Bebyggelsehistorisk tidskrift

Nordic Journal of Settlement History and Built Heritage

Author Milton Nuñez, Pirjo Uino Title Dwellings and related structures in prehistoric mainland Issue 33 Year of Publication 1997 Pages 133–152 ISSN 0349−2834 ISSN online 2002−3812 www.bebyggelsehistoria.org

Dwellings and related struetures in prehistoric mainland Finland

By Milton Nunez and Pirjo Uino

Despite an early interest in the subject', organized farmers. The location of most sites mentioned here efforts to learn about prehistoric building structu¬ can be seen in the map of Figure 1. res in mainland Finland did not begin to materiali¬ ze until 20-25 years ago. Apparently excavating tbe obvious grave mounds was more rewarding than searching for indiscernible building remains, which generally were investigated only after acci¬ dental discovery. In contrast Finnish archaeologists sought the more conspicuous Metal Age founda¬ tions on the Åland Islands^ and the dwelling depressions in the mainland after their discovery in 1950. The 1970s marked a turning point with C.F. Meinander’s project on Finnish Iron Age society, which included the investigation of building foundations and demonstrated that there was much to gain from the systematic inve- 4 stigation of prehistoric building remains. This paper attempts to summarize what we have learned from this incipient branch of archaeological re¬ search in Finland. For the sake of presentation the known prehistoric building forms have been somewhat arbitrarily grouped into two major cate¬ gories according to lifeways and chronology: Stone Age and Metal Age forms. The first would be mainly related to hunter-gatberers, the latter to

Figure 1. Location of the counties with sites mentioned in the text: I. Åbo; 2. Alavus; 3. Borgå; 4. Esbo; 5. Harja- valta; 6. Hattula; 7. Honkilahti; 8. Humppila; 9. Kaland; 10. Karis; 11. Karkku; 12. Kemijärvi; 13. Kors¬ näs; 14. Kuortane; 15. ; 16. Malax; 17. ; 18. Outokumpu; 19. Oravais; 20. Pemar; 21. Pieksämä- ki; 22. Posio; 23. Räisälä; 24. Raahe; 25. Rovaniemi; 26. Salo; 27. Tavastehus; 28. Vörå; 29. Yli-li.

133 Stone age forms (c.8300-1500 cal BC) Simple overnight shelters

Little is known about the structures from the peri¬ od of colonization (c.8500-7500 cal BC) right after deglaciation. It is likely that the rapidly and ever-changing environments with shoreline displacements of 3-12 m/century demanded rather mobile settlement patterns and lightly built shelters that have left few or no traces for the archaeologist. What appear to be the remains of a short-lived camp with a lean-to shelter from the 7th millenni¬ um cal BC were observed at the site of Ojalan- kangas in Alavus, Southern Ostrobotnia. Possible traces of similar structures have been recorded at other sites, and it is obvious that such flimsy over¬ night constructions were used by hunters through¬ out the prehistoric and historic periods.

Figure 2. Excavation plan of the conical tent remains from Lauhala, , with post marks and a central charcoal lens (stoneless ?), according to Luho (1967).

Figure 3. Excavation plan of the conical tent remains from Räisälä, Pitkäjärvi, and its reconstruction according to Pälsi (1918).

The conical tent or lodge The earliest building remains known from Finland comes from the South Ostrobotnian site of Mylly- vuoma in Honkajoki. It consists of a series of post- holes suggesting a 6x8 m oval structure with a 2-m extension, possibly an entrance chamber to the south. (Fig.2) Indications of a stoneless hearth were found inside the structure. Both shoreline

chronology and the artefacts found at this site sug¬ gest utilization some time within 7900-6800 cal BC. However, similar remains have been reported from both coastal and inland sites datable to the

younger Comb ceramic period and even early Metal Age, suggesting that the conical tent/lodge was in use for several millennia.

The best known of these conical structures was 9 excavated by Pälsi at Pitkäjärvi, Räisälä, on the 0 2m Carelian Isthmus (currently Russia). Based on a

134 The Semisubterranean series of -preserved posthole marks, he made a reconstruction (Fig. 3) that has been used to illu¬ The stabilization of the shoreline displacement strate the dwellings of Stone Age for over 75 combined with other favourable factors, as the 10 years. It was roughly circular and about 6 m onset of the climatic optimum and rich maritime across judging from the post marks and soil colo¬ environments by the 7th millennium cal BC, had a ration. Like the Honkajoki hut, there were indica¬ positive effect on lifeways and led to more stable tions of an inner hearth and a prodruding chamber/ settlement patterns with recurrent and longer sea¬ passage at its entrance. Apparently the posts had sonal stays at dwelling sites. This in turn gave rise been sunk vertically to a depth of at least 60-100 to more durable and elaborate structures at dwel¬ cm (95-135 cm from the modem ground surface). ling sites. Palsi’s reconstmction is one of several feasible Some dwelling remains from the Finnish Stone alternatives and represents a variant of the conical/ Age point to the use of semisubterranean , pyramidal tents or lodges common in arctic/sub¬ which also have ethnographic counterparts in arc- 14 arctic Eurasia and North America: a frame of long tic/subarctic Eurasia and North America. Al¬ poles covered with skin, bark or brash. though Finnish semisubterranean structures have 12 Meinander was critical about the interpretations been traditionally labelled as Madeneva-type dwel¬ of Finnish Stone Age on flimsy grounds, since lings, recent fieldwork indicates that there are in many cases the occurrence of only a few possib¬ several variants which do not quite fall within the le post marks have been interpreted as conical huts. definition originally given by Meinander in the Moreover, as he correctly pointed out, the poles 1960s: used in some simple dwelling forms need not leave ”Sammanfattningsvis kan sägas att gemensamt för alla de ovan any soil marks. On the other hand, the possible beskrivna antagna hyddbottnama är att de syns i markytan som location of such structures can be sometimes detec¬ en 20-60 cm djup svacka. Kulturlagrets botten i svackans mitt ted through detained documentation of soil colour har i flera utgrävda fall visat sig ligga över 1 m djupare än mark¬ 13 and/or find distributions. ytan på hyddans ryggsida (landsida). En central, stenlagd härd

