The Symbolic Annihilation of the Black Woman in Rap Videos: a Content Analysis

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The Symbolic Annihilation of the Black Woman in Rap Videos: A Content Analysis

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Authors Manriquez, Candace Lynn

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THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN IN RAP VIDEOS: A CONTENT ANALYSIS

Candace L. Manriquez

A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the

DEPARTMENT OF COMMUNICATION

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements

For the Degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

In the Graduate College

THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA 2017

Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 2

STATEMENT BY AUTHOR

The thesis titled The Symbolic Annihilation of the Black Woman: A Content Analysis prepared by Candace Manriquez has been submitted in partial fulfillment of requirements for a master’s degree at the University of Arizona and is deposited in the University Library to be made available to borrowers under rules of the Library.

Brief quotations from this thesis are allowable without special permission, provided that an accurate acknowledgement of the source is made. Requests for permission for extended quotation from or reproduction of this manuscript in whole or in part may be granted by the head of the major department or the Dean of the Graduate College when in his or her judgment the proposed use of the material is in the interests of scholarship. In all other instances, however, permission must be obtained from the author.

SIGNED:

Candace Manriquez

APPROVAL BY THESIS DIRECTOR

This thesis has been approved on the date shown below:

Defense date Jennifer Stevens Aubrey May 8, 2017 Associate Professor of Communication

Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 3

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES ...... 4

ABSTRACT ...... 6

1. INTRODUCTION ...... 7

2. REVIEW OF LITERATURE ...... 10

3. METHODOLOGY ...... 19

4. RESULTS ...... 23

5. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION ...... 29

6. LIMITATIONS ...... 39

7. REFERENCES…………………………………………………………………………..66

APPENDICES ...... 56

A. SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION CODEBOOK ...... 56

B. LIST OF SONGS, ARTIST(S), AND YEAR OF RELEASE ...... 60

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LIST OF TABLES

TABLE 1. INTERCODER RELIABILTY ALPHA COEEFICIENTS…………………...….....42 TABLE 2. REPRESENTATION OF RACE OF PRIMARY FEMALE CHARACTERS ...... 43 IN RAP MUSIC VIDEOS OVER TIME TABLE 3. REPRESENTATION OF SKIN TONE FOR BLACK WOMEN IN RAP...... 44 VIDEOS OVER TIME TABLE 4. REPRESENTATION OF HAIR TEXTURE FOR BLACK WOMEN IN RAP...... 45 MUSIC VIDEOS OVER TIME TABLE 5. REPRESENTATION OF POSTERIOR SIZE FOR BLACK WOMEN...... 46 IN RAP MUSIC VIDEOS OVER TIME TABLE 6. SKIN TONE CHANGES FOR NON- BLACK WOMEN OVER TIME…………...47 TABLE 7. SKIN TONE CHANGES FOR WOMEN CODED AS “OTHER” OVER TIME…..48 TABLE 8. RACE AMBIGUITY AMONG PRIMARY FEMALE CHARACTERS…………...49 TABLE 9. RACE AMBIGUITY AMONG BLACK WOMEN…………………………………50 TABLE 10. RACE AMBIGUITY AMONG WHITE WOMEN………………………………...51 TABLE 11. RACE AMBIGUITY AMONG “OTHER” WOMEN……………………………...52 TABLE 12. RACE PROMINENCE OVER TIME……………………………………………...53

Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 5

The Symbolic Annihilation Of The Black Woman In Rap Videos: A Content Analysis Candace L. Manriquez University of Arizona

Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 6

Abstract

Racial and ethnic minorities are often exploited within the larger societies to which they belong, often having aspects of their cultures appropriated and commodified. The commodification of certain aspects of marginalized groups’ cultures, or the selling of cultural expressions to the dominant group, act as a way to keep representations of minorities squarely in the realm of the stereotypical. Historically, there have been trends, such as in fashion and language, associated with racial/ethnic minorities that gained legitimacy only once adopted by Whites (Avins, 2015;

Flynn, 2015).

According to fans and critics, Black women, once highly visible and overly sexualized, have seemingly been pushed out and replaced by women of different races in rap and hip- hop music videos (Iandoli, 2013; Longfellow, 2014). This lack of representation and replacement of

Black women is similar to Gerbner’s (1972) notion of symbolic annihilation. In the current study, I argue that contemporary Black artists commodify Whiteness, and, in turn, validate their art and themselves, through visual and lyrical veneration and fetishization of the White female form, which has historically been seen as a more valuable currency than the Black female form.

Through a quantitative content analysis, 210 rap videos were assessed to evaluate whether there has been a symbolic annihilation of Black women in rap/hip-hop music videos over the last 20 years. The current study found that representation of Black women has decreased while the representation of non-Black women has increased. Further, the results suggest that Black women’s skin tone has gotten lighter, and they have become more racially ambiguous, suggesting an adherence to Eurocentric standards of beauty that symbolically annihilates Black women.

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The Symbolic Annihilation of the Black Woman in Rap Videos: A Content Analysis

Historically, women of color, particularly Black women, have been seen as less pure, less decent, and less demanding of respect than their White counterparts. In order to understand representations of White and Black female sexuality today, it is beneficial to consider the historical context of the public perceptions of Black versus White women’s sexuality. Since the days of U.S. slavery, White womanhood has been held in the highest regard, a concept to be protected against threat (Henckler, 2007). Contrarily, Black womanhood has not been nearly as revered. During slavery, public perceptions held that White women were delicate, virtuous, domestic, and inherently more beautiful than African-American women, while Black women were objectified, merely made up of a collection of useful body parts upon an auction block; spectacles of saleable goods with “strong robust constitutions” (hooks as cited in White, 1999, p.

30). Sexually speaking, White women were considered to be chaste and pure, while Black women were, as characterized by the South Carolina Gazette, libidinous, animalistic “creatures” who were “not easily jaded,” but able to serve their lovers “by night as well as day” (as cited in

White, 1999, p. 30).

As such, White womanhood and Black womanhood were interdependent. The White woman’s sense of self was directly shaped by and relied on her perceived superiority over Black women. The White woman’s chastity was dependent on the Black woman’s depravity (White,

1999). These beliefs about womanhood gave life to beliefs that Black women were sexually available to White men at any given time and that it was the Black woman’s “want of virtue” that caused Black men’s “commission of rape upon White women” (White, 1999, p. 39). Similarly, it was believed that, unlike Northerners who “debased the civilized” White prostitute, by enabling Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 8 her lewd behavior, Southern men were able to keep their White women “pure from the taint of immorality” by using Black women as a sexual buffer (White, 1985, p. 40).

Remnants of these troublesome beliefs still circulate through U.S. culture today. While the idealized image of womanhood, a good, innocent, and virginal girl, continues to be associated with White women, whereas this image is all but unattainable for African-American women (Stephens, 2003). This socially fabricated image of White womanhood is contingent upon the myth that Black women are not and do not have the capacity to be sexually innocent

(Brown & McNair, 1995; Hill Collins, 2000; hooks, 1992). We see these myths played out in the sexual scripts that Black women have had bestowed upon them versus the sexual scripts that

White women have had bestowed upon them. While there is there is the “girl-next-door” trope for White women, the quiet, book-smart trope for Asian women, and the virginal, Catholic trope for Latinas, there is no such innocent trope for Black women (Stephens, 2010).

Another way in which race and gender intersect to create a systematic form of superiority is through beauty standards. Worldwide, White women are still held as the paragon of attractiveness, the standard to which all other races of women are held (Mbure, 2011; Robinson-

Moore, 2008). Blacks, both men and women, see European skin tones and hair textures/lengths as standard measures of beauty, resulting in biases that favor light skin and long, non-curly hair within Black U.S. culture (Chan, 2007; Hill, 2002; Mok, 1998; Robinson-Moore, 2008; Taylor,

1999). In order to comply or conform to culturally dominant norms, Black women may feel the need to adhere to Eurocentric beauty standards, which, in turn, affects their self-esteem

(Callaghan, 1994). Scholars have found that racial hierarchy, communicated primarily through skin color and hair texture, and the subsequent decision to conform to Eurocentric standards of beauty (or not) affect Black women profoundly (Robinson-Moore, 2008). First, when Black Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 9 female adolescents realize that their skin color and hair texture do not fit dominant beauty standards, they face alienation among their White and Black peers, resulting in lower achievement levels (Holcomb-McCoy & Moore-Thomas, 2001). Second, darker-skinned Black women are more likely to be unemployed, and therefore are likely to be poorer than lighter- skinned Black women (Aschenbrenner, 1975). Lastly, colorism, the preference for lighter skin tones over darker ones, plays an integral role in mate selection within African-American communities (Hughes & Hertel, 1990). Lighter-skinned women are preferred over darker- skinned women, as they are considered more attractive (Robinson-Moore, 2008), are considered to be more socially acceptable mates (Frazier, 1957; McAdoo, 1997), and are more likely to produce light-skinned children (McAdoo, 1997).

Through the notions of colorism, Eurocentricity, and sexual ascriptions, we are able to see how reverence for Whiteness can lead to Gerbner’s (1972) notion of symbolic annihilation of

Black women in media. Symbolic annihilation posits that through omission, underrepresentation, or through consistent misrepresentation, a group can be rendered unimportant or demonized

(Tuchman, 1978). In rap and hip-hop music videos, Black women, once highly visible and overly sexualized, have seemingly been subtly pushed out and replaced by women of different races and when Black women are present there is a trend toward them being light skinned with straight hair, traits that are usually associated with non-Black women.

Taken together, there is fertile ground to explore how producers of media content perpetuate stereotypes about Black women’s sexuality and appearance standards. In the present project, I will investigate the presence of Black women as compared to other racial groups, as well as the propagation of sexual stereotypes and beauty standards as they pertain to Black women. Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 10

Research Goals and Significance of Study

The present study investigates commodification and Eurocentric standards of beauty in rap music videos, a visual medium that showcases themes of violence and sex that are perpetuated by men against women (Zhang, Dixon, & Conrad, 2009). Because rap music has become one of the most popular genres of music among young people since its introduction in the 1980s (Hansen & Hansen, 2000), it is important to explore the themes that are present not only in the lyrics of rap songs, but also in the content of rap videos. British researchers conducted a quantitative study of 17,000 songs that appeared on the U.S. Billboard Hot 100 between the years 1960 and 2010 and concluded, “the rise of rap and related genres appears, then, to be the single most important event that has shaped the musical structure of the American charts in the period that we studied” (Mauch, MacCallum, Levy, & Leroi, 2015, p. 6). With rap music exerting such cultural influence, it is important to examine the practices and representations that the genre normalizes.

