United Nations Mission in (UNMISS) Media & Spokesperson Unit Communications & Public Information Office MEDIA MONITORING REPORT

WEDNESDAY, 08 JANUARY 2014

SOUTH SUDAN  South Sudan rebels say no truce unless allies released (Khaleej Times/AFP)  UNHCR assists over 23,000 S. Sudanese fleeing violence (Sudantribune.com)  South Sudanese enter Uganda with bullets (Daily Monitor)  South Sudan rebel Taban Deng eyes full reconciliation (En.apa.az)  Food, water shortage hit Elegu refugee camp (Daily Monitor)  Over 5000 South Sudanese seek refuge in neighbouring countries (Catholic Radio Network)  MSF says people became more vulnerable (Catholic Radio Network)  Yei needs humanitarian assistance (Easter Radio)  Aweil west county commissioner condemns use of violence against government (Gurtong.net)  South Sudan ‘hopeful’ on talks with rebels (Gurtong.net)  Ugandans return to S. Sudan despite war (Daily Monitor)  Christian leaders call for international intervention to end South Sudanese conflict (Catholic World News)  Archdiocese Lukudu invites people for peace prayer (Catholic Radio Network)  County seeks help to boost girl-child education (Gurtong.net)  Tonj Wildlife Officer urges fishermen to have license (Don Bosco Radio) SUDAN/SOUTH SUDAN  Oil ministers of Sudan, South Sudan affirm increased production from adariel field (BERNAMA-NNN-SUNA)  Khartoum says oil flow from South Sudan’s Upper Nile state is stable (Sudantribune.com) OTHER HEADLINES  Sudan’s NCP may delay 2015 elections: official (Sudanribune.com) ANALYSIS/OPINION/EDITORIAL  South Sudan's terrified huddle in 'town' within city (Hindustan Times)  Why Khartoum backs Kiir? (Thoughtsonthesudans.com)  A Rebuttal to "The finger prints on genocide in South Sudan" (Sudantribune.com)  Ambushed four times in South Sudan (Reddit.com/world politics)  The way forward for South Sudan (Al-Jazeera.net)

NOTE: Reproduction here does not mean that the UNMISS Communications & Public Information Office can vouch for the accuracy or veracity of the contents, nor does this report reflect the views of the United Nations Mission in South Sudan. Furthermore, international copyright exists on some materials and this summary should not be disseminated beyond the intended list of recipients.

Highlights

South Sudan rebels say no truce unless allies released Khaleej Times/AFP, 8/1/2014 – South Sudan’s rebels indicated Wednesday that there would be no imminent truce in the country unless the government freed a group of suspected rebels currently being detained. A rebel spokesman said the 11 detainees, who were arrested in the capital after fighting broke out more than three weeks ago, should be set free so they can take part in the peace talks under way in Ethiopia. “Our colleagues must be released so that they come and participate,” rebel spokesman Yohanis Musa Pauk told reporters in Addis Ababa. “You cannot go to negotiations while there are some people being detained. You need to release them so that they now have a positive role in the negotiations. We are just waiting for the release of our detainees, when they release them very soon we will sign the cessation of hostilities agreement,” he added. The fighting began on December 15 as a clash between army units loyal to South Sudan’s President Salva Kiir and those loyal to ex-vice president Riek Machar, and has escalated into war between government troops and a loose alliance of ethnic militia forces and mutinous army commanders. The government is currently holding 11 of Machar’s allies, many of them senior figures and former ministers, but has been under pressure from IGAD — the East African regional bloc which is trying to broker a truce — as well as Western diplomats to release them as a goodwill gesture. The government, however, appears to have so far resisted the demands and maintains the detainees should be put on trial for their role in what the president says was an attempted coup. The rebel spokesman accused the government of “lying” to IGAD over the detainees by sending mixed signals, and asserted that the rebel side was acting in good faith.

“We came here for peace, not just for talks, we came here to sign an agreement,” he said (Back To Top)

UNHCR assists over 23,000 S. Sudanese fleeing violence Sudantribune.com Juba, 8/1/2014 – The United Nations refugee agency (UNHCR) says it was providing assistance to more than 23,000 South Sudanese refugees who fled to Uganda following violence outbreak in the new nation three weeks ago. Thousands of refugees, UNHCR said in a statement, were crossing in to Ugandan territories at a rate of up to 2,500 people daily. “As of Monday, 23,546 South Sudanese refugees had arrived in Uganda”, it noted, adding “We are grateful to the government of Uganda for recognizing all of them – as a group – as refugees”. With the help of its partners, UNHCR said it was struggling to provide enough water and adequate sanitation at transit and reception centres in Uganda’s districts of Arua and Adjumani. The UN refugee body, however, said it was over stretched given the influx of both South Sudanese and Congolese refugees in to Uganda as a result of violence in their regions. Staff Shortage Meanwhile, UNHCR said it was currently operating with a reduced staff of only 200 people because of the ongoing fighting and insecurity throughout much of the country.

2 “But we continue to supply services to some 230,000 existing refugees at 10 refugee camps in South Sudan – while we have also taking on increased responsibilities for the 57,000 civilians taking refuge in 10 UN compounds throughout the country”, the agency said. “We are helping lead efforts to protect especially vulnerable people like women and children. And we have brought in experts in areas such as site-planning and camp-management”, it added. In Upper Nile state’s Maban County, UNHCR said only four of its international staff and 11 nationals were working with partners and some refugees to serve 120,000 people in four camps. “They are making sure health services remain available, for example, and that water pumps are still working so refugees have access to both healthcare and clean water”, it said. Meanwhile, UNHCR further revealed it was preparing to return its personnel to Yida in Unity State, where three national staff and partners have been continuing to serve the 77,000 refugees in Yida and Ajuong Thok camps close to Sudanese border. It however said the plan was contingent on the deployment of additional UN peacekeepers. “Operating in Unity State remains dangerous and unpredictable”, UNHCR said, adding that also lost six pick-up trucks, fuel, water pumps and spare parts after looted raided Yida. South Sudan has now declared a state of emergency in Unity and Jonglei states, which remain under the control of rebels loyal to former vice-president Riek Machar. The UN estimates that more than 1,000 people died and nearly 200,000 were displaced during the recent violence, which started last year in the capital, Juba. (Back To Top)

South Sudanese enter Uganda with bullets Daily Monitor, 8/1/2014 – South Sudanese fleeing war in their country into Uganda have been found with hundreds of bullets and army uniforms. The security personnel at the border, officials from the Office of the Prime Minister and UN refugee agency, UNHCR, which are coordinating the refugee settlement, said this posed a security threat to other refugees and locals, if the armed refugees are not properly screened and disarmed. At Dzaipi Reception Centre in Adjumani District where about 1,500 refugees were registered, 208 bullets were recovered from women. The women, whose names could not be revealed for security reasons, say some were abandoned by their husbands who have since joined the battlefield. A total of 58 army uniforms had been recovered at the centre by yesterday. In Koboko, a pair of army uniform of a captain and a pair of ceremonial uniform were discovered. A pair of trousers of the Republican Guard of South Sudan was also recovered from a woman, who claimed she found them on the way. Speaking to the Daily Monitor yesterday, the police spokesperson for West Nile region, Ms Josephine Angucia, said: “We managed to recover the ammunition and army uniforms from them through the checking process before registration to have them settled here” She added: “Ideally, it is a big security threat if there is laxity in checking them.” Ms Angucia said the refugees, who were found with the assorted ammunition, claim they were abandoned by soldiers fighting in South Sudan. (Back To Top)

