) and of this paper, particularly as it represents a Black politics of sung (R&B) vocals, but entering a discussion of a Caribbean resistance even as it participates in a lucrative culture indus- and American Black audio-visual politics of resistance via try. Participation in culture commodification, however, does an analysis of “Girls Dem Sugar,” it will from now on refer not preclude the critical work of a Caribbean and American mostly to the dancehall/R&B collaboration. This analysis is Black audio-visual politics of resistance. informed by the politics of the Black Audio Film Collective (BAFC) and Kodwo Eshun’s understanding of the import- In Prophets of the Hood: Politics and Poetics in Hip Hop, ant critical work that BAFC was producing in the 1980s Imani Perry argues that hip-hop is deeply concerned with and 1990s. Though Paul Gilroy (2010) would likely argue the regional and local, and that in many ways it is “arro- against the idea that a song and video like Beenie Man’s gantly American” (20). She also argues that Black Americans “Girls Dem Sugar” could embody a Black audio-visual poli- as a community do not consume imported music from other tics of resistance or imagine a counter-hegemonic alternative cultures to any large extent and that although influences to the current world, this paper is critical of overly nostalgic of dancehall can be seen in Black American hip-hop aes- positions that may fail to recognize the subtle politics of thetics and production, Black American youth do not actu- resistance at work in more contemporary music forms. Sonic ally understand “the range of deep cultural, political, and aesthetics are indeed a viable way of escaping the exploit- linguistic symbols embedded in the music” (20). By sug- ative boundaries of entities like the white- supremacist state gesting that Black Americans are solely responding to a and constructing a freeing and autonomous Black diasporic “rhythmic structure, not unlike what occurs when most community rooted in common political struggle. Recent white Americans listen to Black American music” (20), Perry discussions taking place in Black studies between scholars fails to recognize the ways in which Black Caribbean and such as Fred Moten, Richard Iton, Robin Kelley, Saidiya American communication is heavily at play even as dancehall Hartman, and Paul Gilroy have seriously considered the and R&B music and culture is mediated, mass disseminated, power and politics of Black cultural and aesthetic produc- and moved from the margin to the mainstream. It is true tion. A common focus in the work of each of these thinkers that dancehall and R&B are commoditized for an American is perhaps best articulated by Fred Moten’s notion of phonic multi-billion-dollar industry (Holsendolph 1999) and that materiality; that is, the resistance of the object from a sonic Black Caribbean and American dancehall and R&B musi- context. cians participate in this commodification. What is seldom acknowledged, however, is that Black youths may receive We can think of this sonic rupture in relation to some benefits by participating in this marketing project, Gilroy’s discussion of the “slave sublime” as well as to DuBois’ including financial stability and a medium of some form in understanding of the power of slave song, where the master which to express themselves. The irony at play here is that does not possess the sonic vocabulary to understand slave the very white-supremacist conditions that produced “black song and cannot know the degree or kind of threat it poses. rage” and motivated the formation of genres like reggae, Gilroy writes, “though they were unspeakable, their ter- dancehall, hip-hop, and R&B are the very forces that now rors were not inexpressible” (1993, 73). Gilroy’s conception 100 of a “politics of transfiguration” and “lower frequency” “The Ghosts of Songs” (2007), he argues that the work of (37) sees Black song and performance as housing utopian the BAFC was invested in the potential of aesthetics and desires in disguised iterations. This is to say that Black the power of self-inauguration beyond social instrumen- music entails a space in which the terror of an anti-Black tality. BAFC has never produced material from an overtly world can be expressed supra-linguistically. Stephen Best counter-hegemonic stance, nor do they aim for audience and Saidiya Hartman (2005) term this kind of sonic politics approval or even widespread understanding of their work. “Black noise,” or, “the kinds of political aspirations that are This kind of politic is primarily concerned with the empow- inaudible and illegible within the prevailing formulas of erment that comes with sovereignty, self-expression, and the political rationality . . . illegible because they are so wildly creation of material as one sees fit. utopian and derelict to capitalism” (9). During slavery, we can speculate that the purposeful unintelligibility of Black This sort of politics is