y ASUHUSPAt4ANNE.«molu*2 p « PUoAiVtl t-E likAinea ia hiwft holkUw totoitM

Plirl. PtIroPttontn

hichlio {•punomullol lummo tikoiMa

voolao liWemoo nokiiaw puMa« Htlnon4*r I96S

hilllyAyl puwfa luatwoMnnt kM

Figure 4. Excavation plan of the semisubterranean house remains from Sätös, Outokumpu, with a central hearth and silhouette side walls (Karjalainen 1996).

135 tio. ti2 tu tie tie 920

Figure 5. Plans from Pesonen’s (1996) investigations of recorded, particularly in the northern half of the 16 the semisubterranean house remains at Kuorikkikangas, country during the last 10-15 years , and reports Posio: Surface contours of depression (top left); excava¬ of new sites tion plan (top right); distribution of burnt stones (bottom keep coming all the time. left) and artefacts (bottom right). Two semisubterranean Madeneva-like structures were investigated recently by Karjalainen at Sätös bar konstaterats endast en gång (Kolmhaara). I några fall har det in eastern Finland, and by Pesonen at Kuorikki¬ funnits skäl at förmoda att hyddan har haft en ram av grövre virke, men dess form har inte kunnat fastställas”. kangas in Lapland. These excavations show that the current shapes of depressions need not corres¬ Since then, dozens of new localities with over 2000 pond to their original shape or that of the dwelling semisubterranean building remains have been they encased. They have undergone modification

136 by both human and natural agents after their abandonment. Like their counterparts in the Carelian Republic, these c.6x4- m structures were quadrangular and devoid of posts marks. Along the walls of the Sätös structure, what appears to be indications of a bark and wood construction were also detec¬ ted. (Fig.4) No signs of stone- lined were met at Sätös, only a few scattered fire-crack¬ ed stones and a patch of red- burnt sand near the centre of the structure. The Kuorikki- kangas house, on the other hand, was rich in fire-cracked stones and contained two red- burnt sand patches along its central axis. (Fig.5) The dates of these two sites are difficult to pinpoint. The from Sätös is Typical Comb cera¬ mics (c.4100-3500 cal BC) and Pöljä asbestos ware (c.2600- 1500 cal BC), which seems to agree best with the wall mar- 19 kings. Kuorikkikangas potte¬ ry have a chronological range within 5000 cal BC and AD

300, and the refuse fauna sug- gests year-round occupation. Evidence about another dwelling variant was provided by the investigation of a large semisubterranean house site at

Naarajarvi in Pieksämäki, eas¬ tern Finland. The structure appeared as an elongated SW- NE oriented 30^0 cm deep double depression from the ground surface, and excava-

Figure 6. Surface contours and features (post markings and hearths) from the semisubterrane¬ an house remains at Naarajärvi, Pieksämäki, according to Matis- kainen & Jussila (1984):

137 it is not possible to determine whether all or some of the structures were in use at the same time. One thing is certain, as shown by the concentration of dwelling remains in successive terraces, the people kept moving the location of their dwellings down¬ river as the rapid Ostrobotnian land upheaval kept shifting the rivermouth away. Ongoing investigations at one of the li river sites, Kuuselankangas in Yli-Ii, have revealed at least 36 Figure 7. A reconstruction of the Naarajärvi semisubter¬ dwelling depressions 5-10 m across (Fig.9) associ¬ ranean house by Juha Lauren (Matiskainen & Jussila ated with an exceptionally rich, diverse and exotic 1984). artefact assemblage, including dozens of , Kierikki asbestos-tempered ware (c.3600 - 2500 tions revealed an arrangement of post marks stret¬ cal BC) and other artefacts pointing long-distance ching c.25xl3 m. (Fig.6-7) Their mean thickness contacts. The largest pot, with a capacity of over and depth were respectively 25 cm and 40 cm, 100 litres, is obviously a nonportable item and those with pointed end reaching deepest. Both sur¬ points to a certain degree of sedentarity. Close to face topography and the distribution of post marks the central part of the site, some smaller depres¬ and finds suggests either a composite building or sions that lack , are poorer con¬ 22 in finds and two contiguous structures. The first alternative tain only Typical Comb ceramic sherds (c.4100- has parallels both in other contemporaneous Care- lian dwelling sites and in ethnographic descriptions from the circumpolar north; for example the Nuni- Figure 8. Palaeogeographic reconstructions of the Yli-Ii 23 area with the curves vac Eskimo of Alaska. However, we may well be for 50 and 60 m a.s.l and (black dots) and Stone Age sites with semisubterranean houses, dealing with two separate structures that need not which were occupied when the li rivermouth lay close by. have been simultaneously in use. The Naarajärvi The Purkaja bog is marked by a black square and the Yli- house was associated with Typical Comb ceramics Ii church with a cross. (Koivunen & Nunez 1966). (c.4100- 3500 cal BC) and has yielded three radio- 24 carbon ages around 3700 cal BC. North Ostrobotnian rivervalleys are rich in semi¬ subterranean struetures from the Stone Age. Over 20 localities with over 800 dwelling depressions are known from the Kemi rivervalley alone and, similarly, over 200 other such depressions were recently recorded at sites within a 5-km stretch along the li river. (Fig.8) As in many other North Ostrobotnian rivervalleys, these sites were appa¬ rently occupied when the rivermouths lay close by. Such locations would have been privileged in terms of wild resources (fresh and salt water fish, seals, aquatic birds and forests plants and game) and easy access to distant resource and/or trade points in the coast and inland by boat/sledge via water/ice. These rich resources would have been capable of supporting fairly permanent settlement patterns. The occurrence of dwelling depressions in groups ranging from a few to several dozen sug¬ gests the possibility of Stone Age villages, though