South Sudan rebel Taban Deng eyes full reconciliation En.apa.az, 8/1/2014 – Rebels in South Sudan are confident that "full reconciliation" can be achieved with the government, their chief negotiator has said, APA reports quoting BBC. Taban Deng's comments came as the two sides hold ceasefire talks in Ethiopia's capital, Addis Ababa. Information Minister Michel Makuel said the government was committed to ending the conflict. (Back To Top)

Food, water shortage hit Elegu refugee camp

3 Daily Monitor Amuru/Adjumani, 8/1/2014 – Inadequate food supply, water shortage and poor sanitation has hit Elegu refugee transit site in Amuru District. A total of 2,000 refugees from South Sudan are camped at Elegu Primary School in Atiak Sub- county. They have cried out to the donor community to come to their rescue. Ms Betty Lawino from Jongolei state and a mother of five, says the situation at the site is worrying. The Atiak Sub-county chairperson, Mr John Bosco Ochan, said the transit site is not suitable for the refugees since it lacks most of the necessary amenities. The only pit-latrine available has only five compartments compared to the population of the refugees. “There is no water in place, food is a challenge and latrine is also full. We are scared that sanitation-related diseases might break out,” Mr Ochan commented. The only borehole that has been serving the camp also broke down. “The refugees are also becoming destructive by cutting trees, destroying school desk for firewood,” Mr Ocan said. UPDF 4th Division spokesperson Isaac Oware said the Office of the Prime Minister was working to see that the refugees at Elegu Primary School are moved to another area where they can get the basic needs. Alele Refugee Camp in Adjuman District is full, he said. Meanwhile, the Second Deputy Prime Minister, Gen Moses Ali, has appealed to residents of Adjumani District to welcome and offer support to South Sudanese refugees without any reservation. Gen Ali said the asylum seekers have flooded the district not by choice but because they were victims of violence caused by a rebellion in their country. He said the refugees require security, land to settle on, medical care and sharing of the natural resources. A senior official in the Office of the Prime Minister recently said they have registered 10,000 South Sudanese asylum seekers who have entered into Adjumani District. (Back To Top)

Over 5000 South Sudanese seek refuge in neighbouring countries Catholic Radio Network, 8/1/2014 – United Nations refugee agency or UNHCR reported that more than five thousand South Sudanese daily flee to Uganda, Kenya and Ethiopia seeking for refuge. UNHCR spokesperson Melissa Fleming said 23,546 South Sudanese refugees arrived in Uganda since the conflict erupted a month ago. She said more than 5,300 refugees were registered in Ethiopia and that the number was likely to rise as remote border areas were hard to access. Ms Fleming said 300 South Sudanese were arriving daily to Kakuma Refugee camp in Kenya, and that UNHCR registered 3,173 new arrivals by Sunday evening. She said UNHCR was increasing responsibilities for 57 thousand civilians in ten UN compounds in South Sudan by protecting vulnerable people especially women and children. She explained that their chartered flight on Monday carried to Juba relief items from Nairobi, including 12,500 blankets, 2,500 cooking utensils and four thousand plastic sheets for 20 thousand displaced people. (Back To Top)

MSF says people became more vulnerable Catholic Radio Network, 8/1/2014 – Medicines Sans Frontiers or MSF head of mission in South Sudan said highly vulnerable people became more vulnerable. Raphael Gorge said continued fighting caused serious consequences and resources become scarce following departure of many organizations. In a statement on Tuesday, he said there was high risk of diseases and conditions would deteriorate if the fighting continues to prevent them from accessing people in need. Mr Gorge said MSF teams delivered more than 40 tons of medical and logistical supplies.

4 He said MSF remained committed to continue providing assistance, calling on all parties to respect its medical facilities. MSF‘s emergency teams are currently working in Juba, Awerial and Malakal to provide medical care to more than 110 thousand displaced people. (Back To Top)

Yei needs humanitarian assistance Easter Radio, 8/1/2014 – Yei Mayoress said the situation of people who fled to UN compound due to the defection of Brigadier Peter Taab needs humanitarian assistance. Oba Cecilia Tito told Municipal councilors on Tuesday that the head at UN compound said IDPs were in terrible situation, Easter Radio reported. The Mayoress said she contacted UNMISS for assistance and promised to send two staff to access the displaced people. Brigadiers Peter Taab’s defection in Yei River County caused people to panic and fled their residential areas for safety. (Back To Top)

Aweil west county commissioner condemns use of violence against government Gurtong.net Aweil, 8/1/2014 – Aweil West County administration has condemned the current political crisis in the country with the administration saying that they are behind the government and urge leaders to adopt peaceful dialogue and stability in South Sudan. Commissioner Garang Kuach Ariath and the community of greater Guomjuer of Aweil West County said they condemned the involvement of their son who is listed to be among the coup organizers. “On behalf of greater Guomjuer of Aweil West County and my own behalf, I unsympathetically condemned the act of the coup attempt that happened in Juba. The other thing is the involvement of our own son from our county who happens to be among these anti-government groups. We stand here to show our patriotism to the national government that we are ready with support should there be a need,” the commissioner states. The commissioner alleged that Madut Biar Yel who happens to be the former governor of the state and has held a series of national ministerial posts with the government and misled on government policy. “We did not expect people like Madut Biar Yel who once was a governor of this state for good number of years and went taken up a ladder to be the national minister with the very government he challenges to happen to be among these groups, we thought we would have delivered well what he doubted to have not been delivered by others instead of joining coup group after being left out in the last reshuffling made by the president,” Kuach said. Additionally, he says the communities are not behind his decision to rebel against the government and that the decision to join the coup attempt is personal and free from any community influence. Biar is one of the 10 detainees whom president arrested over their involvement in the coup connection and is still being held in the custody. It is not clear whether these detainees shall be released before the dialogue conclusion in Addis Ababa or after should there be penalties given for the act before their release. The international community pressurizing the government for their release but the president gives condition that they will be released only when the atrocities committed have the original source and only when the law permits. (Back To Top)

South Sudan ‘hopeful’ on talks with rebels Gurtong.net Juba, 8/1/2014 – South Sudan government delegation head on peace talks has expressed optimism over ongoing peace talks with rebels loyal to former Vice President Dr. Riek Machar in the Ethiopian Capital, Addis Ababa, saying there is “hope.”