Cultural critics have recently observed that White women have become more prevalent in rap music videos (Iandoli, 2013; Shaw, 2014). Therefore, through the lens of symbolic annihilation (Gerbner, 1972), I examined whether the number of Black women in rap videos has decreased over time and whether non-White women have replaced them. In the current study, I will examine the amount of representation women in rap music, while also examining differences in Eurocentric and Afrocentric appearance attributes.

Literature Review

Symbolic Annihilation

Through a dearth in the diversity of representation in the media, marginalized groups become invisible, silent, and powerless. Gerbner (1972) called this lack of representation Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 11 symbolic annihilation. Whether exercised purposely or without consideration, symbolic annihilation serves to uphold the status quo and hegemonic cultural norms that currently exist

(Yen, 2013). Tuchman (1978) states that symbolic annihilation is observed not only in the omission of minorities in media representations, but also in the trivialization or condemnation of a marginalized group across the media landscape. Through the promotion of stereotypes and the denial of specific identities, certain groups are represented in narrow dimensions, if represented at all.

One way that Black women are becoming invisible is through the upholding of

Eurocentric standards of beauty. Ideals of beauty within the African-American community are complicated, as standards held over from slavery continue to endure. Historically, African-

Americans who possess light skin and eyes and who have a looser curl pattern in their hair are perceived as more attractive than African-Americans who have dark skin and kinky hair (Conrad,

Dixon, & Zhang, 2009; Dixon & Maddox, 2005; Kubrin, 2005; Oliver, 1994). Slave masters who raped female slaves produced offspring with more Eurotypical features, and those offspring were granted certain freedoms and opportunities based on their Eurotypicality (Conrad, Dixon, &

Zhang, 2009; Russell, Wilson, & Hall, 1992). Not only do these preferences still persist within both the Black community and among Whites, but also lighter skinned Blacks also enjoy privileges to which darker skin African-Americans do not have access (Aschenbrenner, 1975;

Conrad, Dixon, & Zhang, 2009; Herring, Keith, & Horton, 2003; Holcomb-McCoy & Moore-

Thomas, 2001). This concept, called colorism, advantages lighter-skinned Blacks in areas such as income, education, housing, and the marriage market, operating as a continuation of inequality

(Herring, Keith, & Horton, 2003; Hunter, 2007). While fairer skin African-Americans are positively presented in the media, Afrotypical features, such as dark skin tone, thick lips, and Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 12 wide noses, are more likely to be associated with stereotypical or negative appraisals (Dixon &

Maddox, 2005; Oliver, Jackson, Moses & Dangerfield, 2004). Black men with Afrotypical features are often associated with criminal behavior (Cormier, 2012; Eberhardt, Davies, Purdies-

Vaughns & Johnson, 2006), while women with these features are often represented as less affluent and less attractive than their lighter-skinned counterparts and as having bad attitudes

(Hunter, 2007). Colorism is often theorized as internalized White supremacy whereby individuals of color begin to accept and espouse the negative ascriptions made about their in- group (Conrad et al., 2009). As a result of social pressures from media, and society at large,

Black women across the world continue to subscribe to Eurocentric standards of beauty. This is exemplified through the marketing of hair-straightening products and skin-bleach products

(Mbure, 2011; Russell et al., 1992). The current study looks at whether Black women are embracing certain Eurocentric standards and whether we see a trend in casting for rap videos over time. Specifically, I assessed whether, over time, Black women were more likely to have straighter hair, narrower noses, thinner lips, flatter butts, and lighter skin tones, all traits considered to be phenotypically and stereotypically European (Adegoke, 2014, Andrews, 2015;

Blum, 2002; Slatton, 2012).

There is a sense, though, that there are some physical traits that are associated with Black women that, because of fetishization and objectification, are assumed and celebrated by non-

Black women. Specifically, cultural critics have pointed to a trend of non-Black women hailing larger butts (in non-Black women) and have pointed out that there still exists a double standard for Black women who have the same traits (Adegoke, 2014; Christine, 2015). That is, as critics suggest, fashion magazines and blogs are ushering in the era of the big booty, but they are not using Black models to highlight the trend (Badejo, 2014; Shreindl, 2014; Townes; 2014). While Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 13 it seems that it is overwhelmingly Black women who subscribe to notions of Eurocentricity, there are certain physical traits, such as larger butts and fuller lips, that are admired and accepted by White women and men. These traits, unlike skin color and hair texture, at least on the surface, seem to be more greatly tied to sex and sexuality. Indeed, research has shown that when asked what they like about Black women (versus White women), White men state that they like that

Black women have “bubble butts” and were attracted to Black women’s full lips (Slatton, 2012, p. 22). Therefore, it is not likely that Black women’s posteriors or lips have gotten smaller in order to conform to Eurocentric ideals, as there is evidence to the contrary (Ebony, 2014; Harris,

2015). However, for comparison, I will examine whether representations of Black women’s posteriors and lips have changed over time because I will also be assessing whether representation of non-Black women’s posteriors have changed over time.

Hip-hop, once a source of empowerment for Black and Latino youths, for all intents and purposes, has transformed into rap, a highly visible source of misogyny, violence, and materialism (Baxter, DeRiemer, Landini, Leslie & Singletary, 1985; Johnson, Jackson & Gatto,

1995; Kubrin, 2005; Smith, 2005; Zillman et al., 1995). Once a way to highlight the struggles within Black communities through ingenuity and creativity, some have argued that rap music has devolved into a genre that promotes sex, greed, violence and, important to the current study, the commodification and objectification of women (Calhoun, 2009; Hurt; 2006). It is important to examine the representations that the genre has normalized over time. Coming out of the 1980s, there was an emphasis on Afrocentrism in rap music, where male and female rappers focused on the African-American struggle, and sex talk focused on safe sex (Stephens, 2010). By the early

1990s, there had already been a shift to corporate ownership, but consumption was still predominantly by Black people. By the mid to late 1990s, there was a shift from Afrocentric Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 14 thought and Pan-Africanism, which were movements that were created to advocate for and uplift

Black communities, to gangsta rap, a genre replete with violence. At this time, there was also more emphasis on sexuality in both lyrics and in videos. Female rappers became more self- sexualized, corresponding with the rise of the “video vixen,” female characters who have been described as professional eye-candy who, like other props or objects to be ogled and coveted, serve to lend credibility to the persona that an artist wishes to construct (Stephens & Few, 2007;

Benjamin, 2013). Once rap became mainstream with gangsta rap, in the early 2000s the genre pivoted from discussions about the struggle of trying to become successful to discussions of money and all the trappings that come with it, often called luxury rap. This also marked a decline in the gangsta rap persona, which led to less conversation about violence and drug dealing

(McNulty-Finn, 2014). From 2010 and beyond, sexuality continued to permeate the mainstream hip-hop landscape, but it was interspersed with more romantic lyrics and a blending of genres.

Female rappers continued to self-sexualize, and like their male counterparts, rapped about a luxury lifestyle. Rap artists not only increasingly collaborated with pop artists, including international artists, but as in the case of artists like Drake and Nicki Minaj (McNulty-Finn,

2010; Hicks, 2016), often crossed genres and Billboard categories on their own. The current study examines rap videos across three time periods that correspond with the genre’s evolution:

From 1991 to 1997, from 2000 to 2006, and from 2009 to 2015.

RQ1a: Have the number of Black women in rap videos decreased over time?

RQ1b: Have the number of non- Black women in rap videos increased over time?

RQ2: Has the physical appearance of Black women in rap videos changed over time such

that there has been more conformity to Eurocentric standards of beauty?

RQ2a: Over time, has Black women’s skin tone in rap videos gotten lighter? Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 15

RQ2b: Over time, has hair texture changed such that Black women have

straighter, less kinky hair?

RQ2c: Over time, have Black women’s facial features conformed to a more

Eurocentric standard such that their noses appear narrower?

RQ2d: Over time, have Black women’s facial features conformed to a more

Eurocentric standard such that their lips appear thinner?

RQ2e. Over time, have Black women’s body types conformed to be more

Eurotypical such their posteriors appear less round?

When evaluating rap lyrics, we can see an increase in references to White and non-Black

“foreign” or exotic women. Some cultural writers have suggested that “exotic” or “foreign” is meant to connote someone who is alluring, sexy, and adventurous, with an implication that they are different (Alvarez, 2016), while other writers suggest that it merely means “other,” or in the case of rappers, simply not Black (Shaw, 2014; Viera, 2012). Rap lyrics, in conjunction with the images presented in rap videos, support the long held notion that non-Black women are more attractive and desirable (Robinson-Moore, 2008), and in order for a Black woman to fare well in romantic and sexual worlds, she must fair-skinned and have straight hair or be seen as exotic

(Breland, 1998; Hill, 2002; Hunter, 1998; Thompson & Keith, 2001;)

Ironically, these references to non-Black women exist in a time when stereotypical Black bodies, but not facial features, are de rigueur. Large posteriors, which have long been preferred by Latinos and Blacks (Associated Press, 2014, November 11), have historically been mocked and considered unattractive among Whites in the United States (Adegoke, 2014). Even rap lyrics in the early 1990s highlighted the differences in White and Black body preferences. For example, the 1992 number one hit Baby Got Back by rapper Sir-Mix-a-Lot, extols the large butts of Black Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 16 women while the opening dialogue parodies White women’s attitudes toward Black women’s bodies:

I mean, her butt, is just so big I can't believe it's just so round, it's like out there I mean gross, look She's just so, black

Over time, though, there has been a shift in the “ideal” body type that has corresponded with the rise of female celebrities of color (Enochs, 2015). As a result of the normalization of big, round butts, women of all races are clamoring to get robust rear-ends, according to Dr. Dionne

Stephens, an associate psychology professor at Florida International University (Associated

Press, 2014, November 11). According to the American Society of Plastic Surgeons (2015), butt lifts, butt implants, and butt augmentations with fat grafting were three of the fastest-growing plastic surgery procedures in the United States in 2014. In addition, large lips, which have historically been considered a Black feature, mocked in minstrel shows and in society as one of the unattractive features (Perkins, 1996; Slatton, 2012) that adds to a Black person’s ape-like appearance (Plous & Williams, 1995), have been increasingly coveted by women of all races.