present in Beenie Man and noise corresponded with the master’s watchful eye (utopian Mya’s “Girls Dem Sugar” and many other dancehall/R&B desires expressed through music could incite a rebellion), collaborations. Particularly in the music video for “Girls but also with the shared experience of racial enslavement Dem Sugar,” it is only too clear that the Blackness per- based on their blackness—a condition perhaps inaugurated formed is a Blackness that is autonomous and working by the white colonial master but a world to which they will beyond the politics of representation—though it is clearly never have access to. This rupture continues to shape the a Black American and Caribbean space. This may be pre- form and content of Black music contemporarily. cisely where a Black Caribbean and American audio-visual politics of resistance lies. The club in “Girls Dem Sugar” is The dancehall/R&B fusion of Beenie Man and Mya’s lit with lights, flags, and carefree Afro-Caribbeans and Black “Girls Dem Sugar” features what is described as “sweet Americans having a good time. Not only does this kind of coos” by Mya about wanting to be Beenie Man’s girl while aesthetic represent a break from their experiences in reality, he “zagga zagga[s]” along, chatting her up and bragging but it actively engages in a politics of building a utopian about how all the girls in the club need him (AllMusic 2010). space that is unwelcoming to white supremacy and Euro- The video opens with Beenie Man pulling up at a Flatbush centric cultural dominance. Further emphasizing this is the club to walk through and mingle with an all-Black crowd Black sound: a Black Caribbean and American sonic politics of what seems like mostly women. I am less interested here in which most of Beenie Man’s lyrics are indecipherable to in what could be read as the objectification of women and a non-Black American or Anglophone Caribbean audience. more interested in what kind of Blackness and Black sound Thus, although dancehall and hip-hop have become hot, is being performed. A poster on a wall at the video’s opening fetishized commodities for white America, there remains reads “Beenie Man Live!!”—a clear reference to dancehall’s within these Black Caribbean-American musical commu- live-performance roots—and later we see the flags of sev- nities and collaborations a politics of resistance in which eral Caribbean nations (Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, and a more utopian space can be imagined and temporarily Barbados, among others) hanging above a large dancehall fulfilled. sound system. At this point, we also see and hear track dubbing and break spinning as Beenie Man asks the crowd Works Cited to hold up their lighters and Mya continues to enchant the audience with her sultry vocals. Given these overt references Best, Stephen, and Saidiya Hartman. “Fugitive Justice.” to Jamaican/Caribbean dancehall culture, including the fact Representations 92.1 (2005):1–15. Web. that the club is located in the predominantly Caribbean Cooper, Carolyn. Sound Clash: Jamaican Dancehall Culture at Large. community of Flatbush, Brooklyn, it seems that Beenie New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004. Print. Man is invested in representing Caribbean Blackness, all the while centering Mya, who musically represents a hip-hop Eshun, Kodwo. The Ghosts of Songs: The Film Art of the Black Audio and R&B Black American aesthetic. Though viewers cannot Film Collective, 1982–1998. Liverpool: Liverpool UP, 2007. really know who in the club is a Black American or Black Print. Caribbean (if we are to even consider the two groups to be Gilroy, Paul. Darker than Blue: On the Moral Economies of Black mutually exclusive), the music video depicts an integrated Atlantic Culture. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 2010. Print. Black American and Caribbean community. ______. The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness. Though based on what is admittedly a romantic read- Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1993. Print. ing of the video, through this sense of community there is a sense of Black diasporic alliance and pride in a Black space. “Girls Dem Sugar—Beenie Man, Mya | Listen, Appearances, Song This kind of representation, however, should not be misin- Review | AllMusic.” AllMusic. N.p., n.d. Web. 06 Mar. 2015. terpreted as solely counterhegemonic. In Kodwo Eshun’s 101 102 The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015 Wright, Kristine.“RiseupHipHopNation:FromDeconstructing Shivers, Kaia.“ThisisReggaeMusic.”LosAngelesSentinel.V. 66; Perry, Imani.ProphetsoftheHood:PoliticsandPoeticsinHipHop. JahWorks.org. “RootsandRoutes:TheConnectionsbetween Holsendolph, E.OutoftheStreetsandintoBoardroom,Hip Goodman, Andrew. “Interview:Kode9.”Onlineinterview. 13June Democracy 18.2(2004):9–20.Web. Racial PoliticstoBuildingPositiveSolutions.”Socialismand N. 32p.B5Web. 11Nov. 2000. Durham: DukeUP, 2004.Print. Dancehall andRap.”1Feb.2012.Web. 6Mar. 2015. Hop hasBecomeBigBusiness.EmergeMagazine.1999. 2013. South African Healthcare: Utopian Dream or Failed Reality? Anthony J. Williams, University of California, Berkeley