138 Figure 9. Plan of the Stone Age dwelling site o/Kuuselankangas, Yli- li, with its 36 semisub¬ terranean house remains (Koivunen 1996} and an elevation model of some of the house depressions (J.Okkonen).

Yli-li, Kierikki, Kuuselankangas

Korkeusmalli asumuspalnanteista kohdasta x=22-39; g=46-60

3500 cal BC) may be related to an earlier occupa¬ Rovaniemi and the Humppila bog in southern Fin¬ tion phase from that period.25 land.” Only 2 km west of the Kuuselankangas site there On a ridge close by the Purkaja bog and the Kor¬ is another similar site, Korvala, with another 30 vala dwelling site, two large dwelling depression dwelling depressions. It lies by the Purkaja bog, were discovered during the 1996 field season. The which formed an enbayment during occupation largest one, which is some 14 m across, is surroun¬ and has yielded hundreds of wooden artefacts, one ded by a stony embankment and has yielded Pölja radiocarbon-dated to c.3500 cal BC. Among them type (c.2600-1500 BC) asbestos ware.^* Although are fragments of fishing weirs as well as sharpened the structure has not been properly excavated, pot¬ post/poles and other objects that may have formed tery finds and the size and shape of the stone part of constructions in the water. Other possible embankent may point to some connection with the indications of such constructions (palafittes?) have so called giants’ churches discussed further below. been reported from roughly contemporaneous The recent explosion of new localities with sites: the nearby Kierikki island, Kärräniemi in semisubterranean dwellings is changing our con-

139 cept of Finland’s settlement, parti¬ the nature of the local soil. cularly in the north. They are seen in the field as All the extant data suggest that, as in other arc¬ circular, oval or four-sided depressions between 5 tic/subarctic territories, there were several variants and 25 m across that are often surrounded by a of semisubterranean houses in prehistoric Finland, sand/stone embankment with openings generally though it is not yet clear whether the differences interpreted as entrances. The elevation of these are regional, chronological, and/or functional. At embankments may vary from a few centimetres any rate, semisubterranean houses seem to have a barely detectable through careful levelling to clear northern and central distribution, which may be 29 ridges of 40-50 cm. As Koivunen points out, related to harsher winter conditions. Although Fin¬ some sort of embankment is bound to form by the nish semisubterranean structures have been gene¬ digging of subsurface dwelling floors, but embank¬ rally associated with the Comb ceramic culture, ments may have served also a specific function as they seem to have a wider chronological range on wind shelter and/or holding the roof down. The the basis of finds and shoreline chronology. Some great variation of embankments may be due to sites seem to lie on preceramic altitudes, as one post-occupational modifications by erosion agents, recently observed by myself at 90 m a.s.l. in Kuor- vegetation and . Perhaps the reason for the tane, Southern Ostrobotnia, while others appear to tendency of stone embankents being higher than have been in use until the end of the Stone Age. sandy ones may be that wind and water erosion are Some forms of semisubterranean houses seem to more effective on the latter. The fact that stone linger well into the Metal Age, both in Ostrobotnia embankments seem to fall within the late Stone and in Lapland. Age (c.2500-1500 cal BC) may be due to the use of stony sites during this period. In other words, Pit dwellmgs(?) the stone ridge may be circumstancial, related to The so-called pit dwellings are small (c.4x2 m) but

Figure 10. The giants’ church structure from Pikkulieko- fairly deep (1-2 m). They have been reported from kangas in Pattijoki (photo K. Sandman). a few Comb ceramic (c.5300-2100 cal BC) and

140 Breadth in m

Figure 11. Dimensions giants’ churches, based on data in rectangular stone enclosures are 3-8 wide and Forss (1995). 0.5-1.5 m high. The typical location of these stmc¬ tures is on low ridges, generally NW-SE oriented Corded ware (c.3000-2500 cal BC) sites in sout- 32 hem Finland. No structural features other than the pit and occasional traces of fire have been obser¬ ved. Although they could be regarded as a southern semisubterranean house variant, it is difficult to see these pits as dwellings due to their small size and steep sandy walls that would have been difficult to keep from collapsing without a supporting con¬ struction. Neither signs of such devices nor of entrances have been recorded. Consequently, if these stmctures were indeed dwellings they must have been accessed through a roof opening.