5 Nhila Deng Nhial, the Head of the South Sudan government negotiation team arrived home from Addis Ababa on Monday for consultations with President Salva Kiir following the start of face to face talks with the rebels in its first day on Monday. “We are hopeful,” Nhial told journalists in Juba on Tuesday shortly after meeting Kiir. “So there is an intense process that is going on aimed at arriving and speedily as possible to cessation of hostilities,” he said. “Initially, there is a hiccup that threatens to scuttle the negotiation but fortunately the problem was resolved. The other side basically insisted that they cannot talk unless they see that the detainees are set free,” Nhial said. (Back To Top)

Ugandans return to S. Sudan despite war Daily Monitor Kampala, 8/1/2014 – It may be a war zone but many Ugandans cannot resist the urge to travel back to South Sudan. Many Ugandans are reportedly going back to the war tone country, especially to the capital Juba, despite the heavy fighting in some parts. The news comes in as the government and the Uganda People’s Defence Forces continue with efforts of rescuing Ugandans still stranded in South Sudan. Four bus companies, Bakulu, Baby Coach, Gateway and Friendship Coaches, are registering an increase in the number of passengers since the beginning of this year. Mr Fathil Wagala, a booking clerk with Bakulu coaches, said three buses are sent every day to Juba by each of the four companies, which was never the case last month. “The number of passengers travelling to Juba had dropped at the beginning of the conflict last month, but now, about 400 Ugandans go back every day since January 2,” Mr Wagala added. Some of the passengers who spoke to the Daily Monitor lamented the harsh economic conditions in Uganda as a reason for risking their life in Africa’s youngest state. “We are approaching the beginning of first term, but we have not yet raised school fees. I rather go back to Juba where I can earn a living despite the fighting,” Mr Sam Bogere, a fruits vendor in Juba, said. Meanwhile, the number of trucks with commodities heading to South Sudan remains low since some markets in Bor, Yei and Jonglei, among others, remains inaccessible. (Back To Top)

Christian leaders call for international intervention to end South Sudanese conflict Catholic World News, 8/1/2014 – Christian leaders in South Sudan – a largely Christian and animist nation that gained its independence from the Muslim nation of Sudan in 2011 – have called for international intervention to end a three-week-old civil conflict that has left 1,000 dead and caused 200,000 to flee their homes. “We are seeking peace and ceasefire urgently and welcome the world to intervene and put an end to the rampant killing of innocent women, children, disabled and the elderly people that are dying without cause and the abuse that is now going on across the country,” the Christian leaders said in their statement, the Sudan Tribune reported. “We are condemning senseless killing of civilians and call upon the President Salva Kiir Mayardit and the former Vice President Riek Machar to stop fighting and come for dialogues and peaceful negotiation than the use of gun,” they added. (Back To Top)

Archdiocese Lukudu invites people for peace prayer Catholic Radio Network, 8/1/2014 – The Catholic Archbishop of Juba invited the entire faithful and people of goodwill for three-day prayers for peace and reconciliation in the country. Paolino Lokudu Loro will on Thursday preside over Eucharistic celebration at St Theresa’s Cathedral at 11 AM, Bakhita Radio reported. The Secretary General of the Archdiocese Gabriel Asida called on the faithful to gather for procession at Assumption Chapel in Kalibala, next to Albino Bridge at 8:30 AM.

6 He said the procession to the Cathedral will start at 9:30 AM. Fr Asida said the three-day prayers started in all parishes in front of the Blessed Sacrament on Tuesday and continued on Wednesday. He called on the faithful to join the Archbishop in peace and reconciliation prayers. (Back To Top)

County seeks help to boost girl-child education Gurtong.net Aweil, 8/1/2014 – Aweil County leaders are seeking help from organizations operating in the state to double efforts on campaigns to boost girl-child education. Commissioner Garang Kuach Ariath says the county is experiencing several challenges in implementing the girl-child education policy as the girls’ drop-out rate is increasing annually in the county. “We have been appealing to the organizations whose projects are working closely in girl-child education program to help put more endeavours in making lots of awareness especially to parents and girls so that the number of schoolgirls does not drop lower every year,” Kuach said. He also says that 2013/2014 has been a worst year ever where good number of schoolgirls dropped out of schools due to early marriages and an unintended pregnancy happening in primary and secondary schools. “If we did not have good number of schoolgirls dropping out of their schools last year; then 2014 primary and secondary examinations would have been wonderfully full of girls competing with boys,” he said. According to the county commissioner, he received a report from the county education inspector indicating that November and December reports showed 46 girls who have dropped out of schools apart from the rest of the month which he says can go higher than indicated figure. He further called on the parents to note the importance of education to girls as well as boys and appeal to parents to allow every child to go to school despite his/her sex. “There is a big role that needs to be played by the parents, and that is by allowing their girls to go schools like the sons so that both can have brighter future. County authority together with ministry of education cannot do any change to this unless the parents play their role,” He urged. The commissioner denied the report of a teacher that was arrested over the issue that he impregnated two schoolgirls that he teaches, saying his office is not aware of the report. “I’m not aware of a teacher arrested for having impregnated two schoolgirls last year, but if there exists something like this then the education act will take its course where the culprit can be held accountable in the court,” he said. (Back To Top)

Tonj Wildlife Officer urges fishermen to have license Don Bosco Radio, 8/1/2014 – Tonj South Wildlife Officer in Warrap State on Tuesday urged all fishermen to have licenses. Deng Chol threatened that Wildlife officers would walk around and arrest unlicensed fishermen, Don Bosco reported. Mr Chol directed all fishermen not to kill crocodiles and other animals living in water because wild animals and water animals were sources of development. He advised pastoralists not burn bushes and keep their tame animals far from wild animals. (Back To Top)

Oil ministers of Sudan, South Sudan affirm increased production from Adariel field BERNAMA-NNN-SUNA Khartoum, 8/1/2014 – Sudan's Oil Minister, Makawi Mohammed Awad, has revealed that the flow of oil from the Adariel oilfield in South Sudan and pumped through pipelines to Port Sudan on the Red Sea has been increased from 195,000 barrel to 200,000 barrels per day (bpd).

7 The Minister, who accompanied Sudanese President Omer al-Bashir on his recent visit to South Sudan, met his South Sudan counterpart, Stephen Diu Dau, in Juba last Sunday and reviewed with him issues of common interest in the oil sector. He and his South Sudan counterpart had affirmed the sustainability of the flow of the South Sudan oil via the Sudanese oil infrastructure. (Back To Top)

Khartoum says oil flow from South Sudan’s Upper Nile state is stable Sudantribune.com Khartoum/Juba, 8/1/2014 – The Sudanese oil Minister Makkawi Mohammed Awad affirmed that flow of crude from Adar Yeil’s oil field in Upper Nile state is normal despite the unrest engulfing South Sudan since last month. Awad, who paid a visit to Juba on Monday, met with his South Sudanese counterpart Stephen Dhieu Dau, to discuss issues of mutual concern in the petroleum sector. The two sides underscored the importance of maintaining oil flow from landlocked South Sudan through Sudan’s pipelines that extend to terminals in the coastal city of Port Sudan. Sudan’s oil minister said that production in Adar Yeil’s oil field increased from 165,000 barrels per day (bpd) to 200,000. (Back To Top)

Sudan’s NCP may delay 2015 elections: official Sudanribune.com Khartoum, 8/1/2014 – Sudan’s ruling National Congress Party (NCP) is not opposed to postpone the general elections of 2015, said the party’s spokesperson who called on the position parties to participate in the electoral process. The head of NCP organisational sector, Hamid Sideeq made his remarks on Tuesday reacting to the statements by opposition parties threatening to boycott the next election as they demand a comprehensive conference to discuss regional conflicts and democratic reforms. In press statements released in Khartoum, Sideeq said the 2015 elections represent a good opportunity for the opposition parties to change the NCP government through the ballot boxes. The NCP official said that the ruling party does not object the postponement of elections if the National Election Commission decides to. He added that the NCP is willing to review the election act if the political parties ask for that. Regarding the electoral process, Sideeq that stressed his party has no objection to any manner that the opposition parties want to monitor the election, adding they can assign their members to guard the ballot boxes or designate independent monitoring organisation to observe the vote. Recently president Omer Al-Bashir to hold election in time without any delay, adding that the counting of votes and declaration of result will be done in the same day with the participation of parties’ delegates to ensure transparency and avoid any fraud. (Back To Top)