Today, White women have taken on the look of fuller lips through make-up tricks and cosmetic procedures while media outlets and fashion magazines have been criticized for suggesting that

White women have pioneered the big butt and full lips trends when Black and Latina women have been championing an appreciation for these features for years (Barnes, 2015; Clifton, 2015;

Samuels, 2015). When White women do possess these stereotypically Black features, it is considered something akin to a miracle. For example, in his 2003 hit Blow it Out, which peaked at 56th position on the U.S. Billboard Hot R&B/Hip-Hop Single and Tracks chart, Ludacris likened himself to this presumably rare event: Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 17

I’m the new phenomenon, like White women with ass.

In the song Can’t Believe It (2013) by Flo Rida featuring Pitbull, the rappers are also taken by the rare occurrence of a White woman with a large posterior:

Damn, that white girl got some ass. I can't believe it. White girl got some ass.

Due to this recent celebration of non-Black women who have Black features, I examine whether the physical appearance of non-Black women in rap videos has changed over time.

RQ3: Has the physical appearance of non-Black women in rap videos changed over time

such that there has been more conformity to Afrocentric standards of beauty?

RQ3a. Over time, have non-Black women’s facial features conformed to a more

Afrocentric standard such that their lips appear more full?

RQ3b. Over time, have non-Black women’s body types conformed to a more

Afrocentric standard such their posteriors appear more round?

RQ3c. Over time, has the skin of non-Black women gotten darker?

With Black women potentially adhering to more Eurotypical appearance

attributes and non-Black women adhering to more Afrotypical appearance attributes, it

stands to reason that the preference for “foreign-looking” or exotic women will make it

difficult to identify the racial categories of the women who are featured. The rationale for

the following research question is that the women who are featured in rap videos are

increasingly becoming more homogenous in their looks such that their races are unclear.

RQ4: Has the racial ambiguity of primary female characters in rap videos

changed over time such that the race of the female characters is unclear?

RQ4a: Has the racial ambiguity of primary Black female characters, in particular, Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 18

in rap videos changed over time such that the race of the female characters is

unclear?

RQ4b: Has the racial ambiguity of primary White female characters, in particular,

in rap videos changed over time such that the race of the female characters is

unclear?

RQ4c: Has the racial ambiguity of primary Asian female characters, in particular,

in rap videos changed over time such that the race of the female characters is

unclear?

RQ4d: Has the racial ambiguity of primary female characters coded as “Other”,

in particular, in rap videos changed over time such that the race of the female

characters is unclear?

When measuring racial representations in music videos, it is important to not only

to look at the frequency in which different races are featured, but also to look at the

prominence of the racial representations. That is, frequency does not necessarily equate to

prominence if and when a particular character is given more screen time. For example, if

a music video features four Black primary characters, but one White character is featured

in more scenes overall, the White character would be a more prominent character.

Therefore, prominence is a measure of which race ultimately has more face time in the

video, more alone time with the music artist(s) as measured by number of scenes, and

more interaction with the artist(s) (conversing with, dancing with, touching, gazing).

Thus, in addition to RQ1, which looked at how many Black women were coded as a

percentage of total female characters in the video, I also examined prominence of race in

each video as a whole. Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 19

RQ5: How has the prominence of each race changed over time?

Method

Sample

The top 50 songs were selected from each year, every three years from the years 1991 to

2015 from Billboard’s “Top 100” annual rankings for songs in the rap category (i.e., 1991, 1994,

1997, etc.) for an initial total of 350 songs. Songs that did not have an accompanying video or lacked a single primary female character were eliminated from the list, resulting in 210 videos in the final sample. Annual rankings of songs are based on radio airplay audience impressions as measured by Nielsen Music, sales data as compiled by Nielsen Music, and for songs from 2002 to 2015, streaming activity data from online music sources tracked by Nielsen Music. In the few years that Billboard had both a rap and hip-hop categories, only songs that feature artists who are classified as rappers according to their Wikipedia page were included.

Units of Analysis

There are two levels of analysis used in coding the music videos: video level and primary female character level. Identifying information, such as video name, the name of the main artist, whether or not there was a supporting artist, the name of the supporting artist if applicable, and prominence of race for female characters were coded for each video.

If at least one female character was in the video, the coders continued to code the rest of the video. Coders evaluated the race of all primary female characters in the videos. In order to be considered a primary character, the woman had to be engaged in conversation with, dancing with, touching, or gazing at either the main artist or feature artist(s). A female character may also be considered primary if she is featured alone in a scene and is looking at the camera as if looking directly at the audience. Women whose bodies were prominently featured, but whose Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 20 faces were not, were not considered a primary character and therefore were not coded.

Operationalization of Coding Categories

All variables are included in the codebook (see Appendix).

Race. Race was coded as Black, White, Asian or other. For example, women who were perceived to be Hispanic (any ethnicity, e.g., Mexican, Cuban.), Middle Eastern (any ethnicity), or Polynesian were coded as “Other.” Coders used characteristics such as skin tone and hair texture to determine race.

Racial ambiguity. This variable refers to whether a character’s race was easily identifiable. Each primary character’s race was considered ambiguous or unambiguous. A character’s race was considered ambiguous if the coder was unable to definitively determine the race of the character. That is, the coder used the racially ambiguity code if the character’s race was unascertainable or if the character appeared to be of two or more races and neither race was more discernable than another.

Skin tone. This variable refers to the tone of an individual's skin, on a scale from light to dark. Skin tone ranging from white to a light tan brown was coded as light. Skin tone from a darker tan to the medium brown of milk chocolate was coded as medium. All darker skin tones from ebony to black were coded as dark (Conrad, Dixon, & Zhang, 2009). See color palate in the

Appendix.

Hair texture. This variable referred to the texture of the characters' hair. The natural texture of many Black people's hair is different than many other people of the world. Many times, the hair is thick and curled tightly in its natural state. Afrotypical hair in its natural state is usually described as having a kinky or curly texture. Kinky was defined as having a tight, spiral curl or dry, puffy quality. If the hair appeared to have a loose curl or was wavy, then coders Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 21 recorded it as curly. If the hair was straight or had been straightened in some way, it was coded as straight. If the hair was in any other form, for example, if the primary character was bald, then her hair was coded as “other”.

Width of nose. This variable refers to the width of an individual's nose. In many cases, the noses of those who descend from Europe are different than those who descend from Africa.

Quite often the nostrils of those of European descent tend to be more narrow, whereas the nostrils of many of those of African descent are wider. Coders will record the width of the nose as narrow, medium, or wide (Conrad et al., 2009). See the Appendix for a visual depiction of the nose width categories.

Thickness of lips. This variable refers to the fullness in the individual character's lips.

Those of European descent often have lips that are considered to be thinner than those of African descent. Coders recorded lips as thick if the character’s lips were puffy and if the lips curled. If the lips were flat and tight, they were coded as thin (Conrad et al., 2009).

Posteriors. This variable refers to how round and protruding an individual’s posterior is.

Stereotypically, Black women have larger, rounder butts than White women. An illustration of three posteriors was included in the codebook (see Appendix) to help coders assess whether a character’s butt was flat, medium, or round.

Prominence. This variable encompasses the total of all recorded instances of a particular race. Prominence is a measure of which race ultimately has more airtime in the video. That is, primary characters that have more alone time with the music artist(s)as measured by number of scenes or have special attention paid to them as measured by interaction (conversing with, dancing with, touching, gazing) are considered more prominent. Once the number and race of all primary characters were noted, the race that is tallied most was considered the race that is most Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 22 prominent.

Coding and Reliability

Four undergraduate students, two female (one who identifies as White, non-Hispanic and one who identifies as White, Hispanic) and two male (one who identifies as White and one who identifies as Mexican-American), and one additional female coder who was not a student (Black), conducted all the coding of the videos. Potter and Levine-Donnerstein (1999) recommend that a diverse set of coders may improve the validity of content analyses.

All coders participated in extensive training, which involved revisions of the codebook based on coders’ ongoing coding decisions. Coders met once a week for 3-4 hours, for nearly four months in order to determine rules for coding and to assess intercoder reliability. Intercoder reliability diagnostics were conducted in order to determine when coders were prepared to begin coding individually.

From the main sample, 10% (n = 21) of the videos were coded by all coders in order to assess intercoder reliability. Krippendorff’s alpha was used to calculate intercoder reliability.

According to Krippendorff (2012), coefficients of .80 are considered acceptable. Of the eight coded variables, four reached this threshold. Coefficients of over .667 are considered to be tentatively acceptable; the remaining four variables were in this range (.74-.79). See Table 1 for the intercoder reliability of all variables.

Data Analysis Strategy

Two-way cross tabulations (time period X variable of interest) were conducted to explore the predicted relationships between variables for each research question. When the two-way chi square statistic was statistically significant, pairwise comparisons using Bonferroni-corrected z tests were used to assess differences between particular cells. In instances in which the two-way Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 23 cross-tabulation included less than five cases in any cell, a Fisher’s Exact test was conducted to test the statistical significance of the relationship. An alpha of .05 was used throughout.

Results

Sample Statistics

In total, 1,764 primary female characters were coded from 210 rap videos from 1991-

2015. In order to examine trends over time, the years were then combined into three major six- year phases. From 1991 to 1997, there were a total of 61 videos, from 2000 to 2006, there were

76 videos, and from 2009 to 2015, there were 73 videos. This was done in order to highlight the shifts in consumerism and sexualization in rap music (discussed earlier).

Research Questions

To answer questions RQ1a and RQ1b, whether the number of Black women in rap videos has diminished over time and whether the number of non-Black women has increased over time,

I examined the distribution of frequency of the races of primary female characters across the three time periods. The relationship between race and time period was statistically significant, χ2

(6, N = 1,764) = 161.44, p < .001, Cramers’s V = .21. Pairwise comparisons revealed that the proportion of Black female characters (n = 1,194) decreased in each block such that Black women made up 84.6% (n = 226) of the female characters in rap videos from 1991 to 1997,

74.5% (n = 658) of the female characters in rap videos from 2000 to 2006, 50.5% (n = 310) of the female characters in rap videos from 2009 to 2015. See Table 2.

For a more fine-grained display of these results on a three-year interval basis, this decreasing trend of Black women is graphically presented in Figures 1 and 2.

RQ1b examined whether the number of non-Black women in rap videos has increased. A pairwise comparison revealed that the proportion of White female characters (n = 187) did not Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 24 significantly change from the first six-year block to the second six-year block (3.4%, n = 9 versus 6.3%, n = 56). However, there was a statistically significant increase in the number of

White women in the third six-year time block, as 19.9% (n = 122) of all women featured were

White. This was statistically significant greater than both the 1991-1997 time block and the

2000-2006 time block (see Table 2).