Giants ’ churches Other possibly dwelling-related prehistoric structu¬ res are the so-called jättekyrkor or jdtinkirkot (giants’ churches), which appear to be unique to Ostrobotnia. Some 40 of these large stone structu¬ res (Fig.10-11) are known from the region. They are now found at 40-80 m above sea level and

10-30 km from the present coast, (Fig. 12) but were probably close to the shore at the time of their uti¬ Figure 12. Location of giants’ church sites according to lization. The ”walls” of these large oval or roughly Forss (1995).

141 drumlins, where marine action has washed away fine fractions and exposed enough boulders for the enclosure. In other words, giants’ churches consist of coastal deposits that have been subsequently modified by human hands.

The 24 sites from North Ostrobotnia are current¬ ly the subject of Aulis Forss’s doctoral research. Both their location and artefact association, sug¬ gest that giants’ churches are a late Stone Age phe¬ nomenon. The few that have been test-excavated

yielded lithic artefacts and, one of them, Pöljä asbestos ware (2600-1500 cal BC). Although the possibility of these finds antedating the structure itself cannot be discarded at this point, 19 of the 24 North-Ostrobotnian giants’ churches fall within this period when placed by palaeogeographical reconstruction within environments optimal for maritime exploitation. However, test excavations at the South-Ostrobot- nian site of Bäckeshällorna, in Oravais, yielded lit¬ hic artefacts but also charcoal of medieval date. It is difficult to reconcile this late date with other local finds and the data collected from other giants’ churches and, moreover, it seems strange that Kristfrid Ganander would not have found any memories of such late phenomenon when resear¬ Figure 13. The site o/Kettukangas, Raahe, with a giants’ church ching a few centuries later for his ”Mythologia (5), now partially destroyed by a gravel pit, in 37 association with burial (I), charred-stone heaps Fennica”. Morphologically the Bäckeshällorna (2), semisubterranean house depressions (3), and pits structure is rather atypical, but both the artefact (4). After Koivunen & Okkonen (1992). finds and the close-lying burial cairns correspond to those from the rest of giants’ church sites. A new element is the possible occurrence of a couple of the enclosures minimizes the possibility of use as postholes-like pits, though their apparent absence dwellings. Recent fieldwork has shown that giants’ in other sites may be due to the small excavated churches tend to occur together with a number of areas. At any rate, such disturbance by humans of other structures like semisubterranean houses, tree roots in medieval times may account for the burial cairns and charred-stone heaps. (Fig. 13) introduction of more recent charcoal. At this point This which would suggest that, regardless of their it seems best to shelve but keep in mind the con¬ function, there was a considerable settlement acti¬ flicting radiocarbon date until we know more about vity associated with giants’ churches. Based on this the Bäckeshällorna site and other giants’ churches. and the occurrence of Pöljä potsherds in one of 39 The question of the function of giants’ churches them, Forss has suggested that the giants’ church has been and remains a controversial. They have sites may have been utilized as coastal bases by been interpreted among other things as natural for¬ sealers from the interior, where finds of this ware mations, cult/ceremonial places, fortified sites, concentrate, and that the stone enclosures may reindeer-milking enclosures, hunting blinds, dwel¬ have served as storehouses for common goods.

ling structures, storehouses or sealing bases. Rein¬ Whatever their purpose - storage, cult or ceremo¬ deer-milking and blind purposes are attained with¬ nial - giants’ churches seem to occupy a central out the need of such labor-expensive constructions. place among these concentrations of cairns and Furtbermore, the lack of true cultural layer within dwellings. Despite their size and apparent lack of

142 heavy structural features, giants’ churches may introduced in Finland by the Corded ware people have been roofed: perhaps something like the large in the 4th millennium cal BC, though there is no medicine lodges of the Lake Winnipeg region in concrete evidence of agriculture until about c.1500 40 43 Canada. cal BC. On the basis of continuous cereal pollen Although archaeologists tend to lump similar curves the advent of arable farming did not take sites into a single category, the variety shown by place until 1000-1500 years later. Nevertheless, those structures we call giants’ churches may settled agrarian economy was restricted to those reflect different functions and utilization patterns. areas where climate permitted it, and farming This problem of function is further complicated by remained secondary to fishing and hunting in much the fact that some giants’ churches bear resemblan¬ of the country through the prehistoric period. Thus ce to the large stone structures (boplatsvallar) of sedentary lifeways would have added elaboration 41 Stone/Bronze Age date from Sweden and Yli-Ii, and durability to the buildings of agriculturalists or even the large Saami votive places from nor- but, as suggested by archaeological data, variants 42 them Norway. The enigma of these structures re¬ of the old conical tent/lodges and semisubterrane¬ mains unsolved. an houses continued to be used elsewhere by fora- 44 gers well into a not too distant past. The tell-tale Metal depression of semisubterranean age forms houses have been reported at Iron Age elevations, (c.1500 calBC-AD 1200) that is in areas which had not become dry land until Primitive farming in the form of livestock raising the Iron Age. Fairly simple structures (Fig. 14-15) and, possibly, swidden cultivation may have been of Metal Age date have been excavated throughout

0 2m h H

N I + A

0 2tii H H

Figure 14. Surface elevation model and excavation plan of the Pre-Roman semisubterranean house remains at Trofastbacken, Korsnäs (Seger 1986).