South Sudan's terrified huddle in 'town' within city Hindustan Times, 8/1/2014 – South Sudan's capital has three towns: the first is the dusty streets of Juba, largely calm but where the crackle of gun fire still rings out at night after three weeks of violence. But the other two are foul smelling camps totalling some 30,000 people squeezed in the grounds of United Nations bases, an enclave crowded so tight that people have to take turns to sleep on the ground in flimsy shelters made of cardboard or ragged cloth. "We came here because they were killing our people," said Nyabor Gatwetch, 45, a mother of five, who fled her village on the outskirts of Juba shortly after fighting broke out on December 15. "Soldiers were fighting each other with guns... but then they were also targeting our people." The fighting began on December 15 as a clash between army units loyal to the president and those loyal to his former deputy, and has escalated into fighting between government troops and a loose alliance of ethnic militia forces and mutinous army commanders.

8 Reports of grim tales of house-to-house searches, killings and executions are common in the camp. "I'll never go back home," said Gatwetch, her face covered in a mask after working to clean overflowing latrines, newly dug by the UN but which with the crowds, are soon full to capacity. "They'll kill me outside." Atrocities have been committed by both sides, and the UN has said it will investigate crimes against humanity thought to have been committed over the past three weeks. Lines of colourful washing flutter on the razor wire that surrounds this UN peacekeeping base, what the crowds here believe is the only thing keeping them safe in this tiny site. It was until last month a sports ground and running track for the peacekeepers. "Now it's become a town within a city," said Toby Lanzer, UN top aid official in South Sudan, shouting as yet another truck honked its horn to part the crowds, bringing in badly needed drinking water. On the crowded paths, Japanese UN peacekeepers push through with an armoured personnel carrier, the top gunner alert but waving at children to apparently reassure them. "It was about three weeks ago and hostilities were raging and people just started flooding towards our gates," Lanzer added. "These are people who feared for their safety... we opened the gate never realising how many people would come in, and people are still arriving." Many fled their homes with no time even to pack, and include civil servants, businessmen and even high ranking officials among the crowds. Too frightened to leave Here at the UN base beside the capital's airport, around 17,000 people gathered for protection, while across the country, some 57,000 are now in UN bases. Rumours swirl inside the camp, many fearful of attacks that forced them to seek shelter here. "They came for us, killing our brothers, my fellow soldiers," said one man, who said he was an army officer, pulling out military documents as proof. "I saw one shot and then as I run they were firing towards me too," he said, asking not to name. Some inside the camp are already trying to build some semblance of an ordinary life, setting out electric power sockets powered by noisy thumping generators to charge mobile telephones, or selling cups of tea. "We have to do what we can to survive," said William Taban, charging a fee to people to revive their telephone batteries. Many are desperate for news of their family, calling areas where fighting is still raging including the key oil-producing Unity state. "I call my family there, but there is no reply," Taban added. "I tell myself it is because the phone masts have been damaged, but I cannot rest for fear that the terror of my dreams has come true." Military and UN helicopters fly overhead, scattering the crying hawks circling above the camp spying for scraps of food or raiding rubbish areas. Aid workers are struggling to cope, even though massive efforts have been made. "This camp sprang up overnight, at the beginning conditions were awful and sanitation was terrible... but over the days and weeks we have been working with our partners to address the needs," said Doune Porter, from the UN children's agency UNICEF, waving at a newly dug line of latrines it has built.

9 Nearby, children swim in the black water of a ditch as mothers try to wash clothes from drainage pipes dripping slime. "This is not what we dreamt for our new nation," said James Puoch, showing his T-shirt printed to celebrate South Sudan's independence from Sudan in 2011. "Everything has fallen apart." (Back To Top)

Why Khartoum backs Kiir Thoughtsonthesudans, 8/1/2014 – Khartoum may have once backed Riek, but Riek also once betrayed Khartoum. Interests are not fixed over time. Today’s paradox is that while Khartoum has enjoyed and encouraged some instability in South Sudan, even after independence, too much instability in South Sudan hurts Khartoum’s interests. An existential threat to the government in Juba (much like an existential threat to the government in Khartoum) brings for the other side destabilising uncertainty, the possible retraction of existing commitments on oil, trade and cooperation, and security complications in the borderlands. The Sudan-South Sudan relationship is not only about oil. Khartoum had little choice but to publicly back the government in Juba. To take Riek’s side would mean isolation in the region, particularly from the IGAD member states, and from the broader African Union membership. To back Riek would antagonise the west, probably halt the current overtures of debt relief, and further set back prospects of the normalisation of relations with the United States. Even if Riek captured all the oil fields, it is clear that the SPLA would be mobilised to retake those areas and heavy battles would ensue, making it doubtful Riek would be able to ensure oil production could continue. Khartoum is not blind to the implications of an unconstitutional removal of government in Juba. The SRF has declared this as its objective in Sudan; should that alliance ever come closer to achieving this aim, Khartoum and the NCP could hardly count on regional or international sympathy if it had backed a similar overthrow in its southern neighbour. The South Sudan crisis is also an opportunity for Khartoum. Helping Juba with its security problems could mean further concessions in future – whether on oil revenues, the international border, Abyei, or in further isolating the SPLM-N in South Kordofan and Blue Nile. Supporting the status quo of the Salva Kiir presidency has to be the default position for Omar al-Bashir. What surprises about recent events is Juba’s invitation for Khartoum to engage in its domestic affairs so publicly and so forcefully. Part of this was pragmatic: Juba needed to ensure there was no possibility of Riek agreeing a deal with Khartoum, so agreeing its own deal first pre-empts any move Riek may try or have tried to make. But Juba’s proposals seem to have gone further than even Khartoum first imagined. Before Bashir landed in Juba, senior NCP figure Ibrahim Ghandour appeared to rule out a SAF military engagement in South Sudan that wasn’t under the auspices of IGAD. After Ali Karti’s announcement, that may no longer be the case. As Eddie Thomas observed to Al Jazeera, this appears to be ‘the government in Juba…mortgaging its nationalist credentials.’ I can only conclude the government in Juba really feels, as both Kiir and information Minister Michael Makuei have said, that neither the broader international community nor the IGAD region has sufficiently backed the government position. The historic enemy of first resort is now the ally of last resort. In the short term, a deal with Khartoum may save Salva Kiir’s government. Beyond the crisis, however, it may in time give new life to the criticisms raised by Riek, Pagan Amum, Deng Alor and company at their December 6th press conference. (Back To Top)

A Rebuttal to "The finger prints on genocide in South Sudan" Sudantribune.com, 7/1/2014 – In his article entitled, “The Finger Prints on Genocide in South Sudan," published on Sudan Tribune Website on January 1, 2014, Mr. Stephen Par Kuol, former minister of Education, wrote one sided, diluted tribal propaganda in his accusation of President Kiir Mayardit and six other generals all of whom are from Dinka Community of Greater Bahr El Ghazal: (1) General Salva Kiir Mayardit, the President of the Republic of South Sudan; (2)