A pairwise comparison of the number of women who were categorized as “Other” increased significantly across each six-year time block, such that they made up 9.0% (n = 24) of all primary characters from 1991 to 1997, 16.6% (n = 147) of all primary characters from 2000 to 2006, and 27.4% (n = 168) of all primary characters from 2009 to 2015 (see Table 2).

There were no significant changes over time in representation of Asian women (see Table

2).

RQ2 examined whether the appearance of Black women has changed over time such that there has been conformity to Eurocentric standards of beauty. RQ2a specifically looked at whether Black women’s skin has gotten lighter over time. The goodness of fit test showed that the relationship between time and skin tone was statistically significant, χ2 (4, N = 1,194) =

21.23, p < .001, Cramer’s V = .09. Pairwise analyses showed that instances of very light skin significantly increased from the second decade to the third decade with 2.3% (n = 15) of Black women having very light skin from 2000 to 2006, increasing to 7.7% (n = 24) in 2009 to 2015.

The proportion of light-skinned women in the first decade was not statistically different from the third decade with 5.8% (n = 13) of Black women having light skin. The instances of medium skin tone did not change significantly across decades. The number of Black primary characters who have dark skin significantly decreased from the second to the third decade, with 50.3% (n =

331) of Black women having dark skin in 2000 to 2006, decreasing to 40.6% (n = 126) in 2009 Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 25 to 2015. There was no significant difference of either the second or third decade as compared to the first decade with 43.8% (n = 99) of Black women having dark skin (see Table 3).

RQ2b examined whether the texture of Black women’s hair has gotten straighter over the years. A goodness of fit chi square test was statistically significant, χ2 (4, n = 1,156) = 27.30, p <

.001, Cramer’s V = .11. The analysis shows that the number of women with straight hair has significantly increased from 1990s to the 2000s, with 54.5% (n = 114) having straight hair from

1991 to 1997 to 64.7% (n = 415) and 64.1% (n = 196) from 2000 to 2006 and from 2009 to 2015, respectively. There was no significant difference between the 2000 to 2006 block and the 2009 to

2015 block. Secondly, the analysis shows that the number of primary Black female characters with hair that is kinky has decreased significantly, with 25.8% (n = 54) of Black women having kinky hair in 1991 to 1997, down to 11.4% (n = 73) and 13.1% (n = 40) in 2000 to 2006 and from 2009 to 2015, respectively. There were no differences between the second and third periods

(see Table 4).

RQ2c sought to find whether, over time, Black women’s facial features have conformed to a more Eurocentric standard such that their noses appear narrower. Analyses revealed that

Black women in rap videos were not more likely to have a narrow nose versus a wide nose now than they were in previous decades, χ2 (4, n = 1,183) = 2.29, p = .68.

RQ2d sought to determine whether over time, Black women’s lips appear thinner.

Analyses revealed no significant change in the appearance of Black women’s lips over time, χ2

(2, n = 1,175) = 2.39, p = .30.

RQ2e sought to determine whether Black women’s posteriors have changed over time.

Results showed that the time period was significantly associated with type of posterior, χ2 (2, n =

203) = 8.13, p = .017, Cramer’s V = .20. Because of the very low numbers of women appearing Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 26 in the 1991-1997 year block who had a posterior visible (total n = 17, with one cell having a sample size of 2, one having a sample of size of 5 and the other a sample size of 10), a pairwise comparison was conducted on the two remaining time blocks. It should be stated that only women whose posteriors could be seen were coded for this variable. Therefore, only a limited number of characters were coded. Analyses showed that 32.3% (n = 43) of Black women had large posteriors from 2000 to 2006, a statistically significantly smaller proportion than in 2009 to

2015, 52.9% (n = 37). There was also a significant change in the number of Black women who had medium-sized posteriors, such that 56.4% (n = 75) of Black women had medium-sized posteriors from 2000 to 2006 versus 38.6% (n = 27) from 2009 to 2015. There was no significant change for Black women who had flat posteriors in the same time period, from 11.3% (n = 15) to

8.6% (n = 6) (see Table 5).

RQ3 examined whether the physical appearance of non-Black women in rap videos changed over time such that there has been more conformity to Afrocentric standards of beauty.

Specifically, RQ3a examines whether non-Black women’s lips have become fuller over time.

Similar to RQ2d, the appearance of non-Black women’s lips have not changed significantly over time, χ2 (2, n = 568) = 3.40, p = .18.

Analyses of RQ3b, examining whether over time, non-Black women’s posteriors have appeared to be bigger and more round over time, was statistically significant, χ2 (2, n = 104) =

18.04, p < .001, Cramer’s V = .30. A chi square goodness of fit revealed only two cases in the

1991 to 1997 block. In order to clarify pairwise comparisons, I dropped this year block from the analysis. Results indicated that the number of non-Black women with flat posteriors remained consistent while the number of non-Black women with round posteriors increased, from 11.1%

(n = 4) in 2000 through 2006 to 39.7% (n = 27) in 2009 through 2015. Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 27

RQ3C looked at whether non-Black women have conformed to a more Afrocentric standard by the skin tone becoming darker over time. The analyses showed a statistically significant change in skin tone across time, but counter to the researcher’s expectation. That is, non-Black women got significantly lighter over time, χ2 (2, n = 566) = 15.63, p < .001. Pairwise comparisons show that the proportion of women who had light skin increased significantly from the second six-year block to the third six-year block, with 49.8% (n = 110) of non-Black women being light skinned from 2000 to 2006 and 66.8% (n = 203) of non-Black women being light skinned from 2009 to 2015. There was no significant difference in light-skinned non-Black characters between the first six-year block (1991-1997) and either of the other two blocks. There was also a significant decrease in non-Black women with medium skin tone from the second six- year block to the third six-year block, with 50.2% (n = 111) of non-Black women having medium skin from 2000 to 2006 to 33.2% (n = 101 of non-Black women having medium from

2009 to 2015. There were only a small number (n = 4) of non-Black women who were coded as dark skinned, which makes sense as the skin colors in this category are considered dark even for

Black women. As such, they were not included in calculations (see Table 6).

When examining the skin tones of the particular races, I found that there was no significant change in White women’s skin tone across time. There was also no significant change for Asian women’s skin tone across time. In contrast, women in the “Other” category accounted for the significant change in skin tone discussed above, χ2 (2, n = 335) = 7.79, p = .02, Cramer’s

V = .15. A pairwise comparison shows that 37.8% of women in the “Other” category were light skinned from 2000 to 2006, which was significantly different from 2009 to 2015, in which

53.0% of women in the “Other” category were light skinned. There were no significant differences between the second and third time blocks and the first time block (see Table 7). Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 28

RQ4 sought to determine whether the racial ambiguity of primary female characters in rap videos has changed over time such that the race of the female characters has become less distinguishable. A chi-square goodness of fit was significant, χ2 (2, N = 1,764) = 6.01, p = .05,

Cramer’s V = .06. A pairwise comparison shows that primary female characters were significantly less likely to be racially ambiguous in 1991 to 1997 (17.2%, n = 46) compared to

24.3% (n = 215) in 2000 to 2006 and 23.5% (n = 144) in 2009 to 2015. There were no differences between the second and third blocks of time (see Table 8).

When looking at the races individually, we see that Black women have become increasingly racially ambiguous in the last decade, χ2 (2, n = 1,194) = 12.24, p < .01, with 26.1%

(n = 81) of Black primary female characters being coded as racially ambiguous in 2009 through

2015. This six-year block is significantly different from the 1991-1997, where 14.2% (n = 32) of

Black women were racially ambiguous. It was also significantly different from the 2000-2006, where 19.3% (n = 127) of Black women were racially ambiguous. There were no differences between the 1991-1997 block and the 2000-2006 block (see Table 9).

On the other hand, White women have become less racially ambiguous over time.

Because there were no racially ambiguous White women from 1991 to 1997, a cross tabulation analysis was conducted for the year blocks from 2000 to 2006 and from 2009 to 2015. The results were statistically significant, Fisher’s Exact (FE) (1, n = 178), p = .04. From 2000 to

2006, 19.6% (n = 11) of White women were racially ambiguous versus 8.2% (n = 10) from 2009 to 2015 (see Table 10).

Women who were coded as “Other,” that is, not ostensibly Black, White, or Asian, have also grown less racially ambiguous in the last decade, χ2 (2, n = 339) = 12.75, p < .01= Cramer’s

V = .19. A pairwise comparison shows that from 2000 to 2006, 48.3% (n = 71) of women in the Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 29

“Other” category were racially ambiguous, and 30.4% (n = 51) of women in the “Other” category were racially ambiguous from 2009 to 2015. These blocks are statistically different from each other, but neither were significantly different from the first year block encompassing

1991 to 1997 where 54.2% (n = 24) of “Other” women were racially ambiguous (see Table 11).

There were no statistically significant differences, FE(2, n = 44), p = .61, across time for

Asian primary characters.

RQ5 examined how the prominence of each race has changed over time. This is a video level analysis. The data show that Black women have become significantly less prominent over time, Fisher’s Exact (6, N = 210) = 30.77, p <. 001. A pairwise comparison shows that in the first year block, 93.4% (n = 57) of videos featured Black women as the prominent race and in the second block 92.1% (n = 70) of videos prominent featured Black women. However, these are statistically different from the third time block where in 63.0% (n = 46) of videos, Black women were most prominent. Similarly, videos in which White women and women coded as “Other” were most prominent increased significantly over the same time period. In the first and second time blocks, White women were prominent in 0.0% (n = 0) and 1.3% (n = 1) of videos respectively. But in the third time block, 16.4% (n = 12) of videos featured White women as most prominent. Women coded as “Other” were prominent in 4.9% (n = 3) of videos in the first time block and in 5.3% (n = 4) in the second time block. This statistically different from the third time block in which women coded as “Other” were prominent in 19.2% (n = 14) of videos (see

Table 12).