143 kemijärvi lehtola jatulinsaari remains are known from the agrarian areas of the Finnish mainland, probably because they are sel¬ dom detectable from the ground surface. Uino has summarized those known until the mid-eighties, but in contrast with the surge of new Stone Age dwellings only a handful of Metal Age remains have been discovered since. Uino’s 1986 list of 17 sites with definite Metal

Age building remains has now increased to 20. The three new sites are from the Late Iron Age , but 54 there are also some Medieval structures not inclu¬ ded here. Many other Metal Age dwelling sites from western Finland lack distinct structural remains, and burnt daub is the only evidence for some sort of buildings. Since these have been discussed elsewhere , only those sites that hold information about building construction are examined in Table 2. Common to all these Metal

Age buildings from the agrarian areas is their poor state of preservation. This may be due to building traditions that seldom included stone foundations.

Wooden walls would have rested directly on the ground, leaving little or no traces of the structures. Moreover, the absence of heavy stone foundations Figure 15. Excavation plan and profile of the structure makes places where buildings formerly stood more from the early Iron Age site o/Jatulinsaari island in Lake vulnerable for disturbance and destruction by sub¬ Kemijärvi (Siiriäinen 1964). sequent settlement and plowing. At most sites the building remains consist of post 45 46 the country. Two sites investigated by Seger in holes and other features of discoloured soil, which Korsnäs, Southern Ostrobotnia, contained roughly often can be interpreted in more than one way. The circular 5-6 m wide semisubterranean houses sur¬ features seldom form clear patterns in the ground rounded by stone embankments (Fig. 14). They had and usually represent various phases of building a central hearth but lacked traces of posts or clay activity. These problems have been discussed by

daub. Radiocarbon dates from the hearths fell one of the authors elsewhere .

around 300 cal BC. Similar roughly contempora¬ In Iron Age contexts the post constructions are neous and younger structures have been reported dominating. It is, however, difficult to derive con¬ 47 also from block fields in northern Finland. Siiri- structional details or obtain suggestions regarding 48 amen’s excavations on the Jatulinsaari island, in the upper structures of houses solely on the basis of Lake Kemijärvi, Lapland, revealed a 6x6 m 4- postholes. -and-daub walls are possible, but

sided structure surrounded by a low stone embank¬ half-timbering constructions (Sw. skiftesverk) - or

ment. (Fig. 15) The quadrangular distribution of the combinations of various techniques - are possible outer stones suggests a -shaped or a pyrami¬ too. There are many interesting analogies among dal lodge; but if the two features described by Sii¬ the Fenno-Ugrian wooden . riäinen are indeed postholes then the dwelling may It seems worth pointing out that burnt clay daub 49 have had a ridgepole construction. The structure fragments were found associated 14 of these 20 lacked clay daub and contained a stone-lined structures (70%), whereas there was none in struc¬ hearth and artefacts. Radiocarbon dates fall bet¬ tures from the Stone Age or contemporaneous ones ween 1500 cal BC-AD 600.™ from the non-agrarian areas. Can clay daub be rela¬ Unfortunately, relatively few Metal Age building ted to farming economy? Although it is tempting to

144 assume that its use may be connected to the more described below indicate a wide variation in the sedentary lifeways of agriculturalists, the sample is elements and construction of buildings during the yet too small for generalization. On the other hand, Metal period, (see also Table 2) burnt clay may be originally from hearth construc¬ Because of the insufficient and limited data only tions or fire-guards, protecting the wooden structu¬ general guide lines can be posited for the develop¬ res of the building, used in places next and above ment of building forms in the Metal Age in Fin¬ the hearths. At any rate, the structures briefly land. Post-supported houses with wall construction

A "IS o*

______^ ^

r>' /-

Figure 16. House foundation 2 at Nakkila (Salo 1981, Fig. 29).

Figure 17. Reconstructions of the Rieskaronmäki buil¬ dings 1 and 2 in Nakkila (Salo 1981, Fig. 30).

Figure 18. House-floor at Bole in Borgå (Meinander Abb. 01. Bölc, Ksp. Borgå, Nyland. Ausgrabung C im Jahre 1049. 1 »b mit Schmutzerde 1954, Fig. 91). ausgefullte Grube. 2 und 3 = Schmutzerde. 4 = rotgebrannter Sand.

145 varying from wattle-and-daub type to thicker tim¬ oven of piled stones, Sw. knuttimring) may have bers have been found in Late Iron Age contexts. occurred in the Late Iron Age. Four-sided streaks Tbe archaeological material indicates that some of discoloured soil, pieces of burnt clay of triangu¬ form of corner-jointing technique was known alre¬ lar section and dirt or clay floors, which may indi¬ ady in the Early Iron Age. The final adoption of the cate log buildings, have been found at some dwel- ,. . 58, 59 comer-timbering construction (a log cabin with an ling sites.

Table 1. Chronological distribution of structure forms that came in use in Finland during the Stone Age.

MILLENNIA (cal BC) 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 -1 -rl LEAN-TOS

CONICAL TENTS 1 ..1, 1 1 1 1 1 ,.1„,

SEMISUBTERRANEAN HOUSES 1 1 1 1 1

PIT DWELLINGS(?) 1 1 1 1

GIANTS’ CHURCHES 1 1

Table 2. Chronologically ordered Metal Age sites with building remains, their types and numbers (1- with stonefoundations; 2= supported by upright posts; 3= with wall ditches; 4= with stone-pavedfloor), some ele¬ ments (P= postholes; H- hearths; D— ditches; B— burnt clay daub; C— ceramics), and their dimensions.