10 General Malong Awan, the current Governor of Northern Bahr El Ghazal State; (3) General Marial Chinong, the Commander of Tiger Battalion, the Presidential Guards; (4) General Salva Mathuok Gengdit, the former Deputy Minister of Interior; (5) General Garang Mabil; (6) General Bol Akot; (7) General Aleu Ayieny, the current Minister of Interior. Mr. Mr. Stephen accused South Sudan’s army generals of "(1) Genocide and crime against humanity; (2) War crimes in violation of Geneva Convention; and (3) Vandalism and formation of a private tribal army for the sole purpose of committing genocide in violation of South Sudan Transitional Constitution.” What Mr. Stephen avoided to accept is that these generals were and are doing their national duty to defend and protect the Constitution and National sovereignty as sanctioned by Republic of South Sudan Transitional Constitution (RSSTC), 2011, in the wake of a failed coup by Dr. Riek Machr and followers. Further, Stephen miserably failed to understand the intended meaning of Article 4(1-3) even though he claimed to be a legal expert. For his information, RSSTC says: 4(1) "No person or group of persons shall take or retain control of State power except in accordance with this Constitution; 4(2) Any person or group of persons who attempt(s) to overthrow the constitutional government, or suspend or abrogate this Constitution commits treason; 4(3) Every citizens shall have the duty to resist any person or group of persons seeking to overthrow the constitutional government, or suspendor abrogate this constitution.” As authorized by RSSTC to defend and protect the sovereignty of the Nation from traitors, as cited above, Mr. Stephen should be advised not to re-invent the wheel and wrongly interpret the laws of the Land, the Republic of South Sudan, simply to cover up Dr. Riek’s treacherous act to overthrow the Constitutional government. Indeed, the Generals whom he falsely accused were and are currently doing their citizenry mandate and duty to defend and protect the Constitution and National Sovereignty from power hungry individuals on top of whom is Dr. Riek Machar. In the aftermath of failed coup, I am certain that the Generals in question did not and will not target innocent civilians irrespective of their region or tribe. This is because these generals have South Sudan at heart and know very well that the war of liberation was fought by all South Sudan ethnic groups, not Dinka or Nuer tribe alone. It has to be noted here that since inception of SPLM/A, these general served with comrades from diverse backgrounds. In their long service, there have never been any complaints against them whatsoever. Admittedly, on December 15 and 16, there were unfortunate deaths of civilians from all tribes of South Sudan including foreigners in Juba, but certain ethnic groups, including the Nuer, were not targeted by President Salva and SPLA generals contrary to Stephen’s claim in his infamous article. I believe that those civilians who lost their lives in Juba might have gotten themselves in cross fire ignited by Dr. Riek’s allied Presidential Guards. Consequently, the Generals in question had to do the needful: to defend and protect the constitution and sovereignty of the new born nation, the Republic of South Sudan, from traitors and enemies of peace and stability under the leadership of warlord, Dr. Riek Machar. Therefore, accusation of President Salva and his generals of "premeditated heinous crimes against humanity," is a mere exaggeration of what transpired in Juba, and might have been necessitated by chronic tribal sentiments on his part, to say the least. This is why: Allegation against 1st Lt.-General Salva Kiir Mayardit, President of Republic of South Sudan, Commander-in-Chief of SPLA, and Chairman of SPLM By all counts, President Salva Kiir Mayardit is the most uniting factor in the Republic of South Sudan. His desire for unity amongst Southerners and stability of South Sudan is evident in his daily deeds from Anya-Nya I through liberation struggle championed by SPLM/A until Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) was signed in 2005. First, since taking over the leadership in 2005after fateful chopper crash that claimed the life of Dr. John Garang de Mabior, General Salva Kiir has played a positive role to unite all South Sudanese including armed militia who would otherwise have not joined ranks with SPLM during Dr. John era.

11 Second, from 2005 to date, General Salva Kiir brought former antagonists to serve in the government and national army without discrimination or reservation. In fact, he unreservedly made peace with former oppositions and pardoned thousands others, including renegade Peter Gatdet Yak who had defected from SPLA many times. Had it not been for Salva Kiir’s unmatched quest for peace, unity, and stability of South Sudan, rebel Peter Gatdet and people of unpredictable personalities would have been languishing in detention centers long time ago if not fire squatted for reckless actions in the government and SPLM Party. Third, Salva Kiir patience is unmatched as well in South Sudan Community. However, his forgiving behaviour was abused to a point where some senior SPLM leaders were able to violate rules and regulations at will without severe reprimand until days leading to a failed coup on December 15, 2013. Otherwise, SPLM rebels such as Dr. Riek Machar, Pagan Amum, Deng Alor, among others, would have had their days in court and inevitably sentenced for corruption or in subornation in the Government and SPLM Party. In my opinion, Salva Kiir Mayardit deserves thanks and appreciation, but not condemnation and accusation as Stephen Par Kuol would like to suggest otherwise. Fourth, in the wake of December 15 failed coup, President Salva kept his cool and conducted himself as President of all Southerners irrespective of region or tribe. Even SPLM rebels who were caught red-handed are currently enjoying good treatment because of President Salva Kiir’s compassionate character. Fifth, despite uncalled for cold blood killings of citizens of South Sudan and destruction of properties done by the rebels, President Salva was the first to offer unconditional cease-fire hoping to encourage Dr. Riek to follow suit. President Salva did so for love of Republic of South Sudan and her people, but the offer of cease fire wasn’t made out of fear. Sixth, instead of condemning December 15 failed coup plotters, Mr. Stephen par accused wrong people and calling for an unconditional release of political detainees. It beats people logic to see somebody who is a law-literate advocating for release of law-breakers without following due legal processes in court of law where necessary decision on their release is made. One only wonders about quality of legal expertise that Mr. Stephen Par claim to have! Based on these glaring facts narrated above, Mr. Stephen has no case against President Salva Kiir Mayardit. Because his article is heavy loaded only with hearsay accounts void of truth, and so it must be condemned in contempt it deserves for inflaming an already complicated situation in our country. It should be indicated here that Mr. Stephen’s underlying motive is to sow fruits of anger and continuous counter revenge amongst Dinka and Nuer brothers to achieve a treacherous agenda. This is evident in his tone and selective approach of the subject matter. To this end, I therefore recommend that allegations made by Stephen Par against the President be dismissed and condemned in their entirety. Allegation against Lt-General Paul Malong Awan, Governor of Northern Bahr El Ghazal State, Chairman of Aweil Community, and Chairman of SPLM of Northern Bahr El Ghazal State Northern Bahr El Ghazal is the most peaceful State in the Republic of South Sudan. The State has been famous for its peaceful co-existence amongst its citizens and with its neighbors. Today, Northern Bahr El Ghazal is a home of diverse ethnic groups although Dinka and Lou are dominant tribes. The present security conditions do not happen by chance but through hard work and commitment of sitting Governor, Lt-General Paul Malong Awan and his team in the State. This is in addition to the fact that peaceful co-existence is an inborn culture for the people of Aweil. This is why people don’t hear of sectional or tribal conflict in the State, even at times when some tribes and communities in South Sudan are tearing themselves apart over cattle rustling or resources, as now the case in Jonglei, Lakes, and Unity States. Furthermore, in aftermath of December 15 failed coup, citizens of Northern Bahr El are still living in peace with their brothers and sisters from other States. As I write this piece, NBGS is among few Dinka or Nuer-dominated states where different ethnic communities include the Nuer go about their daily businesses without any threat. If Gen. Paul Malong had intention to killed members of Nuer Community he would have done it the State where he is a de facto

