How to Capture a Nation: the Evolution and Implications of Ukrainian Corruption By
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Transitional Justice and Civil War: Exploring New Pathways, Challenging Old Guideposts Andrew G
Transitional Justice Review Volume 1 | Issue 1 Article 12 January 2013 Transitional Justice and Civil War: Exploring New Pathways, Challenging Old Guideposts Andrew G. Reiter Mount Holyoke College, [email protected] Tricia D. Olsen University of Denver's Daniels College of Business, [email protected] Leigh A. Payne Univeristy of Oxford, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/tjreview http://dx.doi.org/10.5206/tjr.2012.1.1.6 Recommended Citation Reiter, Andrew G.; Olsen, Tricia D.; and Payne, Leigh A. (2013) "Transitional Justice and Civil War: Exploring New Pathways, Challenging Old Guideposts," Transitional Justice Review: Vol. 1 : Iss. 1 , Article 12. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5206/tjr.2012.1.1.6 Available at: https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/tjreview/vol1/iss1/12 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship@Western. It has been accepted for inclusion in Transitional Justice Review by an authorized editor of Scholarship@Western. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Reiter et al.: Transitional Justice and Civil War Transitional Justice Review, Vol.1, Iss.1, 2012, 137-169 Transitional Justice and Civil War: Exploring New Pathways, Challenging Old Guideposts1 Andrew G. Reiter, Mount Holyoke College, Department of Politics [email protected] and Tricia D. Olsen, University of Denver’s Daniels College of Business, Department of Business Ethics and Legal Studies [email protected] and Leigh A. Payne, University of Oxford, Departments of Sociology and Latin American Studies [email protected] Abstract Transitional justice has shifted from its primary use in addressing past atrocities of authoritarian regimes to those acts of violence committed during civil wars. -
Three Studies in Conflict in Studies Three
CHILDREN AND FAMILIES The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit institution that helps improve policy and EDUCATION AND THE ARTS decisionmaking through research and analysis. ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE This electronic document was made available from www.rand.org as a public service INFRASTRUCTURE AND of the RAND Corporation. TRANSPORTATION INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS LAW AND BUSINESS Skip all front matter: Jump to Page 16 NATIONAL SECURITY POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY Support RAND SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY Browse Reports & Bookstore TERRORISM AND Make a charitable contribution HOMELAND SECURITY For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the Pardee RAND Graduate School View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non- commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND electronic documents to a non-RAND website is prohibited. RAND electronic documents are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This product is part of the Pardee RAND Graduate School (PRGS) dissertation series. PRGS dissertations are produced by graduate fellows of the Pardee RAND Graduate School, the world’s leading producer of Ph.D.’s in policy analysis. The dissertation has been supervised, reviewed, and approved by the graduate fellow’s faculty committee. Three Studies in Conflict Dissertation Three Studies in Conflict Elizabeth Wilke Elizabeth Wilke This product is part of the Pardee RAND Graduate School (PRGS) dissertation series. -
The Politics of Lustration in Eastern Europe a Dissertation
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Minnesota Digital Conservancy Dealing with Communist Legacies: The Politics of Lustration in Eastern Europe A Dissertation SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY Ryan Moltz IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Ron Aminzade, Adviser January 2014 © Ryan Moltz 2014 Acknowledgements This dissertation is in part about the path dependency of politics. In that spirit, I have to begin by thanking Professor James R. Bruce, my undergraduate advisor at Hendrix College. Had I not taken his introduction to sociology course in the spring of 2001, I most certainly would not now be writing a doctoral dissertation in that subject. The key to surviving graduate school is a good support system. I