Anthony Williams is an undergraduate student at the University program truly benefit the underserved? This paper argues of California, Berkeley in the Department of Sociology. He that while NHI may alleviate health inequalities in South is also pursuing a minor in theater and performance studies. Africa today, NHI cannot successfully deliver equitable He began this paper while studying abroad at the University healthcare services without simultaneously addressing the of Cape Town, South Africa in the fall of 2014. His semester commodification of healthcare and the alienation of the abroad inspired his political activism, and he now works as the healthcare workers. editor-in-chief of the Afrikan Black Coalition, a California statewide Black youth organization. His Mellon Mays project The People’s Health Charter asks how queer activist women leaders in the #BlackLivesMatter movement engage in self-care and what impact self-care has on The Peoples’ Health Charter further develops their leadership and social movements at large. He graduates the concept of holistic health developed in the Alma-Ata in the spring of 2016 and hopes to become a scholar-activist by Declaration, declaring health a right. In this view, “health” pursuing a PhD in sociology after working as an organizer in is more than just “the absence of disease or infirmity” Oakland, CA. (Declaration of Alma-Ata, 1978, p. 1). Health is not just about disease, but also about the economic and social determinants of health that play a crucial role in overall wellbeing In 2011, South Africa released their proposal for (People’s Health Assembly, 2000, p. 3). These determinants National Health Insurance, “premised on the ideology of health encompass not only the minimal resources required that all South Africans are entitled to access quality health- to meet daily needs such as housing and sustenance, but care services.” The National Health Insurance scheme has also the ability to access basic resources. One cannot live a not yet been implemented, but follows up on the consti- healthy life without access to basic services such as adequate tutional promise to provide free basic healthcare for all sanitation, electricity, or civil societal functions like proper South African citizens after years of unequal treatment of education and community hubs. These services and soci- Black South Africans, Indians, and Coloured people. In this etal functions exemplify the interlocking nature of health, paper I argue, based on the Peoples’ Health Charter, that society, and the economy, highlighting that health is a fun- the National Health Insurance alone is not enough to fix damental human right that is not currently treated as such. health disparities in the country if the commodification of healthcare and the alienation of rural and unpaid healthcare The major problem South Africa faces in achiev- workers is not first addressed. ing this vision of universal healthcare, according to the Peoples’ Health Charter, is ridding itself of the unfortunate consequences of globalization. Globalization refers to the Introduction interconnected nature of the globe today, seen through the movement of capital between countries and the rise of The 1978 Alma-Ata Declaration, developed and multinational and transnational corporations as the result of endorsed by multiple countries, proclaimed access to quality innovative technologies like airplanes and the internet. The healthcare an inalienable right. This belief, however, has not Charter details the devastating effects of such globalization stopped the commodification and privatization of health- on health and healthcare, and condemns the uneven distribu- care. The Alma-Ata Declaration, established during the tion of globalization’s negative effects on postcolonial nations International Conference on Primary Health Care, sought like South Africa. Francis B. Nyamnjoh (2006) describes to fight against widening the health disparity between the globalization as “a process marked by accelerated flows and, rich and the poor by declaring that primary healthcare paradoxically, accelerated closures” (p. 1). Nyamnjoh’s glo- was in crisis. Modeled on the Alma-Ata Declaration, the balization manifests in accelerated capital that funds national 2000 South African People’s Health Charter serves as the healthcare coverage for more citizens while simultaneously backbone of South Africa’s new National Health Insurance closing rural health clinics. Globalization’s endless pursuit (NHI). Proposed in 2011, yet still not implemented, NHI for profits is met by outsourcing cheap labor to private plans to cover all South African citizens and long-term corporations. Stephen Greenberg (2006) defines privatiza- residents with free