LOCALITY AND SITE 1 2 3 4 P HD B c DATE (cal.) SIZE (m)

1 Kiukais Uotinmäki 1 - ? - - - 1500 BC-AD 300 7x4

2 Kaunismäki 1 X X - - X 1000-500 BC >7 X >4

3 Honkilahti Kolmhaara 1 - X - - X 1000 BC-AD 300 3x3

4 Åbo Kärsämäki 1 X X - - X 1000 BC-AD 300 4x5

5 Esbo Mickels 1? - X - X X 1000 BC-AD 300 7

6 Nakkila Rieskaronmäki 1 1 X X - X X 900-600 BC 4x4.5

Rieskaronmäki 2 1 1 X - - XX 900-500 BC 17x8

7 Borgå Bole 1 X X - X X 500 BC-AD 300 6x6 + 3

8 Karis Borgmästars Storäker 4? X X - X X 500 BC-AD 400 5x6?

9 Salo Ketohaka 1 3 1 X X XX X 200 BC-AD 700 12 X 6

Ketohaka 2 3? 1 X XX X X 500 BC-AD 800 5x4?

10 Salo Vanutehtaanmäki 3-4 3? X X - X X AD 1-200 7

Vanutehtaanmäki 1-2 1? 4? X XXX X AD 200-800 9-10 X 6-7

11 Karkku Kirkkovainio 1 - X - 7 X AD 400-1000 7

12 Laitila Kylämäki 1 ? 7 - X X AD 400-1000 7

13 Hattula Myllymäki 1 - - - X X AD 400-1000 7 14 Vörå Gulldynt 1 1 XX X X X AD 500-700 14 X 7.5

15 Malax Kalaschabrännan 1 1 X X - X X AD 500-700 18-24x5-6

16 Pemar Lautela 1 1? - - - X X AD 500-1200 7

17 Åbo Ristimäki 1 1 - X - 7 X AD 700-900 7

Ristimäki 2 3 I XX - X X AD 800-1200 4.5 X 5 18 Kaland Kylähiisi 1? X X X XX AD 800-1200 7

19 Pemar Sievolanmäki 1? 1? X - X 7 X AD 800-1200 7

20 Tavastehus Varikonniemi 1 X X X X X X AD 1000-1200 16? X 6

146 sured cm Comments on Table 2 20-30 across and were lined with stones and clay. These features suggest a building with a quadrangular base 5. Mickels, Esbo". This site lacks obvious structural features, of about 4.5x5 m. The combination of deep postholes with but the orientation of its walls was estimated with statistics the occurrence of clay daub fragments with imprints of bran¬ software as SW-NE on the basis of the spread of clay daub ches and both whole and split timber has led to various inter¬ fragments and other finds. The clay daub suggests a wattle- pretations of this structure: an upright timber construction and-daub constructions with 5-7 cm thick posts. Pottery supported by comer posts, wattle-and-daub walls, a house puts the occupation in the first millennium cal BC. with the roof 61 reaching the ground. 6. Rieskaronmaki, Nakkila (Fig.16-17) This site contains the 20. Varikkoniemi, Tavastehus (Fig.23)., This site has been uti¬ remains of two late Bronze Age buildings. One was a c.4x4 lized from the late Iron Age to the recent times, contains the m structure, which stands clearly appart from those pre¬ remains of a 3-nave long house with slightly convex walls viously described with its wattle-and-daub construction. A datable to the 12th century. The clay daub fragments do not few stone slabs marked the approximate path of the walls univocally point to wattle-and-daub walls. The rest of the (Fig. 16). The second Rieskaronmaki dwelling was a long buildings at the site seem to be 13th and 14th century. house with outer and inner dimensions of 17x8.2 and 12x5.5 m (Fig. 17). Its wide stone-dirt foundations suggest that the wattle-and-daub walls were isolated with peat. Judging by artefact distribution and wall construction, the livestock was kept at the eastern end of the house. Pottery finds place these houses within 900-500 cal BC. Concluding remarks 7. Bole, Borgå (Fig. 18). The structure from Bole is somewhat reminiscent of the conical tent or lodge known since the This brief outline shows that the extant information period and it may well be a late variant of it. The about the building structures used by Finland’s pre¬ distribution of the postholes indicates a circular structure of historic inhabitants is rather scant. There are cer¬ 6 m in diametre, with a 4-sided antechamber measuring tain c.3x3.5 m. The clay daub fragments suggest a wattle-and- general forms and elements that seem to fol¬ daub wall construction with 10-cm thich posts. Artefact low more or less discrete geographical and chrono¬ finds suggest a Pre-Roman date. Possibly similar structures logical distributions (Table 1), but details are still may be represented in the building remains from the Borg- missing. Although field surveys continue to bring mästars Storäker site (8) which is datable to c.500 cal BC- in new information AD 300. every year, if we are to impro¬ 63 ve our 9. Ketohaka I, Salo (Fig. 19). This site contains the remains of knowledge we need a marriage of field, three long houses. The best preserved one had a base of at experimental and cognitive archaeologies: syste¬ least 12x6 m. The data is ambiguous despite careful excava¬ matic excavation, reconstruction, experimental tes¬ tion. On the basis of post distribution and clay daub frag¬ ting and interpretation. All this requires joint mul¬ ments, this structure has been interpreted as having wattle- tidisciplinary efforts of researchers that, in addition and-daub, stave and/or bulwork walls. It is possible that the to technical and cultural data, take into account the house, which may have been 3-naved, may have consisted of human and environmental two rooms with a hearth in the northern one. Radiocarbon aspects. The fact that we and TL dates and artefacts place the site within 200 cal BC- are dealing with the products of versatile and crea¬ AD 800. tive individuals that made decisions and had needs, 14. Gulldynt ,Vörå (Fig.20). The interpretation of this house values and purposes very different than our own. In varies considerable from author to author, but it may have other words, we must reckon that the logic, solu¬ been similar to the recently excavated long houses from the tions and contemporaneous site of Kalaschabrännan (15). The finds strategies that were perfectly satisfactory from the cemetery where the building remains lie date to AD to our prehistoric ancestors, need not be like or 500-700. even close to ours. There are 65 many cultural and 15. Kalaschabrännan, Malax (Fig.21). This is a dwelling site environmental variables. with three partially superposed long houses and an -mar- Finland is a 1160 km long country stretching bet¬ ked cultivation field. The postholes indicate slightly convex ween the 60th and 70th northern con¬ walls which, served to bear the roof together with two pairs parallels and, of central posts. The walls were probably wattle-and-daub or sequently, factors such as insolation, precipitation, bullwork type. The occupation of this site seems to have temperature and biomass may differ significantly taken place within AD 500-800. between the southern coast and the northern inland 17. Ristimäki 2, Åbo (Fig.22). The Ristimaki 2 site contains a areas. Though plentiful, taiga resources are not cemetery datable to c. AD 800-1200 and the contemporane¬ evenly spread in time and space ous remains of four structures, of which house 1 was the best and, therefore, human preserved. It consists of what appears to be an alignment of groups must follow annual cycles to opti¬ mize their large foundation stones and 9 posthole-like pits, which mea¬ explotation. As the only organisms using