was lucky to have that right from the beginning of my time in Minneapolis. I had the best graduate cohort that I could have hoped for: Ryan Alaniz, Amelia Corl, Shannon Golden, Rachelle Hill, Jeanette Husseman, Heather McLaughlin, Jeremy Minyard, Kirsten O’Brien, and Dan Winchester. My friends Jack Lam, jim saliba, and Tim Ortyl made life off campus especially fun. Tim, you are greatly missed. My dissertation would not have taken this form without the influence of my adviser, Ron Aminzade. Ron always pushed my thinking in new directions, urged me to consider evidence in alternative ways, and provided invaluable feedback at every stage of the research process. The work of several other professors has also profoundly shaped this dissertation. In particular, I acknowledge the influence of Liz Boyle, Joachim Savelsberg, Fionnuala Ni Aolain, Kathryn Sikkink, and Robin Stryker. -
Lustration Laws in Action: the Motives and Evaluation of Lustration Policy in the Czech Republic and Poland ( 1989-200 1 ) Roman David
Lustration Laws in Action: The Motives and Evaluation of Lustration Policy in the Czech Republic and Poland ( 1989-200 1 ) Roman David Lustration laws, which discharge the influence of old power structures upon entering democracies, are considered the most controversial measure of transitional justice. This article suggests that initial examinations of lustrations have often overlooked the tremendous challenges faced by new democracies. It identifies the motives behind the approval of two distinctive lustration laws in the Czech Republic and Poland, examines their capacity to meet their objectives, and determines the factors that influence their perfor- mance. The comparison of the Czech semi-renibutive model with the Polish semi-reconciliatory model suggests the relative success of the fonner within a few years following its approval. It concludes that a certain lustration model might be significant for democratic consolidation in other transitional coun- tries. The Czech word lustrace and the Polish lustrucju have enlivened the forgotten English term lustration,’ which is derived from the Latin term lus- Roman David is a postdoctoral fellow at the law school of the University of the Witwa- tersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa ([email protected]; [email protected]). The original version of the paper was presented at “Law in Action,” the joint annual meeting of the Law and Society Association and the Research Committee on the Sociology of Law, Budapest, 4-7 July 2001. The author thanks the University for providing support in writing this paper; the Research Support Scheme, Prague (grant no. 1636/245/1998), for financing the fieldwork; Jeny Oniszczuk from the Polish Constitutional Tribunal for relevant legal mate- rials; and Christopher Roederer for his comments on the original version of the paper. -
Media in Tajikistan Caused at Least 50,000 Dead, with Tions
CONTENT 2 I. FOREWORD 3 II. HISTORY 3 War 4 Killing of journalists 5 Newspapers closed, media in exile 6 TV stations closed 7 III. LEGISLATION 7 General 8 Overview of the legal base 8 The Constitution 8 Law “On Press and Other Media” 9 Law “On Television and Radio” 10 Regulations on “Order of Licensing in Sphere of Television and Radio” 10 Criminal code (libel) 11 IV. SYSTEM / STRUCTURE OF MEDIA 11 General 11 Self-censored journalism 13 Lack of professionalism 13 Private radios: a new opening? 14 Media structure 14 Statistics 14 Electronic media 14 State Television 15 Private televisions 16 Financing of TV stations 16 Radio 17 Licensing 18 Press 18 State-owned press 18 Private media 19 Akbarali Sattorov’s press group 20 Sharif Hamdamov’s press group 20 Newspapers with political content 21 Economy of the newspapers 23 V. ACTIVITIES OF INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS FOREWORD 2 .................................................................................................................................................... I. FOREWORD The weakness of the media in the development of a reasonably plu- fact that the political leadership, Tajikistan is due to many different ralistic and free media system. But, which signed and committed itself to reasons, at the same time structural the absence of the functioning of the freedom of speech and freedom of and linked to the general political, judicial system makes it impossible the media, is the same leadership social and economic circumstances at present to have a basis to under- clearly accused to have been, just a in the country: consequences of the stand and, in the absence of juris- few years ago, directly involved in civil war, loss of competent journal- prudence, what, for example, does numerous murders of journalists. -