12 Governor. Therefore, Mr. Stephen Par allegation is simply a mere propaganda and falsehood of first order, On Going Massacres of South Sudanese civilians, mostly Dinka ethnic origin, in Greater Upper Nile Since December 15, 2013, there have been ongoing massacres of South Sudanese civilians in Unity and Jonglei States, mostly Dinka ethnic origin in the hands of some of their Nuer cousins. Although nobody knows for sure how many people have been killed in cold blood there, the figure of those who perished will be shocking when accurate information and data are established in the due course. Surprisingly, Mr. Stephen intentionally avoided mentioning this glaring reality on the ground. Even so, members of Dinka Community did not and must not revenge reckless acts of some of their Nuer cousins across Sudan, particularly in Dinka dominated States of Greater Bahr El Ghazal (Northern Bahr El Ghazal, , Lakes and Warrap) where most of the victims come from. It’s believed that "an eye for an eye," will surely make all of us Southerners blind if it’s practiced. For example, if one revenges in a tribal conflict, the targeted victim is most of the time not a culprit, but simply a member of a particular group. What happened on Sunday, December 15, and events that ensued should save as a wakeup call for all of us South Sudanese if we so wish the Republic of South Sudan to exist and prosper. Because there are people who are determined to see South Sudan crumble to ashes for their selfish reasons as it’s the case now in Greater Upper Nile. These kinds of people should not be given a chance to pursue their devilish dream unchecked. They must be met head-on so that the next generation will not go through this anymore. Citizens of South Sudan do not need a third temptation after August 28, 1991, and December 15, 2013. “Enough is enough.” Mr. Stephen Par Kuol must identify himself Having diligently read his article, I have come to conclusion that Mr. Stephen Par is a member of rebel group led by Dr. Machar. I based on my assessment on the following items: (1) What happened on the night of December 15 was a well-planned, rehearsed and coordinated coup. Based on what we know, coupled with Government version, Mr. Stephen refusal to admit as such implicated him as one of those who plotted to overthrow an elected government by force. (2) It’s now established by the government that civilians’ death was caused by cross fire between two warring parties. If Mr. Stephen was fair, he would have blamed Dr. Riek Machar for igniting it, not President Salva and generals who were doing their national duty to protect the Constitution and Sovereignty of the country. In addition, Mr. Stephen decision to focus only on Nuer civilians who died to exclusion of other victims squarely explains his tribal orientation as Mr. Riek Machar who is commanding tribal army, the so-called “White Army.” (3) In the same article, Mr. Stephen identified himself as “….former State Minister of Education in the recently overthrown Government of Jonglei State by Dr. Riek Machar’s forces.” This is ridiculous! How can a minister be “overthrown,” when the boss, the Governor, is currently performing his constitutional duties in the State. If anything, Mr. Stephen might have defected like some of his colleagues who joined Dr. Riek and allied militia. At this juncture, Mr. Stephen should be honest and admit that he had defected from Government of South Sudan as he alluded to. He should take courage and tell South Sudanese which side he is on: President Salva’s South Sudan or rebel Dr. Riek Machar. But his addressing President Salva as a “serial killer, master of genocide, and prime suspect, “speaks volume. (4) Stephen Par’s call for indictment of the President of the Republic technically confirms his rebellion against the system and the nation. (5)The ongoing conflict is not Dinka-Nuer affair as Mr. Stephen Par Kuol erroneously asserted in his infamous article. Rather, it’s a fight between the Government of South Sudan and rebel

13 forces under Dr. Riek Machar’s command. Therefore, Mr. Stephen’s declaration that the war is between Dinka and Nuer is nothing but tribal incitement by coup fugitive to instigate Rwanda like genocide in the country. An Appeal to Caretaker Governor of Jonglei State John Kong Nyuon: As a matter of formality and urgency, I am appealing to Caretaker Governor, John Kong Nyuon, to officially relieve this rebel member, Mr. Stephen Par Kuol so that lines become clearer between him in rebel group and government of South Sudan. Indeed, Mr. Stephen Par has already resigned as evidenced by his admission that he is a former Minister of Education in Jonglei State. But it is a constitutional requirement that a letter of dismissal is written by Hon. Caretaker Governor and a new Minister of Education is appointed in Jonglei so that educational services continue to be discharged to our young people in that State. An Appeal to Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation Since Mr. Stephen Par has unilaterally resigned from the Government of South Sudan and defected to Dr. Riek Machar’s led rebel group, I would like to urge the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation to immediately withdraw diplomatic passport which Mr. Stephen Par still illegally possesses. I would also like to urge the ministry to withdraw all diplomatic passports still being held by fugitive rebels and to direct all South Sudan embassies around the world to execute this important task. (Back To Top) Sabrino Majok Majok is a South Sudanese working in the Government of the Republic of South Sudan. Reach him via [email protected]

Ambushed four times in South Sudan Reddit.com/worldpolitics, 8/1/2014 – The day had begun well for the forces of the South Sudanese government. Two battalions of fresh infantry had been sent up the Nile by barge to the forward base, some 20km south of the heavily contested town of Bor. They'd jogged there in formation and singing war chants, before eventually gathering in the centre of the camp to listen to a rousing speech from the general in command. When he'd finished speaking, they waved their Kalashnikovs in the air and made battle cries before jogging back to the barges waiting to send them upstream to war. "We'll have dinner in Bor," the general in command assured us. "You will see, then we will send you back to Juba by helicopter to show the world what we have done." Mark, our driver, was less keen for the onslaught to begin. He'd spent the morning swigging from a litre bottle of gin, and when the signal came to move forward, it was with reluctance that he turned the key in the ignition. "I've only been a soldier two weeks, you know," he said as we trundled off to join the convoy. "In my real life, I'm a journalist. But when the war started they gave me a uniform and made me join the army. These rebels are killing all my people, we have to fight them. But it's not so bad. My uncle, there, two cars ahead of us, he is a general, the most popular general in the whole army. He is the only general who leads from the front." His uncle wasn't the general in command. Between us, a Land cruiser packed with the general's retinue jostled its away along the pitted road, his personal plastic garden chair and washing tub clattering against its bumper. You could smell the frontline before you saw it. The closer we drove to Bor, the more bodies lay dotted about the verges, bloated and stinking in the fierce sun. "These are the rebels we killed two days ago, when they attacked us at the base. But we beat them," Mark said with pride. "And there, look – a woman." Her legs lay splayed wide beneath the remnants of her brightly coloured dress, her head and torso charred beyond recognition. The soldiers grimaced as they held their breath against the stench. "It is terrible, these things the rebels are doing," Mark murmured. We were driving in the HQ convoy, a long line of air-conditioned SUVs for the generals interspersed with a motley assortment of Land cruisers for their bodyguards, infantry, artillery and supply troops, as well as a ramshackle militia force of Dinka tribesmen given uniforms and rifles and packed off to war. Ahead of us, the Commando Division had taken up positions