147 Figure 20. House-floor at Gulldynt in Vörå as interpreted by Valonen (1977, Fig. 5) and Liedgren (1989, Fig. 5a).

Figure 21. Housefoundation B at Varikonniemi in Tavas- tehus as interpreted by Viitanen (1995, Fig. 41).

148 culture to adapt to the environment, humans create nes, planes, spaceships, space and diving suits, etc. devices that allow them to function in foreign con¬ There were nevertheless several technical pro¬ ditions. We are able to survive in extremely hostile blems with dwellings that required compromise environments such as the poles, the seabottom and solutions by Finland’s prehistoric inhabitants. space thanks to a that creates friendly Small spaces are easier to keep warm, but too small microenvironments: clothing and shelter, submari- and closed dwellings run tbe risk of burning by hearth sparks and may present problems with smoke, even carbon-monoxyde poisoning. Roof openings oust the smoke, but also a considerable amount of the D63 hearth-generated heat. The same applies to high steep roofs, which may help with the smoke problem at increased energy costs and eliminate the problem of snow accumulation in winter and water seepage in rainy weather. Energy- inefficient high-roofs could be improved with a second inner ceiling and, on the other hand, snowy roofs may be desirable for sake of isolation. Anot¬ her point to bear in mind is the labor cost of many of these solutions. It would not be worth wasting much time in short-lived shelters, whereas major labor would be invested in buildings meant for longer use. In this respect one may consider the possibility of a small and tight tent raised on an already dead but hot stone-lined pit hearth, or war¬ ming up a tent with freshly heated stones from an outdoor hearth. Finally, we must not forget human capability of adapting to extreme temperatures. For 400-8» SS^E23 example, the Aborigines of the Australian desert ^E3 >^©£25 have no problem with going naked in over 45 °C temperatures during the day or sleeping under the stars at near-zero temperatures; while the Dogrib ^E26A and Yellowknives of subarctic Canada preferred to sleep outdoors in skin bags during the harshest 59 winter weather. The human body is capable of increasing its temperature tolerance and, as we may recall, Fennoscandia was populated by peoples whose anscestors had successfully survi¬ ved an Ice Age.

Acknowledgements We are indebted to several colleagues and friends that have provided their new unpublished informa¬ tion to be used in this paper: Berit Andersson, Christian Carpelan, Aulis Forss, Pentti Koivunen, Jari Okkonen, Eeva-Maria Viitanen and Timo Yli- maunu. Our special thanks go the Sippola brothers who Figure 22. House foundation A at Kalaschabrännan in directed MN to the unknown site with semi¬ Malax (Liedgren 1991, Fig. 5:7). subterranean houses in Kuortane.