healthcare for basic services. The NHI tion as “the outright sale of state assets to private interests” model invests heavily in the public sector, but what will (p. 3). In other words, a private owner or corporation takes happen when privatization is solidified in ink? This paper over a formerly public entity and prioritizes profit. For builds upon Greenberg’s (2006) notion that “privatization example, under the NHI, a private corporation can take of health care leads to the consolidation of inequality” over a facility and ignore rural patients that the previous (p. 91). In a country with a history of a private sector that iteration of the hospital was previously helping. The process serves the ‘haves,’ and an under-resourced public sector that of privatization places the focus on generating income and serves the ‘have-nots,’ will the implementation of such a 103 cutting costs in all fields—including the costs of care—even areas cannot afford private medical schemes, or insurance if this focus actually reduces care. plans and are, therefore, patients “unworthy” of the doctors’ time. The NHI’s number one enemy is, in fact, the “unequal The Charter identifies the commodification of care distribution of health professionals between the private and and the privatization of healthcare as major threats to a holis- public sector, and between urban and rural areas,” (Republic tic understanding of quality healthcare. Commodification of South Africa, 2014, p. 14). The NHI plans to increase refers to the process whereby services like healthcare medical school graduates—encouraging professionals to become commodities, products, to be bought and sold. return to their home country of South Africa from abroad— However, the right to basic healthcare should not be repack- and recruit from other countries. However, given that this is aged in quick fixes, but instead delivered in a holistic man- a pilot program limited to select areas, this particular solu- ner considerate of various social determinants of health like tion will not solve the current doctor shortage anytime soon. home environment (Lake & Reynolds, 2010). The Charter The NHI hopes to boost the public-sector doctors who seeks to eliminate privatization and commodification, which would attend rural populations, yet even with these pro- are arguably toxic byproducts of globalization. Scholars posed measures, the more attractive route for students and like Nyamnjoh (2006) often discuss how joining the global doctors is the private sector. The higher wages in the private economy—where private forces take over public entities— sector reflect the higher cost of healthcare that establishes threatens the average worker or migrant. Unfortunately, the private-sector medical practice as more lucrative. This this focus on reduced employee wages ignores those citi- theme is made clear by the Treatment Action Campaign zens most affected by the high cost of recently privatized (2011), which reports that public-sector and private-sector healthcare, the poor and working-class people of color. The spending are equal—R57 billion—yet the private sector NHI proposes broader coverage and new jobs, but does not covers only 15% of the population (p. 8–9). address healthcare workers who do not fit into the private industry of selling care as a commodity. The aim of the Although the Charter—on which the NHI is based— People’s Health Charter is to champion the unpaid health- recognizes that the privatization of healthcare increases care workers and patients who do not fit neatly into public health inequalities for poor and rural areas, the NHI has or private healthcare schemes. still turned to a public-private partnership (PPP) to deliver comprehensive primary care for all regardless of their ability Private vs. Public Healthcare to pay. At first, the PPP approach appears consistent with the Charter’s outline in that all citizens are covered, thereby As far as the South African healthcare system is con- actually reducing health inequalities by increasing access to cerned, the disparity in both funding and quality between preventative services and treatment. However, the Charter private and public systems and institutions is rooted in pri- merely serves as a guide, not as fully developed policy rec- vatization. The unequal distinction between public and pri- ommendations, so it is questionable to what extent NHI vate healthcare stems from South Africa’s racially destructive can deliver the Charter’s stated goals of healthcare for all. apartheid legacy. Greenberg (2006) writes, “under apart- Additionally, both the Alma-Ata Declaration and the subse- heid, healthcare services were fragmented, inefficient, and quent People’s Health Charter call for cooperation among ineffective, and resources were mismanaged and poorly South Africa’s various sectors, among all countries, and gen- distributed” (p. 87). This trend of fragmented healthcare erally “peaceful aims” to achieve a