Discussion

One of the main purposes of the content analysis was to systematically test the observations of cultural critics who have suggested that Black women in rap videos are Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 30 diminishing in numbers and are simultaneously being replaced by non-black women (see Figure

2) (Shaw, 2014; Viera, 2012; G, 2016). In the examination of the changing racial demographics of women in rap videos across two and a half decades, I found that not only did the proportion of

Black women decrease over time, but also that the proportion of White women and other non-

Black women increased over the same time periods, especially since 2009. Additionally, when examining the Black women who are present in rap videos, they have become lighter in the last

15 years. These are significant findings because of the implications for Black women, an already marginalized group. First, it is important to point out that Black women still make up the majority of female characters in rap music videos. Rap as genre, has been criticized by scholars who state that Black women are too often portrayed as deviant and hypersexual (Stokes & Gant,

2002) and speculate that the sexual scripts that are perpetuated in rap music videos may shape how Black women view themselves (Stephens & Phillips, 2003). Rap videos incorporate more occurrences of simulated intercourse, simulated masturbation, simulated oral sex, and female sexual dancing than other musical genres (Jones, 1997). A correlation between the consumption of such videos and more permissive attitudes toward premarital sex and greater endorsement of sexual double standards has been found in young adults (Zhang, Miller, & Harrison, 2008). As women, regardless of race, the characters in rap videos are highly sexually objectified and there is considerable emphasis on having an attractive appearance and possessing sexual appeal

(Aubrey & Frisby, 2011; Frisby & Aubrey, 2012). Consumption of sexually objectifying media has been shown to be associated with more self-objectification (Aubrey & Gerding, 2015). This may create a feedback loop where Black women, already believed to be more hypersexual than non-Black women (Harris, 2016; Manatu, 2003) self sexualize in order to conform to sexual scripts, thus reinforcing stereotypes about Black female sexuality. Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 31

Second, it is disconcerting that the findings support the notion that there is a bias towards light skinned Black women and non-Black women over dark-skinned Black women in rap videos.

Past research has shown that rap lyrics have perpetuated skin color messages, specifically with regards to skin tone preferences for light-skinned Black women and unfavorable messages about dark-skinned Black women (Maxwell, Abrams, & Belgrave, 2016). Researchers suggest that exposure to messages of colorism in rap music may affect how young Black women view themselves and others, may contribute to negative health outcomes, and may contribute to intragroup strife among Black girls and women, manifesting as frustration, resentment, division and competiveness (Maxwell et al., 2016;, Russell-Cole, K., Wilson, M, & Hall; 2013; Wilder &

Cain, 2010). This, in conjunction with the fact that the number of Black women, regardless of skin tone, are diminishing, could create a scenario where Black women, particularly dark- skinned Black women, feel dissatisfied with their own skin color and begin to internalize racist beliefs. Past research has shown skin color skin color satisfaction is a crucial measure of overall satisfaction and well-being among Black women (Bond & Cash, 1992; Falconer & Neville,

2000) and that preferential treatment for one skin color over another may lead to skin color dissatisfaction, which is associated with increased internalized racism (Maxwell, Belgrave,

Abrams & Belgrave, 2015). Based on existing research, it is clear that rap music and rap music videos can have a profound effect on Black women and how they are perceived.

Because media shape our perceptions of not only what is morally acceptable and appropriate, but also of what is important, worthy of attention, on trend and in fashion, it is important to look at the implications of Black women losing representation in a historically

Black medium. While rap videos are problematic when it comes to the objectification of and violence towards women, they make up one of the few spaces where Black womanhood is Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 32 celebrated. Stephens (2010) suggests that rap videos are simultaneously a source of negative attitudes toward Black women and a conduit for seeing Black women as beautiful and worthy of idealizing. As such, it is not so simple as to say that the decrease in numbers of Black women in rap videos is purely a good thing. The increasing numbers of non-Black women in rap videos, coupled with rap lyrics that suggest that these are the women worthy of being sexually desired, could send a message that Black women are inferior to non-Black women. In this way, symbolic annihilation is operating on two fronts (Gerbner, 1972). First, Black women are being represented in a stereotypical, one-dimensional fashion. Second, simultaneously Black women are being eliminated. These patterns in rap videos are in line with Coleman and Yochim’s (2008) definition of symbolic annihilation, which states that when racial groups are not represented in the media as fully developed, fleshed-out entities, whether through “absence, trivialization, or condemnation,” the groups may see their social status weakened (p. 4). That is to say, annihilation in this sense does not denote the complete disappearance of a group necessarily, as

Black women are still the most represented racial group in rap videos. Rather, annihilation as it pertains to Black women in rap videos, refers to the gradual diminishment in number and eventual diminution in value and importance of Black women in the media landscape and in day- to-day life. In a sense, an argument can be made that Black women are transitioning from one type of symbolic annihilation to another type. From being represented as hyper-sexualized objects, worthy of only the most boorish admiration, to being in a position where they are recognized increasingly less. Both of these scenarios are problematic as rap music videos allow negative beliefs about Black women to be maintained subconsciously, not only by White people and Black men, but by Black women themselves. As posited by social identity theory (Tajfel &

Turner, 1979), individuals are motivated to maintain positive perceptions of themselves and that Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 33 an individual’s self-concept is at least partially derived from group membership. The theory predicts positive effects of racial identity on well-being, but does not take into account the effects of internalized racism or sexism on individuals. Internalized racism has been shown to have negative effects on one’s well-being (Cross, 1991; Williams & Mohammed, 2013). Research

(Hughes, Kiecolt, Keith & Demo, 2015) conducted to resolve these discrepancies found, as predicted by social identity theory, that Blacks who identify closely to their group, evaluated the group more positively, racial group identification was associated with higher self-esteem and mastery and lower depressive symptoms and that positive in-group evaluation was also related to more positive self-attitudes (self-esteem and mastery) and lower depressive symptoms. But, when the researchers examined how internalized racism affected one’s well-being by looking at what happens when people cannot achieve a positive social identity and can not leave the group, researchers found that individuals who identify as Black but have negative evaluations of Blacks as a group had negative self-attitudes and higher depressive symptoms. In a similar vein, whether symbolic annihilation leads to a stronger sense of Blackness in Black women or whether it leads to negative self-attitudes, could depend on whether individuals have internalized Eurocentric standards of beauty and how positively or negatively they currently view their in-group.

A few considerations should be made when discussing the implications of the images presented in rap videos for Black women. First, according to the latest Nielsen Total Audience

Report, Black people watch more TV than any other racial group (Nielsen, 2016). Second, teens and young adults, ages 13 to 24, watch 12.1 hours of music videos per week on YouTube and other internet sources (Spangler, 2016), with music videos garnering bigger audiences than network shows (Roettgers, 2016). Adolescence and young adulthood are times of identity formation and exploration (Erikson, 1968), and it stands to reason that media representations or Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 34 the lack thereof will shape the reality of young, heavy viewers more so than the realities of those who are older or who are not heavy viewers, causing them to internalize perpetuated ideals (Van

Vonderen & Kinnally, 2012).

As stated previously, Black women who are considered to be attractive have often possessed features that are often associated with White people. According to Perkins (1996),

Black women who have a combination of light eyes, light skin, long, straight hair and/or

European facial features, are deemed by the media as the ideal and research shows that young

Black girls are acutely aware of how colorism operates within the Black community and in greater society (Wilder, 2015). Wilder interviewed dozens of Black women from very young to very old and found that all of them knew the hierarchal aspects of colorism. One woman stated,

“From the time I can remember everyone was described by color, down to a half or

quarter shade darker than someone else. If the person was dark, the description was

negative, especially if the person was female…I got the message: no good, dark, ugly, not

worth black men’s attention, unattractive, and not wife material. I believed it.” (p. 63)

The current study further shows that there is a trend of the proportion of light-skinned

Black women increasing and the proportion of dark-skinned Black women decreasing. At the same time, the proportion of so-called “brown-skinned” Black women, women who made up the medium category, stayed consistent. This is noteworthy because women who fall into this category have historically been seen as a happy medium between “stuck up” light-skinned women and “ghetto” or dark-skinned women (Wilder, 2015). Often branded as having a “nice” skin tone, Wilder (2015) states that Black women with brown skin somehow have that “niceness” hoisted upon their character. That is, the notions of Black women’s skin color get transmuted into notions about the woman herself. Women who fall into the brown skin category could, Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 35 historically, pass the so-called brown paper bag tests, which allowed them to be admitted into highly exclusionary social clubs such as the Brown Fellowship, Jack & Jill, and the Blue Vein

Society, so named because one is unable to see that veins are blue under the skin of those who are dark (Wilder, 2015).

Here, I was interested in trends of the two, more extreme categories of light and dark skin, and the findings echo historical preferences for lighter skin. In fact, even non-Black women, specifically those who were coded as “Other,” have gotten lighter over time (from 48.9% in 2000 to 2006 to 66.8% in 2009 to 2015). This was an unexpected finding that may be able to be explained partially from taking a historical point of view and partially from the rationale of the paper. The data shows that while Black women have gotten lighter since 2000, there were no differences from the last time period and the first. Rap music in the early 1990s was still focused on messages of Afrocentrism and on messages that explicitly sought to uplift Black communities and evoke political militancy (Mervis, 2004; Stephens, 2010). With an emphasis on the beauty of

Blackness and not on Black female form as a sexual object, there may have been no need or desire to focus on skin tone because it was the plight of all Blacks, of various shades, that was most important. There is no doubt that colorism existed during this time period, but there may have been a more conscious balancing act during that era in which no Black woman was positioned over the other according to color.

As for non-Black women getting lighter since 2000, the data showed that it was not

White or Asian women getting lighter, but women who were coded as “Other” who became lighter from the second time block to the third. This, coupled with the fact that women in this category were coded as becoming less racially ambiguous over the same time period, points to the possibility that the notion of being foreign or exotic has less to do with racial ambiguity and Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 36 more to do with simply not belonging to the dichotomy of Black or White. In other words, women who were coded as “Other,” per coding rules were not seen as Black or White, not even partially. Therefore, they are seen as outside of Eurotypical and Afrotypical frameworks, but they may be operating under the same Eurocentric rules that Black women have historically operated under: light skin is better than dark, straight hair is better than curly (67.1% of women in this category had straight hair), and all other features (hair color, eye color, etc.) are secondary

(Gordon, 2008). This data may be pointing to the continuing fetishization of Whiteness or may be pointing to a veneration of “otherness.” Further research should be conducted to parse out the subtleties.

Prior research shows how detrimental colorism is to Black women, especially to those who are dark. Dark-skinned women face more social barriers that can have negative effects on their mental health and self-perception (Mathews & Johnson, 2015). Skin color has been shown to also affect Black women’s perceived attractiveness, intelligence, and success (Neal & Wilson,

1989). Further research should be conducted into whether the fact that these beliefs about skin tone are being perpetuated in a historically Black medium, rap videos, is more or less detrimental than them being perpetuated in mainstream media.

Hair has historically been another characteristic in which Black people have been judged.

Much like the tests of the past that allowed Blacks to exclude darker skinned Blacks, there were similar “comb” tests that excluded potential members on the basis of how kinky one’s hair was.