149 Notes 47 Koivunen 1985; Kotivuori 1993b 48 1964 49 cf. Rogers & Leacock 1981; Lane 1981:403 1 e.g. Ailio 1909; Pälsi 1913, 1916, 1918 50 Siiriäinen 1964; Carpelan 1976; C. Carpelan, personal com¬ 2 Cederhvarf 1910; Hackman 1941; Kivikoski 1946; Meinan- munication November 1996 der 1954 51 1986:136-194 3 Meinander 1964, 1976; Rauhala 1977 52 1986

4 e.g. Matiskainen & Jussila 1984; Uino 1986; Schulz & 53 e.g. Mulli in Raisio, Pietikäinen 1994 Schulz 1993; Kotivuori 1993a; Pesonen 1995, 1996; Viita- 54 e.g. Pahamäki in Lieto, Luoto 1984; Huttalanmäki in Piik- nen 1995; Karjalainen 1996; Koivunen 1996 kiö, Luoto & Asplund 1984; Virala in Janakkala, Schulz 5 Europaeus 1916 1992; Ryökäs in Lieto, Raike 1996 6 e.g. Pälsi 1939 55 Uino 1986 7 Luhol967 56 e.g. the cattle-shelters, see Uino 1986:191-192 and cited 8 Pälsi 1918, 1933, 1939; Meinander 1954; Edgren 1966, literature 1984 57 Uino 1986:185-187; on impressions on clay daub, see Vii- 9 1918 tanen 1996

10 cf. Pälsi 1918; Huurre 1995 58 see Uino 1986:178-183; Viitanen 1995, 1996 11 Helm 1981; Damas 1984 59 Spencer & Jennings 1965 12 1976 60 Hiekkanen & Seger 1988. 13 e.g. Pälsi 1918; Sohlström 1992; Pesonen 1995, 1996; Hali- 61 Salo 1962, 1976, 1981, 1984. nen 1995 62 Meinander 1954; Uino 1986. 14 Helm 1981; Damas 1984 63 Uino 1986; Liedgren 1989; Viitanen 1995. 15 Meinander 1976:28 64 Tegengren 1934; Äyräpää 1937; Meinander 1950, 1977; 16 Koivunen 1991, 1996; Kotivuori 1993a, 1996; Huurre Valonen 1977; Lehtosalo-Hilander 1984; Uino 1986; Lied¬ 1995:240-243; Koivunen & Nunez 1995 gren 1991; Viitanen 1995. 17 1996 65 Liedgren 1989; 1991; Kotivuori 1992; Viitanen 1995. 18 1996 66 Hirviluoto 1960, 1976; Kivikoski 1971; Valonen 1984; 19 Karjalainen 1996 Uino 1986. 20 Pesonen 1996 67 Schulz & Schulz 1993; Viitanen 1995. 21 Matiskainen & Jussila 1984 22 Matiskainen & Jussila 1984; Kotivuori 1993a; Huurre 1995; Karjalainen 1996 23 VanStone 1984:206 References 24 Jungner 1984; Matiskainen & Jussila 1984 25 Koivunen & Nunez 1995; Koivunen 1996 26 Koivunen & Nunez 1995; Nunez 1995; Koivunen 1996 Äyräpää, A., 1937, ”Hirsisalvospirtti alkaisemmin käytännössä 27 Siiriäinen 1967, 1983, 1986; Huurre 1995 Suomessa kuin Skandinavian maissa”,f/«« Suomi 15.10. 28 Timo Ylimaunu, personal communication Ahvenlampi, M., 1985, ”Jättiläiskirkot Pohjanmaalla, erityises- 29 1991 ti Ähtävän, Purmon ja Kannuksen pitäjissä”, (Unpublished 30 Meinander 1964, 1976; Edgren 1966, 1993; Matiskainen & MA thesis. Department of Archaeology, University of Hel¬ Jussila 1984; Kotivuori 1993a; Huurre 1995; see also Kar¬ sinki.) man 1995 Ailio, J., 1909, "Die steinzeitlichen Wohnplatzfunde in Fin¬ 31 e.g. Seger 1986, 1987; Carpelan 1967, 1992:36-37 land". Helsingfors. 32 Kivikoski 1966; Edgren 1993 Andersson, B., 1993, ”Rapport över arkeologisk undersökning 33 Ahvenlampi 1985; Forss 1995, 1996 av jättekyrka pä Bäckeshälloma, Kimo, Oravais, Österbotten 34 Forss 1995 Finland”, (Unpublished report. Arkeologiska instimtionen. 35 Anderssson 1993 Umeå universitet.) 36 Berit Andersson, personal communication Asplund, H., Formisto, T. & Illmer, K., 1989, ”Kotirinne - a late 37 1789 mixed fanning site”, Norwegian Archaeological 38 Forss 1993, 1995 Reviews 22. 39 1995 Baudou, E., Engelmark, R. Liedgren, L., Segerström, U. & Wal¬ 40 Steinbring 1981:252 lin, J-E., 1991, "Jämåldersbygd i Österbotten. En ekologisk- 41 Bertvall 1993 arkeologisk studie av bosättningskontinuitet och resursut¬ 42 Vorren & Eriksen 1993 nyttjande ”, (Acta antiqua Ostrobotniensia II). Vasa. 43 Asplund et al. 1989; Edgren 1993 Bertvall, C., 1993, ”En boplatsvall från äldre bronsålder vid 44 e.g. Itkonen I. 1913; Itkonen T. 1948; Carpelan 1967, 1976, Fattenborg. Arkeologisk delundersökning av fomlämning 1992; Halinen 1992 347:1 i Tore socken, Norrbottens län”, (RAA, Regionkontoret 45 e.g. Meinander 1954; Siiriäinen 1964; Seger 1986, 1987 i Luleå. Fomminnesavdelningen. Arbetshandlingar och PM 46 1986, 1987 Nr 1993.3.)

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152