14 surrounding the city, and the first wave of infantry had swept through the dense bush, clearing the way for the slow, vulnerable convoy behind. At least, that was the plan. The first ambush was just a pinprick, a short burst of rifle fire cracking over our heads from the lush undergrowth to our right. Soldiers leapt from the beds of their pickup trucks, aiming their weapons into the dense tree line in a vain effort to find a target. After a few minutes of confusion, a colonel ordered them all back into the vehicles and on we went, passing burned-out tanks that had been abandoned by the government forces fleeing Bor a few days ago. "They are not even real soldiers," shouted Mark across the roar of engines, "just Nuer youths with guns and uniforms they looted from us. I tell you man, it makes me so angry to think what they did to my town. They looted all of Bor and set all the shops and houses on fire. I tell you, they won't even fight us now, they just took everything they could carry from Bor and went back to the bush." Bor has already changed hands three times since the war began just over two weeks ago. The capital of restive Jonglei state, the city lies between the Nile and the long and unpaved road to the capital Juba 200km south, making it a strategic prize for both the rebels and the government. The theory is that whoever possesses Bor when the elusive ceasefire is finally called will hold the upper hand in the peace negotiations to follow, and both sides would be ready to fight for it. But while the government had the strategic advantage of air support and superior logistics, the predominantly Nuer rebels still controlled the bush. More than 30,000 Dinka refugees had fled their villages to the relative safety of a Médecins Sans Frontières clinic just across the Nile, and the convoy slowly weaved its way through abandoned mud hut villages, watched by flocks of scavenging birds and contented-looking dogs. One village lay in flames, half an hour's drive south of the river village of Pariak, the last major settlement before Bor. A burning church emitted a thick plume of white smoke. Abandoned tatters of uniform, shoes and cooking pots filled with freshly cooked rice lay scattered all around the place. The eerie silence prompted a lull in our small talk, until the machine guns opened up. Again, the rebels hit us from the bush on the right side of the road, but this time in greater strength. Long bursts of automatic fire punctuated by aimed rifle shots stopped the convoy in its tracks. Mark froze, and we pushed him through the door into the ditch beside us, the only cover. The soldiers and policemen we were travelling with loosed off their rifles in long bursts, and the trucks carrying the support weapons careered up and down the track, firing point blank into the bush with anti-aircraft guns and salvoes of rockets with dull thuds and jarring booms. After a few minutes of confusion amid the roar, the bush fell silent. We joined the soldiers walking in the ditch to Pariak, our rest stop, trudging along with vehicles between us and the hostile forest. It was hot now, and the smell of sweat hung heavy in the air as the soldiers filed along with loose-limbed strides, ammunition belts draped around their necks, swinging their rifles jauntily by their sides. We lit cigarettes from each other, returning the thumbs up signal to soldiers driving past us, shouted back to soldiers' cries of "Quays? Tamam?" that all was fine, everything was good, alhamdulillah. We could see Pariak a short walk ahead of us now and we quickened our strides to reach the shade of mango trees. The general's car revved up and overtook the slow-moving truck ahead of him, heading off to the village in a plume of dust. He'd nearly reached Pariak when the first burst of PKM fire hit him. This time, the rebels hit us from the front as well as the right flank. Machine gun teams and marksmen strafed the convoy, scything through the soft-skinned vehicles from positions in the bush and from behind the thin wall of rushes surrounding Pariak. The general was wounded in his hand, his car immobilised, his driver killed. When his men dragged him into another vehicle, that too was hit, and the general killed along with two more men. Soldiers ran around a dusty, wide-spaced hamlet of huts in fear and confusion, trying to find a target, the untrained levies firing wild bursts of automatic fire straight into the air, or into the backs of the soldiers ahead of us. One soldier sustained a neck wound when a bullet passed through his back and glanced off upwards from his shoulder blade. It was hard to tell if the bullets whistling overhead were from the enemy positions or from the untrained troops behind us.

15 An armoured police vehicle roared off towards Pariak and returned a few minutes later, three of its tires shot to pieces and its thick windscreen cracked by rifle fire. Its driver asked us, ludicrously, if we had any spare tyres for its gigantic wheels. We shrugged him away helplessly and crouched with the soldiers hiding behind mud huts for meagre cover. A thick plume of black smoke rose from Pariak as rocket launchers pounded the enemy positions and AA guns shredded the treeline ahead. To the right flank, the thick crackle of rifle and machine gun fire reached a crescendo before dying away to the shrill whistle of an officer regrouping his men. The young platoon commander who cleared the rebel positions on the flank later told me six of the enemy had been killed, two by his own hand. "I got the guy who killed the general, and the guy beside him," he said. "I even took his machine gun. It's brand new. Motherfucker." When Pariak was clear, we trudged forward into the village, past the smoking ruins of tin shacks into the shade of the mango trees beside the river. The soldiers loaded dead and dying soldiers onto the flatbed of our truck, their sticky blood coating our equipment. Wounded soldiers lying in the shade gasped for water, while others roamed about cadging cigarettes, some dazed, others laughing in exhilaration. "Will we reach Bor tonight?" we asked the general in command. "Tonight? I don't think so. Maybe tomorrow afternoon now, it is already late. But our forces are ahead, and tomorrow we will hear the good news from Bor." The barges had reached Pariak now, and the infantry jumped splashing onto the riverbank to clear the bush ahead while the dead and wounded were loaded onto speedboats down the Nile to Juba. The generals conferred on plastic garden chairs beneath a tree while men milled around the empty village, catching and killing chickens for lunch, or fishing in the river. A sort of order asserted itself as ammunition trucks drove up to Pariak, escorted by a tank clanking along the road. As the soldiers reloaded their magazines and chatted in the shade, or dozed, or argued, or gutted fish, we wandered to the riverbank where a dead rebel lay with his feet dangling in the still blue river. He was about 16 or so, in camouflage SPLA uniform, a single bullet hole drilled neatly though the tribal scarification on his temple, wet blood pooling under his head. "You see," said a junior officer, "they wear the same uniforms as us, how can we tell who is a rebel and who is one of us?" Beside us, naked soldiers washed themselves, splashing each other and whooping with glee in the Nile. Pariak is divided by the road to Bor, and while the soldiers made themselves at home in the side of the village lining the river, the other half of the village lay undisturbed. "Shouldn't you be clearing the village over there?" we asked a soldier, who'd just returned home to fight after 13 years spent living in Iowa. "I gotta tell you man, that's a great idea. That's exactly what we gotta do, man, exactly that. Secure this whole place, just like that." He flopped back into his plastic chair to enjoy the shade. "That's exactly what we gotta do." But no one did, busy as they were with their domestic tasks, cooking, boiling tea and loafing idly in the shade. And when the sun began to set, the rebels hit us from the uncleared half of the village in a classic platoon assault. Pariak was now the general headquarters for the entire front, the brain of the assault on Bor. The rebels must have known all the generals were concentrated here, and all the ammunition trucks for the infantry slogging through the bush ahead. It was the division's weakest point, and its most important. When the attack came, a roar of rifle and machine gun fire thicker and closer than any ambush yet, from only a hundred or so metres away, the entire gaggle of troops froze for a moment in utter dread that was swiftly overtaken by panic. The officers fled first, their SUVs roaring away down the road back to Juba, leaving their men directionless and terrified. This time, hardly anyone fired back. The whole force disintegrated as soldiers flung their rifles into the dust and ran away or chased after speeding vehicles to hurl themselves aboard, away from the fighting. With the crackle of gunfire all around us, we hurtled away in our Landcruiser until a soldier stopped our driver by thrusting his rifle barrel into his throat, demanding a lift in a manner that was difficult to argue with. Other soldiers wrenched open our back door and shoved a soldier in, bleeding from his chest, his eyes wide with shock, then clambered in over him begging us to save them. The rocket launchers hurtled thunderous salvoes into the huts across the road behind