comprehensive national services continued over time along racial lines and economic health system (Declaration of Alma-Ata, 1978, p. 1). While class lines, where the poorest populations access low-quality the PPP premises itself on uniting public interest with pri- public institutions and the middle-class and rich populations vate assets, the question is always “at what cost and on whom access high-quality private institutions (Greenberg, 2006, p. does that cost fall?” There is not a reliable standard in South 91). According to Classen (2011), the “payment on motiva- Africa for evaluating how these private assets will be used in tion” system—where doctors’ salaries directly correlate to the public interest of healthcare services. There is also cause the economic class standing of their patients—has contrib- for concern regarding the current and historical national uted to the commodification of care in South Africa. Classen environment on human rights abuses, including healthcare. (2011, p. 54) argues that “markets are compatible with car- For example, South Africa has signed the International ing,” yet the vast majority of doctors are working within Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, but the private sector and leaving the severely under-resourced it remains one of the few countries yet to ratify this major public sector, both rural and urban (Child, 2011). treaty addressing human rights issues (Pillay, 2014).

The lack of formal hospitals and clinics within rural areas stems from a lack of proﬁt motive: the patients in rural

104 Convincing the Public citizens look out for themselves and not their neighbor leads to alienation from each other as well as the alienation from A general lack of confidence in the NHI’s PPP the people providing care for the children in the home and approach comes not only from the structural level, as former care for individuals in healthcare facilities. United Nation High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay points out, but also the individual level. The Charter Alienation of Healthcare Providers calls for community participation at all levels, but social movements and legislation can only go so far in turning indi- The NHI has the potential to eliminate the two-tiered viduals from spectators into participants in a vastly unequal system (public-private system) (Nair, 2009) by closing the country (Declaration of Alma-Ata, 1978, p. 1). Needless to gap in service, but it is not clear if the government is ready say, South Africa has a sordid legacy of apartheid. In that to take this next step. The African National Congress—the vein, recovery programs designed to close racial gaps such majority-Black governmental party in power—has the polit- as the Black Economic Empowerment programs have not ical authority to implement the NHI, but the NHI will not been favorably received (Greenberg, 2006). Likewise, the be successful unless the commodification of care and the dominant public narrative pushes back against NHI, classi- alienation of the healthcare workers and patients are also fying it as an additional program whereby poor people are tackled. Borrowing from Chris Yuill (2005), alienation can further relying on the state (Page, 2005). Such claims ignore described as the “lived experiences of [workers under] cap- systems of structural oppression that, for example, block italism” (p. 126). Yuill argues that capitalism—and, in this access to higher education and the safer, higher-paying jobs case, globalization—creates a sense of human detachment that often accompany such upward mobility. Instead, poor, where health and care are deprioritized (Yuill, 2005, p. 141). Black working-class women have to ask themselves, “Which Not only are unpaid care workers separated because they is more important: me, or [cleaning] the [asthma-inducing] are relegated to a form of underclass, but the commodifi- carpet?”, balancing their respiratory health with the need to cation of care creates a hierarchy where paid workers only earn an income from available domestic work (Grossman, see patients who can afford care. Care is a commodity to be 2007). bought and sold by those with the privilege of medical aid in the unbalanced South African market. It can further be Two of the largest public concerns have been around argued that the privatization of healthcare exacerbates the the notion of subsidizing the poor and the current state of alienation of healthcare workers who happen to be primarily the public healthcare system. And in spite of assertions that non-white. When those with the socioeconomic privilege both private and public healthcare financial backing will and educational capital are those who land well-paying jobs come from the same fund with the same quality of care, the or access high-quality healthcare, where does that leave general public is skeptical (Republic of South Africa, 2014, historically disenfranchised populations? Globalization does