The Revolutions of 1989 and Their Legacies
1 The Revolutions of 1989 and Their Legacies Vladimir Tismaneanu The revolutions of 1989 were, no matter how one judges their nature, a true world-historical event, in the Hegelian sense: they established a historical cleavage (only to some extent conventional) between the world before and after 89. During that year, what appeared to be an immutable, ostensibly indestructible system collapsed with breath-taking alacrity. And this happened not because of external blows (although external pressure did matter), as in the case of Nazi Germany, but as a consequence of the development of insuperable inner tensions. The Leninist systems were terminally sick, and the disease affected first and foremost their capacity for self-regeneration. After decades of toying with the ideas of intrasystemic reforms (“institutional amphibiousness”, as it were, to use X. L. Ding’s concept, as developed by Archie Brown in his writings on Gorbachev and Gorbachevism), it had become clear that communism did not have the resources for readjustment and that the solution lay not within but outside, and even against, the existing order.1 The importance of these revolutions cannot therefore be overestimated: they represent the triumph of civic dignity and political morality over ideological monism, bureaucratic cynicism and police dictatorship.2 Rooted in an individualistic concept of freedom, programmatically skeptical of all ideological blueprints for social engineering, these revolutions were, at least in their first stage, liberal and non-utopian.3 The fact that 1 See Archie Brown, Seven Years that Changed the World: Perestroika in Perspective (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp. 157-189. In this paper I elaborate upon and revisit the main ideas I put them forward in my introduction to Vladimir Tismaneanu, ed., The Revolutions of 1989 (London and New York: Routledge, 1999) as well as in my book Reinventing Politics: Eastern Europe from Stalin to Havel (New York: Free Press, 1992; revised and expanded paperback, with new afterword, Free Press, 1993). -
Reforms in Ukraine After Revolution of Dignity
REFORMS IN UKRAINE AFTER REVOLUTION OF DIGNITY What was done, why not more and what to do next This publicaon was produced with financial Responsibility for the informaon and views set out assistance from the EBRD-Ukraine Stabilisaon and in this publicaon lies enrely with the authors. The Sustainable Growth Mul-Donor Account, the EBRD makes no representaon or warranty, express donors of which are Denmark, Finland, France, or implied, as to the accuracy or completeness of the Germany, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, Norway, informaon set forth in the publicaon. The EBRD Poland, Sweden, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, has not independently verified any of the informaon the United States of America and the European contained in the publicaon and the EBRD accepts Union, the largest donor. The views expressed herein no liability whatsoever for any of the informaon can in no way be taken to reflect the official opinion contained in the publicaon or for any misstatement of the EBRD or any donor of the account. or omission therein. The publicaon remains the property of the EBRD. REFORMS IN UKRAINE AFTER REVOLUTION OF DIGNITY What was done, why not more and what to do next Editors Ivan Miklos Pavlo Kukhta Contents Foreword 4 Introducon What was done, why not more and what to do next: Ukrainian reforms aer the Revoluon of Dignity 7 Chapter 1 Polical economy of reforms: polical system, governance and corrupon 10 Chapter 2 Macroeconomic policies 35 Chapter 3 Rule of law 48 Chapter 4 Energy policy 75 Chapter 5 Business environment 87 Chapter 6 Land reform 101 Chapter 7 Privasaon and SOE reform 112 Chapter 8 Healthcare reform 132 Chapter 9 Ukraine and the European Union 144 Annex 1 Report on reforms in 2016-17 162 Annex 2 The role of the government and MPs in reform implementaon in Ukraine 167 About SAGSUR (Strategic Advisory Group for Support of Ukrainian Reforms) 173 Glossary of terms 174 Foreword Foreword | 4 Foreword Maeo Patrone and Peter M. -
Annual Report