If one could pass a comb smoothly through his or her hair, membership was granted (Okazawa-

Rey, Robinson, & Ward, 1986). In tandem with rap videos maintaining colorism ideals, the current research shows that rap videos showcase an increased preference for non-Afrotypical straight hair. The results are not surprising, as past research has suggested that while Black Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 37 media promotes ideals that are just as narrow as the ideals promoted in the mainstream, there is a greater emphasis on hair and skin tone rather than weight (Gordon, 2008). This may be because these two signifiers are the two most easily accessible traits that point to European ancestry. We may see a shift in the future toward kinky, natural hair as more and more Black women are embracing the natural texture of their hair, eschewing chemical relaxers (Atlanta Black Star,

2014). Often called the natural hair movement (Henderson 2016; Holloway, 2016; Tarlo 2017), there have been scores of Black women on television and in the world who have made a conscious decision to shun Eurocentric ideals of beauty and, like women of other races, wear the hair texture that naturally grows from their scalps (Harris, 2015; Sharay, 2015; Swann, 2015).

Even so, women who decide to wear their hair natural may still face discrimination. A recent study (Perception Institute, 2016) found that, while Black women in the natural hair community have significantly more positive attitudes toward textured hair than other women, including black women in the national sample. White women show explicit bias toward Black women’s textured hair; one in five Black women feel social pressure to straighten their hair for work — twice as many as White women. And Black people still face discrimination in the workplace surrounding their natural hair (Honey, 2017). This study suggests that, even if Black women consciously fight against internalizing Eurocentric ideals, there are societal pressures that eventually affect their decisions, including the idealization of Black women with unnatural hair as featured in rap videos.

While the research did not find that Black women are more likely to have narrow noses or thin lips over time in rap videos, past research indicates that Black women who have

Eurotypical features are considered more attractive (Fears, 1998; Russell, Wilson & Hall, 1992).

In such a sexually charged medium as rap music videos, where women are often showcased from Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 38 the chest down or from behind, there may be less “need” for women’s faces (including their noses and lips) to also appear Eurotypical, especially when their hair and skin tone signify that they are more in line with Eurotypical ideal. This could partially explain why non-Black women’s facial features are not Afrotypical.

In addition, women are highly sexually objectified in rap videos, and inherent to sexual objectification is a scrutiny of bodies and body parts over and above scrutiny of faces. Thus, it makes sense that skin tone and posteriors change to conform to changing appearance ideals while facial features stay the same. However, we may see a difference in, say, lip thickness among non-Black women featured in mainstream media, as their faces are more on display than those of video models.

The proportion of non-Black women who have large posteriors has increased (from

11.1% to 39.7%). Simultaneously, the proportion of Black women who have large posteriors has increased as well (from 32.3% to 52.9%). This is an interesting trend because it not only shows that White women have embraced a more Afrotypical physical trait, but also that over time,

Black women have embraced a trait for which they were once shamed and was once considered an oddity worthy of prurient gaze (Holmes, 2007). Like other phenomena, this may be simply a flash in the pan trend or it may signal that at least one Black ideal has made its way into the mainstream.

When it comes to racial ambiguity, the results point to a trend in which Black women have become more racially ambiguous over time, while White women and women who fall into the “other” race category have become less ambiguous. That is, White women look distinctly

White, Asian women look distinctly Asian, and women who were perceived to be Middle

Eastern, Mexican, etc., were distinguishable as such. This suggests, again, a preference for Black Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 39 women to look less Afrotypical. This, coupled with the fact that the number of Black women coded decreased over time, and the number of White women and women in the “Other” category increased over time, further suggests that Black women who do not present as biracial or “mixed” are becoming less prominent in rap videos. As stated before, these trends suggest racial ambiguity is an imperative for Black women (in order to be seen as desirable and attractive), and

Eurocentricity is a thriving notion among all races.

Future Directions and Limitations

The current study examines trends in body types and facial features in one particular genre in a limited time period. As such, it is important to acknowledge that while Black women’s bodies have been ridiculed and mocked for the past 200 years in the United States and in other

Western societies, there have been times throughout history when a rounder body, including the posterior, was appreciated and celebrated in European cultures (Servadio, 2005). Also, body types and facial features of non-Black women in other media may differ significantly from non-

Black women in rap videos as women who aspire to be in rap videos may gravitate towards a medium that traditionally appreciates traits such as theirs.

There is a dearth of research into symbolic annihilation, particularly as it pertains to colorism. Further research into whether there is correlation between beliefs about skin tone

(colorism) and media consumption should be conducted. It is important for all individuals to see diverse depictions of people who represent them. Research has already shown that there is a connection between racial representation and self-esteem. Martins and Harrison (2011) found that media consumption was tied to self-esteem and worked differently along racial and gender lines. Both Black and White girls and Black boys were more likely to feel worse about themselves with increased media exposure, whereas White boys felt better about themselves. I Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 40 imagine that the case may be even more dire for darker-skinned women and girls. Generally speaking, more research should be conducted on the implications and outcomes of symbolic annihilation. We have seen an abundance of research on the negative effects of negative portrayals of in-group members in the media. It is equally as important to research the effects on individuals who are seemingly not represented in any great numbers.

Additionally, the notions of “foreign” and “exotic” are not fully fleshed out. While the case could be made that Black women who are not American could fall into these categories, the researcher positioned lyrics against images to come to the conclusion that rappers do in fact mean non-Black women when using these terms. A cursory search of how fans of rap music interpret these terms supports the researcher’s beliefs (Conyers, 2015; “Swirly & Proud”, 2013).

Rap music, as a genre, is fairly new as compared to other forms of music. As such, the time period studied is limited. As the genre continues to grow and as people of different races begin to participate directly in the art form, there may be greater shifts in who participates in music videos. The demographic make up of videos may begin to better represent listeners or may fall along the racial lines of the artists (e.g. White rap artists may have more White women in their videos). The researcher did not control for this in the current study.

Finally, the current study highlighted cultural bias and subjectivity of race when coding.

That is, one coder who was Hispanic may have perceived an Afro-Latina as Latina (Other) while a Black coder may have seen her as Black. While checks on intercoder reliability were conducted, there is potential for cultural bias to play a part in coding.

Conclusion

The current research suggests that certain Eurocentric standards of beauty, such as light skin and straight hair, still shape how media makers and consumers define attractiveness. As the Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 41 most popular genre of music (Buskirk, 2015; Hooton, 2015), rap music videos provide an insightful look into what is on trend and what is valued culturally. Women, generally objectified as props or trophies, are to be fair skinned with straight hair. Colorism, which overwhelmingly skews in favor of light skin and is clearly still at play to some extent, produces consequences for women of all races, including effects on educational opportunities, social mobility, well-being, and self-esteem (Hunter, 2016; Ryabov, 2016; Parameswaran & Cardoza; 2009). The current study supports previous research that finds that it is often Black men, in this case rap artists and possibly producers and directors, who continue to promote Eurocentric ideals for Black women

(Mathews & Johnson, 2015).

Curviness, in this study, focused on roundness of women’s posteriors and offers a glimmer of hope in that there was no difference in the posterior shapes over time toward a slimmer body ideal. Research shows that Black women value a larger, rounder silhouette (Kelly,

Bulik, & Mazzeo, 2011) than White women and have significantly less body dissatisfaction than

White women (Grabe & Hyde, 2006). Research also shows that consumption of Black-oriented media (e.g. rap videos) by Latinas (Schooler, 2008) was associated with greater body satisfaction and the same type of viewership had protective effects for Black women’s body image against the negative effects of mainstream media (Schooler, Ward, Merriweather & Caruthers, 2004).

Therefore, rap videos may offer some women more realistic body ideals, at least as it pertains to thinness and roundness.

Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 42

Table 1 Intercoder Reliability Alpha Coefficients Krippendorff’s Alpha Race .82 Race ambiguity .74 Skin tone .79 Nose width .79 Hair texture .88 Lip thickness .78 Posterior .85 Prominence .92 Notes. Alphas were based on 21 videos and five coders.

Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 43

Table 2

Representation of Race of Primary Female Characters in Rap Music Videos Over Time

1991-1997 2000-2006 2009-2015 Total

Black 84.6%a (226) 74.5%b (658) 50.5%b (310) 67.7% (1194)

White 3.4%a (9) 6.3%a (56) 19.9%b (122) 10.6% (187)

Asian 3.0%a (8) 2.5%a (22) 2.3%a (14) 2.5% (44)

Other 9.0%a (24) 16.6%b (147) 27.4c (168) 19.2% (339)

Total 100.0% (267) 100.0% (883) 100.0% (614) 100.0% (1764)

Notes. χ2 (6, N = 1764) = 161.44, p < .001, Cramer’s V = .21. Raw frequencies are in parentheses.

Pairwise comparisons within each row were done by investigation of z tests with Bonferonni correction. Frequencies in the same row that do not share subscripts differ at p < .05.

Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 44

Table 3

Representation of Skin Tone for Black Women in Rap Music Videos Over Time

1991-1997 2000-2006 2009-2015 Total

Light 5.8%a (13) 2.3%b (15) 7.7%a (24) 4.4% (52)

Medium 50.4%a (114) 47.4%a (312) 51.6%a (160) 49.1% (586)

Dark 43.8%a, b (99) 50.3%b (331) 40.6%a (126) 46.6% (556)

Total 100.0% (226) 100.0% (658) 100.0% (310) 100.0% (1194)

Notes. χ2 (4, n = 1194) = 21.23, p < .001, Cramer’s V = .09. Raw frequencies are in parentheses.

Pairwise comparisons within each row were done by investigation of z tests with Bonferonni correction. Frequencies in the same row that do not share subscripts differ at p < .05.

Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 45

Table 4

Representation of Hair Texture for Black Women in Rap Music Videos Over Time

1991-1997 2000-2006 2009-2015 Total

Straight 54.5%a (114) 64.7%b (415) 64.1%a, b (196) 62.7% (725)

Curly 19.6%a (41) 23.9%a (153) 22.9%a (70) 22.8% (264)

Kinky 25.8%a (54) 11.4%b (73) 13.1%b (126) 14.4% (167)

Total 100.0% (209) 100.0% (641) 100.0% (306) 100.0% (1156)

Notes. χ2 (4, n = 1156) = 27.30, p < .001, Cramer’s V = .11. Raw frequencies are in parentheses.

Pairwise comparisons within each row were done by investigation of z tests with Bonferonni correction. Frequencies in the same row that do not share subscripts differ at p < .05.

Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 46

Table 5

Representation of Posterior Size for Black Women in Rap Music Videos Over Time

2000-2006 2009-2015 Total

Flat 11.3%a (15) 8.6%a (6) 10.3% (21)

Medium 56.4%a (75) 38.6%b (27) 50.2% (102)

Round 32.3%a (43) 52.9%b (37) 39.4% (80)

Total 100.0% (133) 100.0% (70) 100.0% (203)

Notes. χ2 (2, n = 203) = 8.13, p = .017, Cramer’s V = .20. Raw frequencies are in parentheses.

Pairwise comparisons within each row were done by investigation of z tests with Bonferonni correction. Frequencies in the same row that do not share subscripts differ at p < .05. Because of the very low numbers of women appearing in the 1991-1997 year block who had a posterior visible (total n = 17, with one cell having a sample size of 2, one having a sample of size of 5 and the other a sample size of 10), a pairwise comparison was only conducted on the two remaining time blocks.

Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 47

Table 6

Skin Tone Changes for Non- Black Women Over Time

1991-1997 2000-2006 2009-2015 Total

Light 63.4%a, b (26) 48.9%b (110) 66.8%a (203) 59.5% (339)

Medium 36.6%a, b (15) 49.3%b (111) 33.2%a (101) 39.8% (227)

Total 100.0% (41) 100.0% (225) 100.0% (304) 100.0% (570)

Notes. χ2 (2, n = 566) = 15.63, p < .001. Raw frequencies are in parentheses. Pairwise comparisons within each row were done by investigation of z tests with Bonferonni correction.

Frequencies in the same row that do not share subscripts differ at p < .05.

Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 48

Table 7

Skin Tone Changes For Women Coded as “Other” Over Time

1991-1997 2000-2006 2009-2015 Total

Light 54.2%a, b (13) 37.8%b (54) 53.0%a (89) 46.6% (156)

Medium 45.8%a, b (11) 62.2%b (89) 47.0%a (79) 53.4% (179)

Total 100.0% (24) 100.0% (143) 100.0% (168) 100% (335)

Notes. χ2 (2, n = 335) = 7.79, p = .02, Cramer’s V = .15. Raw frequencies are in parentheses.

Pairwise comparisons within each row were done by investigation of z tests with Bonferonni correction. Frequencies in the same row that do not share subscripts differ at p < .05.

Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 49

Table 8

Race Ambiguity Among Primary Female Characters

1991-1997 2000-2006 2009-2015 Total

Non-Ambiguous 82.8%a (221) 75.7%b (668) 76.5%a, b (470) 77.0% (1359)

Ambiguous 17.2%a (46) 24.3%b (215) 23.5%a, b (144) 20.1% (405)

Total 100.0% (267) 100.0% (883) 100.0% (614) 100.0% (1764)

Notes. χ2 (2, N = 1764) = 6.01, p = .05, Cramer’s V = .06. Raw frequencies are in parentheses.

Pairwise comparisons within each row were done by investigation of z tests with Bonferonni correction. Frequencies in the same row that do not share subscripts differ at p < .05.

Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 50

Table 9

Race Ambiguity Among Black Women

1991-1997 2000-2006 2009-2015 Total

Non-Ambiguous 85.8%a (194) 80.7%a (531) 73.9%b (229) 79.9% (954)

Ambiguous 14.2%a (32) 19.3%a (127) 26.1%b (81) 20.1% (240)

Total 100.0% (226) 100.0% (658) 100.0% (310) 100.0% (1194)

Notes. χ2 (2, n = 1194) = 12.24, p < .01, Cramer’s V = .10. Raw frequencies are in parentheses.

Pairwise comparisons within each row were done by investigation of z tests with Bonferonni correction. Frequencies in the same row that do not share subscripts differ at p < .05.

Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 51

Table 10

Race Ambiguity Among White Women

2000-2006 2009-2015 Total

Non-Ambiguous 80.4%a (45) 91.8%b (112) 88.2% (157)

Ambiguous 19.6%a (11) 8.2%b (10) 11.8% (21)

Total 100.0% (56) 100.0% (122) 100.0% (178)

Notes. FE (1, n = 178), p = .04. Raw frequencies are in parentheses. Pairwise comparisons within each row were done by investigation of z tests with Bonferonni correction. Frequencies in the same row that do not share subscripts differ at p < .05.

Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 52

Table 11

Race Ambiguity Among “Other” Women

1991-1997 2000-2006 2009-2015 Total

Non-Ambiguous 45.8%a, b (11) 51.7%b (76) 69.6%a (117) 60.2% (204)

Ambiguous 54.2%a, b (13) 48.3%b (71) 30.4%a (51) 39.8% (135)

Total 100.0% (24) 100.0% (147) 100.0% (168) 100.0% (339)

Notes. χ2 (2, n = 339) = 12.75, p < .01, Cramer’s V = .19. Raw frequencies are in parentheses.

Pairwise comparisons within each row were done by investigation of z tests with Bonferonni correction. Frequencies in the same row that do not share subscripts differ at p < .05.

Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 53

Table 12

Race Prominence Over Time

1991-1997 2000-2006 2009-2015 Total

Black 93.4%a (57) 92.1%a (70) 63.0%b (46) 82.4% (173)

White 0.0%a (0) 1.3%a (1) 16.4%b (12) 6.2% (13)

Asian 1.6%a (1) 1.3%a (1) 1.4%a (1) 1.4% (3)

Other 4.9%a (3) 5.3%a (4) 19.2%b (14) 10.0% (21)

Total 100.0% (61) 100.0% (76) 100.0% (73) 100.0% (210)

Notes. FE(6, N = 210) = 30.78, p < .001. Raw frequencies are in parentheses. Pairwise comparisons within each row were done by investigation of z tests with Bonferonni correction.

Frequencies in the same row that do not share subscripts differ at p < .05.

Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 54

Figure 1

Distribution of Race Over Time

100 90 80 70 60 Black 50 White 40 Asian 30 Other 20 10 0 1991 1994 1997 2000 2003 2006 2009 2012 2015

Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 55

Figure 2

Distribution of Race Over Time (Black women vs. Non-Black Women Combined)

100 90 80 70

60 Black 50 40 All non-Black women (combined) 30 20 10 0 1991 1994 1997 2000 2003 2006 2009 2012 2015

Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 56

APPENDIX A:

SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION CODEBOOK: RACE, COLOR, BEAUTY AND SEXUALITY 4-8-16 I. Race We will evaluate the race of the primary female characters in the videos. In order to be considered a primary character, the woman should be engaged in conversation with, dancing with, touching, or gazing at either the main artist or feature artist(s). A female character(s) may also be considered primary if they are featured in a scene and are looking at the camera as if looking directly at the audience. Women who are looking off screen as if interacting with the artist are coded as primary. If the female character is neither looking at the camera or interacting with the camera, she may still be considered primary if the narrative of the video depends on her in some way. Women whose bodies are prominently featured, but whose faces are not, will not be considered a primary character and therefore will not be coded. Whether the primary character’s race is ambiguous or not will also be coded. Note: If the coder perceives the character as Black but biracial, code as Black (V2) and racially ambiguous (V3= 1 [yes]). Code primary characters only once UNLESS there is a scene change AND new interaction (with camera or artist). Same scene within 15 seconds, only code once. Once, race and ambiguity are coded, for measures of Eurotypicality and Afrotypicality. Prominence is a measure of which race ultimately has more airtime in the video. That is, primary characters that have more alone time with the music artist(s)as measured by number of scenes or have special attention paid to them as measured by interaction (conversing with, dancing with, touching, gazing) are considered more prominent. Once the number and race of all primary characters are noted, the race that is tallied most would be considered the race that is most prominent. Variable Name Variable Coding Categories

V1.PRESENCE OF FEM_CHAR Is there a primary female 1 = yes character in the video? (If yes, code 2-3) 0 = no

V2. RACE What is the race of each primary 1= Black female character? 2=White 3=Asian 4=Other

V3. RACE_AMBIG Is the primary female 1= yes character’s race unclear? 0=no

II. Measures of Eurotypicality Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 57

We will evaluate the skin tone, nose width and hair texture of primary characters in order to determine whether there are more fair-skinned women than dark-skinned women.

Skin tone. Skin colors from a pale white to a light golden brown (top row) will be coded as light. Skin color from a darker tan to the medium brown of milk chocolate will be coded as medium (middle two rows). All darker skin tones from dark brown to black will be coded as dark (last row).

Nose width. This variable refers to how wide an individual's nose is. In many cases, the noses of Eurotypical people are different than those of many Afrotypical people. Quite often the nostrils of those of European descent tend to more narrow and the bridge of the nose is pointier and more defined, whereas the nostrils of many of those of African descent are wider and the nose is less pointed. Coders will record the width of the nose as narrow, medium or wide.

Hair Texture. This variable referred to the texture of primary characters' hair. The natural texture of many Black people's hair is different than many other people of the world. Many times, the hair is thick and curled tightly in its natural state. African-American hair in its natural state is usually described as having a Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 58 kinky or curly texture. . If the hair is straight or had been straightened in some way, it is coded as straight. If the hair is wavy or has a very loose curl pattern, the hair is coded as curly. If the hair appears to be in its natural state and/or has a tight spiral curl, then coders will record it as kinky. All other hair styles/types including bald characters will be coded as other.

V4. SKIN_TONE What is the skin tone of the 1= light primary character? 2= medium 3= dark V5. NOSE_WIDTH What is the perceived with of the 1= narrow primary character’s nose? 2= medium 3= wide

V6. HAIR_TEXT What texture is the primary 1= straight character’s hair? 2= curly 3= kinky 4= other (specify) III. Measures of Afrotypicality It is hypothesized that White women are taking on traits that are usually associated with Black women. As such, we will code for the lip thickness and posterior size of primary characters. Lip Thickness. This is defined as the amount of fullness in the individual character's lips. Those of European descent often have lips that are considered to be thinner than those of African descent. Coders will record lips as thick if the character has lips that protrude from the surface area of the face and curled. If the lips appear to be more in line with the surface area of the face, they will be coded as thin. Posteriors. This variable refers to the extent to which a primary character’s posterior protrudes. Stereotypically and phenotypically, Black women have larger, rounder butts than White women. Width of hips will not be coded and are not taken into account. Photo attached (top = flat, middle =medium, bottom= round).