16 us as we drove off, our new passengers shaking with fear, one vomiting out of the window into the dust. The attack was beaten off after a while, but it was too late to salvage the convoy as a coherent unit. Trucks drove slowly up the road, asking the knots of stragglers on foot whether it was safer to head down the Juba road or head back to the village. Swarms of terrified soldiers surrounded every vehicle, begging for escape, Bor visible in the gloom as a dense wall of orange smoke as the city succumbed to flame. We picked up a brigadier and two of his men, as well as the young platoon commander, whose men had all driven away from the battle in his vehicle. He shook his head at the uselessness of his platoon, repeating, "This is ridiculous, absolutely ridiculous," in plummy tones picked up at Sandhurst. A few hours later, we found the convoy at the rear base we'd left that morning, their vehicles parked in a circular formation in a dusty clearing. They all seemed calm when we arrived, asking us for cigarettes and water with beaming smiles, until something – nothing – spooked them and they all revved their engines and drove off racing each other into the darkness back to Juba. We drove most of the night, the convoy snaking for miles along the lonely bush road home, blinding headlights shining through the sea of dust as each vehicle tried to overtake the one ahead, an army crawling home bumper-to-bumper in defeat. We parked up, eventually, in Mangalla, a garrison town barely 50 miles from Juba. Checkpoints were set up along the road to prevent deserters escaping even further back. At dawn, shamefaced, the convoy moved back along the long road to Bor. According to the army, the government's infantry have now reached the city centre. We didn't join them this time round. (Back To Top)

The way forward for South Sudan Al-Jazeera.net, 8/1/2014 – How does one understand the current conflict in South Sudan? Two major explanations are on offer. The first claims it as an ethnic struggle between the two largest groups in the country, the Dinka and the Nuer, the first led by President Salva Kiir, and the second by his deputy, Riek Machar. The second explanation sees it as a power struggle between individuals in the SPLM/A leadership. Neither explanation can be ignored; however, they aren't sufficient to explain the conflict. This is because both ignore key ingredients in the conflict: the process of state formation that has further politicised ethnic allegiances, and the ideological preferences that both intersect with, and soften, ethnic conflict. The immediate background to the current crisis is the declining support for Kiir, who has, hitherto, held a monopoly on top positions, as chairman of the party (SPLM) and as president of the country. Before Kiir dismissed them from their respective leadership positions, at least three in the party leadership had publicly declared their intention to run against him in the coming elections. One was Machar, second in the state-party leadership, the second person was the secretary-general of the party, Pagan Anum. And the third was Rebecca Garang, the widow of the late SPLA leader. The opposition to Kiir's leadership is at several levels: personal, ethnic, and ideological. At the individual level, its root is the loss of confidence in Kiir's leadership ability as he has moved to undercut whatever remained of accountability structures within the state and the party in order to hold on to power. At the political level, the causes of the conflict lie in a process of the state's formation that has radically politicised ethnicity. This politicisation has occured at two levels, the military and the local administration. The army, in reality, is a bunch of localised militias, each led by an ethnic coterie of generals. Local government policy instituted by the new South Sudan government made ethnic identity the basis of creating local government units, and thus of access to customary land for peasants and employment for the urban population. In localities where populations were ethnically mixed, which is just about everywhere, making ethnic identity the basis of rights to land and employment was a sure recipe for breeding ethnic antagonism.

17 At the ideological level, active opposition to Kiir includes those who had previously been lukewarm to the call for an independent South Sudan and had instead called for a closer relationship with Sudan in the north. This comprises both those who had been inspired by John Garang's call for a New Sudan and those who had followed Machar in looking for an accommodation with the power in the north. With the majority in the party against him, Kiir decided to use the structures of the state to dismantle whatever still remained of the organs of the party. The occasion for this came when his opponents demanded that he disband the Presidential Unit that he had set up, which he placed not only outside regular army structures but also, more or less, under his own control. According to those opposed to Kiir, though he agreed to do so, he began by disarming only Nuer soldiers in the unit. When they resisted, he claimed it was an attempted coup. When Kiir unilaterally dismissed both the vice chair and the secretary-general of the party, along with other senior officials, from leadership positions, the move did away with structures of accountability in both the party and the state. It also destroyed whatever conflict resolution machinery existed at both levels. The implications were huge, especially because the South Sudan army, the SPLA, is less a national army than a coalition of local militias. SPLA has hundreds of generals, possibly more than any other army in the world. Not only is every leader in each militia that joins the SPLA rewarded with the rank of general, these generals are also assured continuing command of "their" militia, it being none other than the militia now bearing a new title. This is why when the party leadership split, few were surprised that the army also split. The fighting in South Sudan did not begin as a civil war, it began in the barracks and then spread to the surrounding civilian population as soldiers identified and targeted possible opposition in the civilian population on an ethnic basis. This, then, is neither an attempted coup nor a rebel attempt to take over government. It is, rather, an attempt by the top leader of the government to forestall a vote of no confidence in his leadership, by dismantling all structures of accountability in a bid to usurp power. The political leadership in the region, meeting under the framework of IGAD - the Inter- Governmental Authority on Development, an eight-country trading bloc in Eastern Africa - has made things worse by calling on the two sides of the conflict to negotiate, while brazenly supporting the Kiir faction, where necessary, with troops. Uganda has taken the lead in this. There is no public information on the number of Ugandan troops who have entered South Sudan, but estimates vary from several hundred to several thousand. Ugandan soldiers are there ostensibly to save Ugandan civilians, but few doubts that their real purpose is to assist Kiir. This does not bode well for the region, for Uganda, or for South Sudan. What then is the way forward? Externally, IGAD countries, and Uganda in particular, continue to view Sudan to the north as an adversary, using lenses crafted in an earlier period. There is no need to highlight the importance of cooperation between the two Sudans for ensuring stability on both sides of the border. This is not just because oil excavated in the south passes through and is refined in the north. It is also because important sections of the SPLA, particularly those who man the artillery, come from northern states such as Nuba Mountains. Conflict between the two is likely to exacerbate problems within each. In reality, Sudan, to the north, is likely to hold the trump card when it comes to influencing the outcome of the conflict in South Sudan. For this reason if for no other, IGAD needs to develop a new mind-set, one that welcomes Sudan in the north as a legitimate member of the region. Internally, to call for power sharing in South Sudan is to ignore a central fact: rather than a conflict between two powers, this conflict resulted from a split in the power. So the problem is how to reconstitute that power. To end the conflict, one needs to address the issue that triggered it - a bid for power that undermined even minimum structures of accountability within the party

18 and the state. To do so would be to acknowledge the will of the majority in both the party and the state. Neither external nor internal conditions for peace are possible without a change of political perspective in IGAD and the region, and a new political leadership in South Sudan. (Back To Top)

Mahmood Mamdani is Professor and Executive Director of the Makerere Institute of Social Research, Kampala, and Herbert Lehman Professor of Government at Columbia University.

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