NATIONAL BANK OF UKRAINE ANNUAL REPORT 2005 Dear Sirs, We would like to offer for your attention the Annual Report of the National Bank of Ukraine for 2005 prepared in accordance with the Law of Ukraine "On the National Bank of Ukraine". The major achievements of Ukraine's macroeconomic development in 2005 primarily were the households' real income growth, unemployment decrease, inflation rate lowering and acceleration in the rates of foreign capi- tal attraction to Ukraine. Ukrainian banks essentially increased crediting of the economy, and the individuals' deposits unprecedentedly grew. International reserves of the National Bank of Ukraine almost doubled. The National Bank of Ukraine's monetary policy in 2005 was aimed at sup- porting the hryvnia stability as a monetary prerequisite for the economic growth, at reaching the long-term social, structural and institutional goals. We consider that the publication of the information of the results of the National Bank of Ukraine activity for the reporting year will promote trans- parency of its work and retaining of confidence in the national monetary unit. I would like to assure you that the National Bank of Ukraine will continue the weighed monetary policy directed towards restraining the inflation rate, ensuring the economic recovery and raising the people's welfare. Sincerely, Governor of the National Bank of Ukraine Volodymyr Stelmakh Council of the National Bank of Ukraine (as at 1 January 2006) Valerii Heiets Valerii Alioshyn Serhii Buriak Anatolii Danylenko Olexander Dubrov Chairman -
Wojciech Roszkowski Post-Communist Lustration in Poland: a Political and Moral Dilemma Congress of the Societas Ethica, Warsaw 22 August 2009 Draft Not to Be Quoted
Wojciech Roszkowski Post-Communist Lustration in Poland: a Political and Moral Dilemma Congress of the Societas Ethica, Warsaw 22 August 2009 Draft not to be quoted 1. Introduction Quite recently a well-known Polish writer stated that the major dividing line in the Polish society runs across the attitude towards lustration. Some Poles, he said, have been secret security agents or collaborators or, for some reasons, defend this cooperation, others have not and want to make things clear1. Even if this statement is a bit exaggerated, it shows how heated the debates on lustration in Poland are. Secret services in democratic countries are a different story than security services in totalitarian states. Timothy Garton Ash even calls this comparison “absurd”2. A democratic state is, by definition, a common good of its citizens. Some of them are professionals dealing with the protection of state in police, armed forces and special services, all of them being subordinated to civilian, constitutional organs of the state. Other citizens are recruited by these services extremely rarely and not without their consent. In totalitarian states secret services are the backbone of despotic power of the ruling party and serve not the security of a country but the security of the ruling elites. Therefore they should rather be given the name of security services. They tend to bring under their control all aspects of political, social, economic, and cultural life of the subjects of the totalitarian state, becoming, along with uniformed police and armed forces, a pillar of state coercion. Apart from propaganda, which is to make people believe in the ideological goals of the totalitarian state, terror is the main vehicle of power, aiming at discouraging people from any thoughts and deeds contrary to the said goals and even from any activity independent of the party-state. -
Smaller Businesses in Ukraine Struggle Amid Lack of Credit
SECTION PARTNER ADVERTISEMENT29 CAN UKRAINE’S BANKS SEE THE LIGHT AT THE END OF THE TUNNEL? IHOR OLEKHOV Partner, Baker & McKenzie, Kyiv Ukraine's commercial banks were hit hard by the economic turmoil. Barely two thirds of the banks survived the crisis. On 1 April 2016 Ukraine had 111 operational banks (compared to 180 on 1 January 2014 and 163 on 1 January 2015), which still seems quite a lot for the current level of Ukraine’s GDP. Is there light at the end of the tunnel for Ukraine’s banks in 2016 and beyond? Ownership Transparency While the fall of Ukrainian banks seems to have reached at its peak in 2015 and continues during the first half of 2016, the NBU could have had very few choices but to adopt aggressive measures aimed at making bank ownership transparent. Historically, many Ukrainian owners tended to be unscrupulous about insider