V7. LIP_THICK What is the perceived thickness 1= thin of the primary character? 2=thick

V8. POSTERIORS How much does the White primary 1= flat character’s butt protrude? 2= medium 3=round 4= not visible

Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 59

V9. PROMINENCE Of the primary character’s 1=Black featured, which race is 2= White most prominent? 3= Asian 4= Other 5=All races equally prominent

Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 60

APPENDIX B:

Song List, Artist(s) and Year Released

Song Title Artist(s Year Released Pop Goes The Weasel 3rd Bass 1991 The Chubbster Chubb Rock 1991 Summertime DJ Jazzy Jeff and the Fresh Prince 1991 I Gotta Have It Ed OG and the Bulldogs 1991 Gold Digger EPMD 1991 I'll Do 4 You Father MC 1991 My Mind is Playing Tricks On Geto Boys 1991 Me Ain't Gonna Hurt Nobody Kid ‘n Play 1991 Rise and Shine Kool Moe Dee ft. Chuck D & KRS- 1991 One Around The Way Girl LL Cool J 1991 Looking at the Front Door Main Source 1991 It's a Shame Monie Love 1991 OPP Naughty by Nature 1991 Daddy's Little Girl Nikki D 1991 Can't Truss It Public Enemy 1991 Homey Don't Play That Terminator X 1991 FUCK COMPTON TIM DOG 1991 Blue Cheese U.M.C.s 1991 Can't Play With My Yo-Yo Yo Yo 1991 Keep Ya Head Up 2pac 1994 Tootsee Roll 69 Boyz 1994 I Used to Love HER Common 1994 Fantastic Voyage Coolio 1994 9th Wonder Digable Planets 1994 Getto Jam Domino 1994 Captain Save a Hoe E-40 1994 Swangin and Bangin ESG 1994 Nappy Heads Fugees 1994 Nowhere to Run, Nowhere to Gravediggaz 1994 Hide Got Me Waiting Heavy D 1994 Nuttin' but Love Heavy D 1994 The World Is Yours Nas 1994 One More Chance Notorios BIG 1994 Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 61

Juicy Notorious BIG 1994 Player's Ball Outkast 1994 Southernplayalisticadillacmuzik Outkast 1994 Gin and Juice Snoop Doggy Dogg 1994 (Who Am I) What's My Name Snoop Doggy Dogg 1994 Whoomp There It is Tag Team 1994 Fat Cats and Bigga Fish The Coup 1994 Pour Out a Little Liquor 2Pac 1994 Regulate Warren G ft. Nate Dogg 1994 Do You Believe? Beatnuts 1997 Put Your Hands Where My Busta Rhymes 1997 Eyes Can See Da Joint EPMD 1997 The Streets is Watching Jay-Z 1997 Backyard Boogie Mack 10 1997 Nothing But Cavi Mack 10 1997 Feels So Good Mase 1997 Cold Rock a Party MC Lyte 1997 Hit'em wit da hee Missy Elliott ft. Timbaland 1997 Hypnotize Notorious BIG 1997 Can't Nobody Hold Me Down Puff and Mase 1997 Been Around the World Puff Daddy ft. Mase 1997 Mo Money, Mo Problems Puff, Mase, Notorious BIG 1997 Off the Books The Beatnuts 1997 Up Jumps da Boogie Timbaland and Magoo 1997 Gettin' Jiggy With It Will Smith 1997 Reunited Wu Tang 1997 Triumph Wu-Tang 1997 We Trying To Stay Alive Wyclef ft John Forte & Pras 1997 Wobble Wobble 504 Boyz 2000 Girls Dem Sugar Beenie Man ft Mya 2000 It's So Hard Big Pun ft. Donnell Jones 2000 Get Your Roll On Big Tymer 2000 Whoa Black Rob 2000 The Light Common 2000 That's What I'm Looking For Da Brat 2000 What's My Name? DMX 2000 What These Bitches Want DMX ft. Sisqo 2000 Forgot About Dre Dr Dre ft. Eminem 2000 The Next Episode Dr. Dre ft. Snoop 2000 Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 62

The Real Slim Shady Eminem 2000 I Need a Hot Girl Hot Boyz ft. Big Tymers 2000 You Can Do It Ice Cube ft. Ms Toi 2000 Between Me and You Ja Rule ft. Christina Milian 2000 I Just Wanna Love U Jay-Z ft. Pharrell 2000 Do It Again Jay-Z ft. Beenie Siegel and Amil 2000 Hey Papi Jay-Z, Amil, Meek Mill 2000 Big Pimpin Jay-Z 2000 Back Dat Azz Up Juvenile 2000 No Matter What They Say Lil Kim 2000 Callin Me Lil Zane 2000 What's Your Fantasty Ludacris ft. Shawnna 2000 Shake It Fast Mystikal 2000 You Owe Me Nas ft. Ginuwine 2000 Country Grammar Nelly 2000 Bad Boyz Shyne 2000 G'd Up Snoop Dogg ft. Eastsidaz 2000 456 Sole ft. JT Money and Kandi 2000 Move Something Talib Kweli 2000 Shut Up Trick Daddy ft. Trina 2000 Whistle While You Twurk Ying Yang Twins 2000 21 Questions 50 Cent 2003 PIMP 50 Cent 2003 WANKSTA 50 Cent 2003 I know What You Want Busta Rhymes/MC/Rah Digga 2003 Right Thurr Chingy 2003 Holidae Inn Chingy ft. Ludacris 2003 Like a Pimp David Banner ft. Lil Flip 2003 Can't Let You Go Fabolous 2003 Into You Fabolous ft. Tamia 2003 So Sick of Being Lonely Field Mob ft. Torica 2003 Mesmerize Ja Rule ft. Ashanti 2003 Excuse Me Miss Jay Z ft. Pharell 2003 Pump It Up Joe Budden 2003 Get Low Lil Jon 2003 The Jump Off Lil Kim 2003 Act a Fool Ludacris 2003 Gossip Folks Missy Elliott 2003 Work It Missy Elliott 2003 Air Force Ones Nelly 2003 Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 63

Shake Ya Tailfeather Nelly ft. P. Diddy and Murphy Lee 2003 Frontin' Pharrell 2003 Like Glue Sean Paul 2003 Make It Clap Sean Paul 2003 Beautiful Snoop Dogg ft. Pharrell 2003 Can't Stop, Won't Stop Young Gunz 2003 Fresh Az I'm Iz Bow Wow 2006 Ms. New Booty Bubba Sparxxx 2006 Touch It Busta Rhymes 2006 Ridin Dirty Chamillionaire ft. Krayzie Bone 2006 Pullin Me Back Chingy ft. Tyrese 2006 Lean Wit it, Rock Wit It Dem Franchize Boyz 2006 I Think They Like Dem Franchize Boyz 2006 U and Dat E-40 ft. T-Pain 2006 There I Go Juelz Santana 2006 Snap Yo Fingers Lil Jon 2006 Money Maker Ludacris ft. Pharrell 2006 Temperature Sean Paul 2006 Gettin Some Shawnna 2006 Stay Fly Three 6 Mafia 2006 What You Know T.I. 2006 Shoulder Lean Young Dro ft. T.I. 2006 I Know You See It Yung Joc 2006 It's Going Down Yung Joc 2006 Ice Cream Paint Job Dorrough 2009 Best I Ever Had Drake 2009 Successful Drake 2009 Throw It in the Bag Fabolous ft. The Dream 2009 So What Field Mob ft. Ciara 2009 Right round Flo Rida 2009 Pop Champagne Jim Jones, Ron Browns 2009 Gold Digger Kanye ft. Jamie Foxx 2009 Mrs. Officer Lil Wayne ft. Bobby Valentino 2009 One More Drink Ludacris ft. T-Pain 2009 Hotel Room Service Pitbull 2009 I Know You Want Me Pitbull 2009 Kiss Me thru the Phone Soulja Boy 2009 Whatever You Like T.I. 2009 Wetter Twista 2009 Every Girl Young Money 2009 Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 64

Ain't I Yung LA ft. Young Joc and T.I. 2009 Birthday Song 2 Chainz 2012 No Lie 2 Chainz ft. Drake 2012 Cashin Out Cash Out 2012 Do It Like You Diggy ft. Jeremih 2012 HYFR Drake ft. Lil Wayne 2012 Whistle Flo Rida 2012 Pop That French Montana ft. Rick Ross, Drake 2012 & Lil Wayne Magic Future 2012 Same Damn Time Future 2012 Can't Get Enough J. Cole 2012 Bandz a Make Her Dance Juicy J ft. Lil Wayne, 2 Chainz 2012 Swimming Pools Kendrick Lamar 2012 Sexy and I Know It LMFAO 2012 Up! LoveRance ft. 50 Cent 2012 Amen Meek Mill ft. Drake 2012 Beez in the Trap Nicki Minaj ft. 2 Chainz 2012 International Love Pitbull ft. Chris Brown 2012 Ayy Ladies Travis Porter ft. Tyga 2012 Rack City Tyga 2012 Round of Applause Waka Flocka Flame 2012 That Way Wale 2012 Lotus Flower Bomb Wale ft. Miguel 2012 Bag of Money Wale ft. Rick Ross, T-Pain, Meek Mill 2012 Work Hard, Play Hard Wiz Khalifa 2012 Leave You Alone Young Jeezy ft. Ne-Yo 2012 Flex (Ooh Ooh Ooh) Big Homie Quan 2015 I Don't Fuck With You Big Sean 2015 Dance (A$$) Big Sean ft. Nicki Minaj 2015 How Many Times DJ Khaled 2015 Energy Drake 2015 LA Love Fergie 2015 679 Fetty Wap 2015 My Way Fetty Wap 2015 Trap Queen Fetty Wap 2015 I Don't Like It Flo Rida ft. Robin Thicke 2015 Fuck Up Some Commas Future 2015 Where Ya At Future 2015 Black Widow Iggy Azalea ft. Rita Ora 2015 Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 65

Hit the Quan iLoveMemphis 2015 Work Out J. Cole 2015 Comfortable K Camp 2015 All Day Kanye West 2015 Be Real Kid Ink 2015 Downtown Macklemore 2015 Anaconda Nicki Minaj 2015 The Night is Still Young Nicki Minaj 2015 Feeling Myself Nicki Minaj ft. Beyonce 2015 Only Nicki Minaj ft. Drake &Lil Wayne 2015 Fun Pitbill ft. Chris Brown 2015 Time of Our Lives Pitbull ft. Ne-Yo 2015 No Type Rae Sremmurd 2015 This Could Be Us Rae Sremmurd 2015 Throw Sum Mo Rae Sremmurd 2015 Antidote Travis Scott 2015 The Matrimony Wale 2015

Running head: THE SYMBOLIC ANNIHILATION OF THE BLACK WOMAN 66

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