p. 9). The NHI will run on the NHI fund, which will be not just breed commodification or alienation, but also xeno- subsidized through general governmental taxes as well as phobia and classism, both intraracially and interracially additional contributions by employed workers who meet (Nyamnjoh, 2006). Black South Africans are just one group a to-be-determined income threshold (Republic of South othered based on “the hierarchies of humanity informed Africa, 2014, p. 8). Basic healthcare will be free, but many by race, nationality, culture, class and gender” (Nyamnjoh, middle class citizens oppose the very notion itself, particu- 2006, p. 38). Globalization creates the circumstances where larly in a country with an almost 25% unemployment rate those with intergenerational wealth continue to encounter (AfricaCheck.org). Such high national unemployment rates opportunities while those without capital fall further behind create an environment where survival takes precedence over in the wake of privatization. a policy that can be reduced to “paying it forward.” These middle- and upper-class citizens often feel that they because In actuality, this has been exemplified at all levels of they earn money, that allows them the choice to spend it as healthcare practice. Physicians sometimes bear the brunt of they please, rather than how the government mandates. In the work both in the field and long after they have gone home. truth, they can still choose to keep their medical aid—the For example, in 2009, Dr. Wasserman and his colleagues— South African equivalent to medical insurance—but they public-sector doctors in the township of Gugulethu—went will have to pay for it in addition to the mandatory con- on strike for better wages and to bring attention to “inade- tribution to the NHI Fund. In paying their dues, they are quate delivery of this most basic service,” calling their daily taking the necessary step toward allowing those who are not work “soul destroying” (Wasserman, 2009). fortunate enough to be employed the access to the healthcare they so desperately need. Returning to the argument Medical specialists and specialty practices are com- of this paper, it is clear that private healthcare has hitherto pletely unable to meet the demand for their services. For encouraged individualism. This individualistic ethos where example, the Gugulethu Clinic is the sole dental clinic in 105 charge of serving multiple poor Black communities with of dependency or vulnerability . . . both a kind of action only one state dentist. Thus there is one dental specialist (“caring for”) and a motive (“caring about”)” (p. 44). This for a population of 98,000 (according to the 2011 Census). theory of care—further explored in Paula England’s (2005) Gugulethu serves as a case study; however, their dilemma “Emerging Theories of Care Work”—shows an opening on is not unique. The Department of Health (2014) reports how market care, or care to be bought and sold as a com- that only 1 in 10 dentists in 2008 worked in South Africa’s modity, could be a “welcome form of care” in that it would public hospitals or clinics (p. 16). And while there is a Black meet the gap in care provided within the home (p. 60). Yet, middle-class in South Africa, the majority of the poor peo- when care if classified as a “thing” to be bought and sold, the ple are of color, as opposed to white. This disparity in care result is a care deficit (Block, 2003). The country of South is not just along class lines, but also along racial lines. The Africa is in a care deficit that NHI proposes to fix, but NHI need is so great that for U.S.$2–$3 one can buy a spot in provides only basic health services, which maintain advanced the line, because the queues for the dentist begin as early as care as a luxury. If water, a public good, can be commodified 2am, and people have to walk to reach their places of work and privatized in South and Southern Africa, care will defi- (Mzantsi, 2014). nitely not be the one exception to the capitalist rule (Bond, 2003). When the exclusivity of healthcare and the efficiency Finally, home-based healthcare workers in the public of care take priority over genuine care itself, it is evident sector are aware that no matter how great the needs, the that access to free healthcare is an inalienable right that the reality rarely matches the necessity. Underpaid and over- South African government is failing to deliver. worked, these workers are considered lucky to have work in the face of so many people who provide care for free. There The 2014 wave of Ebola is a critical global example is often little to no clean water or soap to perform the most of how genuine care should never become a commodity. basic functions, even though these neglected caregivers The effects of Ebola in West Africa were devastating due are on the front lines of public health (Industrial Health to both a lack of resources and the nature of the virus itself. Resource