lend- A customer purchases tea at Kyiv’s Tea & Honey shop on May ing and theirs banks are now facing the dilemma of either disclosing their owner- 27. Tatiana Popova, the owner of the small shop, wants to ex- ship structure and increasing capital immediately, or going out of business. The pand her enterprise, but says she can’t aff ord to take out loans NBU successfully implemented measures aimed at making the banks’ ownership transparent and imposed strict deadlines for the shareholders of banks to disclose from banks because of the high interest rates. (Serhii Popov) their genuine ownership structure. These measures were supported by clear sanc- tions applied to offending banks and a clear intention to continue applying such sanctions in the future. -
Biden and Ukraine: a Strategy for the New Administration
Atlantic Council EURASIA CENTER ISSUE BRIEF Biden and Ukraine: A Strategy for the New Administration ANDERS ÅSLUND, MELINDA HARING, WILLIAM B. TAYLOR, MARCH 2021 JOHN E. HERBST, DANIEL FRIED, AND ALEXANDER VERSHBOW Introduction US President Joseph R. Biden, Jr., knows Ukraine well. His victory was well- received in Kyiv. Many in Kyiv see the next four years as an opportunity to reestablish trust between the United States and Ukraine and push Ukraine’s reform aspirations forward while ending Russia’s destabilization of Ukraine’s east. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy is greatly interested in reestablishing a close US-Ukraine relationship, which has gone through a bumpy period under former US President Donald J. Trump when Ukraine became a flash point in US domestic politics. Resetting relations with Kyiv will not be simple. As vice president, Biden oversaw Ukraine policy, visited the country six times, and knows most of its players and personalities, which is an obvious advantage. But Zelenskyy is different from his immediate predecessor. He hails from Ukraine’s Russian- speaking east, was not an active participant in the Revolution of Dignity, has had little contact with the West, and took a battering during Trump’s first impeachment in which Ukraine was front and center. However, Zelenskyy is keen to engage with the new Biden team and seeks recognition as a global leader. The Biden administration would be wise to seize this opportunity. The first priority for the new Biden team should be to get to know the players in Ukraine and Zelenskyy’s inner circle (Zelenskyy’s team and his ministers are not household names in Washington) and to establish a relationship of trust after the turbulence of the Trump years. -
The Discreet Charm of Ukrainian Elite
#9 (103) September 2016 Changes in the living standards Pavlo Klimkin on foreign policy Creative destruction: of Ukrainians in 25 years challenges and priorities ideas on Ukraine's evolution THE DISCREET CHARM OF UKRAINIAN ELITE WWW.UKRAINIANWEEK.COM Featuring selected content from The Economist FOR FREE DISTRIBUTION CONTENTS | 3 BRIEFING 24 A trap that didn't close: How the controversial aspects 4 The war of all against all: What to of Slovyansk liberation expect of the fall season in Ukrainian are interpreted on both sides politics of the front line ECONOMICS 27 Leonidas Donskis on the ideological 7 Trotting towards a better life: profile of Vladimir Putin How the living standards of Ukrainians changed in 25 years FOCUS 28 Andriy Parubiy: 10 Ukraine of Dignity: “If we lose the state, The moment of truth there will be nowhere left to fight Pavlo Klimkin on priorities for foreign corruption” policy and Ukraine’s society Verkhovna Rada Speaker on the NEIGHBOURS change of generations in politics 12 A strategic reserve of diplomacy: How 30 Creative destruction Europe is preparing for the possible Economist Vitaliy Melnychuk on presidency of Donald Trump building Ukraine into an open access 14 Yes, I’d lie to you: The new manner order of dishonesty in politics and its HISTORY consequences 46 From autonomism to statehood: SOCIETY The evolution of Ukrainian elite 20 Everyone gets a piece? Where is the and its state-building concepts debate on ownership of firearms in CULTURE & ARTS Ukraine today 50 Festivals of handmade goods, 22 The revelations of the "Russian street food, jazz and short films: Spring": Glazyev-gate as a hint at why The Ukrainian Week offers Russia failed to stir up an insurgency a selection of art and culture events across south-eastern Ukraine in 2014 to attend in September E-mail [email protected] www.ukrainianweek.com Tel.