Group, 2012, p. 4). These workers all experi- The Ebola virus viciously attacks anyone who has contact ence a sense of alienation, or disconnection, in one form or with the slightest bit of infected bodily fluid, often from another. The lowest-paid ranks, such as community health a loved one for whom one is providing care (CDC, 2016; workers, are ignored and taken advantage of, furthering Hale, 2014). In many African countries, formal care workers their distance from the patients they serve and the doctors are not the first respondents, unpaid caregivers are. While they support. They fill in the “skills gap” when and where Western Africa and Southern Africa are very different, it is the lack of nurses and doctors are unavailable, but they worth noting that neither region compensates or officially have few chances for career progression or even a living recognizes the unpaid caregivers providing daily preven- wage (Sander & Lloyd, 2009). The highest-paid ranks often tative care. Even with an expanded network, genuine care work within the private sector, further defining themselves must never become a commodity because of the informal as different from the rural village or the very poor and very nature of care explored by Classen (2011). This sort of care Black townships. Individual townships are teeming with the is motivated by personal connection, and ultimately love, Black, Colored, and Indian mothers, grandmothers, sisters, love that a private-public partnership or a large salary cannot aunts, neighbors, and community service workers who are provide. Due to the level of care required, the lack of pro- most likely to give unpaid care in South Africa. While these fessionals, and the lack of respect, these pro bono caregivers populations will have access to NHI services, they still bear are currently isolated and will continue to be, even with the the responsibility of providing non-basic services for their introduction of NHI. Until unpaid healthcare workers are loved ones. It is important to consider who provides care to valued as much as private-sector salaried healthcare workers, those performing daily care work. thereby reducing worker alienation, the NHI will only add a patch to a broken system. Broader Implications for the Commodification of Care Conclusion Care requires more value within post-colonial nations like South Africa where apartheid was the literal The final challenge for NHI’s transformation of manifestation of alienation and state-sanctioned violence; primary care is placing trust in any government with the not just the care that occurs within hospitals or clinics, but responsibility of one’s life and health, let alone the African also the care provided within homes by poorly paid domestic National Congress (ANC) government. It is not a secret that workers and unpaid caregivers. Care, as defined by Classen South Africa’s leadership has often been publicly and vehe- (2011), “refer[s] to a restricted set of activities: caring activ- mently criticized for “corruption” (Motsoeneng & Toyana, ities on a structural basis for people who are in a position 2015). Combine this with a PPP, which traditionally focuses 106 on “value for money and affordability,” rather than com- Grossman, J. and SADSAWU. (2007). Me or the carpet?: From passionate care, and the problems are apparent (Khanyile, Omo to everything. Domestic workers discussing issues of 2009). Although the author believes that truly compassion- health safety. Submission to the South African Human Right ate, genuine care can never be commodified, the NHI is a Commission. step in the right direction. South Africa has discussed the Hale, B. (2014, Sept 28). The Most Terrifying Thing about possibility of universal healthcare for seventy years, and, if Ebola. Slate.com. Retrieved from http://www.slate.com/articles/ implemented, the NHI would provide support to millions health_and_science/medical_examiner/2014/09/why_ebola_ who need it. Additionally, the Department of Health and is_terrifying_and_dangerous_it_preys_on_family_caregiving_ the ANC government will reduce the unbalanced market and.html power of the private sector if they implement the NHI. Nevertheless, this paper asserts that healthcare, much like Industrial Health Resource Group (2012). Focus on vulnerable workers. 8. Retrieved from access to clean running water, needs to be thought of outside Health and Safety Networker, http://www.ihrg.org.za/oid/downloads/4/13_1_4_15_58_AM_ of the context of the economy and inside the context of a IHRG%20Newsletter%208%20for%20postage.pdf given right for every single human being, regardless of age, gender identity, class, race, nationality, sexual orientation, Khanyile, S. (2009, Jul 5). Private sector can help state improve religion, political affiliation, or ability. health care. Business Report.

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108 BLANK The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship Journal 2015