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Land Reform in the Lake Titicaca Region Melvin Burke University of Maine

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Land Reform in the Lake Titicaca Region Melvin Burke University of Maine The University of Maine DigitalCommons@UMaine School of Economics Faculty Scholarship School of Economics 1971 Land Reform in the Lake Titicaca Region Melvin Burke University of Maine Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/eco_facpub Part of the Land Use Law Commons, and the Latin American Studies Commons Repository Citation Burke, Melvin, "Land Reform in the Lake Titicaca Region" (1971). School of Economics Faculty Scholarship. 6. https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/eco_facpub/6 This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UMaine. It has been accepted for inclusion in School of Economics Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UMaine. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MELVIN BURKE University of Maine Land Reform in the Lake Titicaca Region Bolivia's National Revolutionary party (MNR) seized power in April 1952 and a year and a half later in August 1953 promulgated the agrarian reform law, which redistributed the land of the haciendas to the former Indian tenants and others. This comparative economic study of the haciendas and ex-haciendas in the Lake Titicaca region of Bolivia and Peru was undertaken to answer three illlportant, but largely unrcsolwu, tlUcSliolls ahout lalld re-forlll : (I) Whieh land-tenure system-large estates or small peasant farms-affords the agriculture laborers and cultivators the greater freedom of mobility, opportunity, income, and education? (2) Did the land-tenancy conditions of a typical latifundio ("large landed estate") land-tenure system 1 bor­ der on serfdom and preclude freedom and was this system largely re­ sponsible for the low standard of living and education of the rural popu­ lation in a traditional agrarian economy? (3) Is there any validity to the contention that "land reform is not only a reform of the way land is held but just as much reform of the man who tills the land?" 2 LATIFUNDIO LAND TENURE AND LAND REFORM Prior to the MNR revolution, Bolivia was an underdeveloped country with a traditional agrarian sector, characterized by a latifundio system. This chapter is un expandell vcr~i\ln (If my aniL-1.:. 'Talld Rdnrlll and Its l'Ih'ct "pon Production lind Productivity in the lake Titicaca Regiun," published in hWI/OlI/it· Development and Cultural Change, 18, no. 3 (April 1970), pp. 410-50. 301 302 MELVIN BURKE The agricultural sector was dearly differentiated from the nonagricultural sector. The nonagricultural sector comprised the extractive industries and the transport, wnstruction, and trading activities associated with, and dependent upon, mining. Each sector had its peculiar problems. It was tht! agrarian sector, however, which was usually singled out as being the most backward, unproductive, and stagnant. Although approximately 70 percent of the Bolivian population was engaged in agricultural produc­ tion in 1950, this sector was the source of only 30 percent of the gross national product and less than 3 percent of the value of the exports. In addition, roughly 40 percent of imports were food and other agricultural good ~, most of which could have been domestically produced.3 A partial explanation for Bolivia's backwardness can be found in an examination of the prerevolutionary land-tenure system. THE LATIFUNDIO LAND-TENURE SYSTEM Before 1952 land concentration was very great. According to the 1950 agricultural census, approximately 6 percent of the largest agricultural units constituted 92 percent of the land, while 80 percent of the smallest held only 1 percent of the land. Three-fourths of the country's agricultural population had no property rights. Although 30 percent of the total land area was classified as arable, only 2 percent was cultivated. Also, there was an inverse relationship between the size of holding and area cultivated. While the smallest agricultural units cultivated 44 percent of their land, the largest estates, comprising 92 percent of all land, cultivated only 1 per­ cent of their holdings. These statistics do little more than reveal the fact that agriculture in Bolivia was dominated by large landed estates. The haciendas, moreover, were not only agricultural enterprises; they were social units. This is evi­ dent in the tenancy arrangement under which the land was operated and its product divided between the tiller and owner. The c9ionos ("Indian tenants") were traditionally, and often quasi-legally, tied to the hacien­ das. For the right to use a small parcel of the estate's poorer quality land, they were required in varying degrees to render to the landowner their labor, tools, animals, and servitude. THE LAND REFORM The concentration of landed property in so few hands, the less than progressive tenancy conditions, and the traditional methods of production combined to render the Bolivian latifundio land-tenure system an anach- Land Reform in the Lake Tilicaca Region 303 ronism. Many Bolivians and others came to consider this land-tenure sys­ tem as one of the major obstacles to both agricultural and general economic efficiency and progress. Among these individuals were the leaders of the Muv;miento Naciunalista Revolucionariu who were re­ sponsible for the agrarian reform law which states that the soil, subsoil, and waters of the nation belong to the state but guaranteed private prop­ erty which fulfills a "social function." It also committed the state to an TABLE! 1 BOLIVIAN LAND REDISTRIBUTION 1953- 1965 -- --- -_._._- Number of Legal Re- Family Hectares distribution Titles Dis- Heads Hectares Reverted Year Cases tributed Benefittd Distributed to the State ----_. ...• _--_._---_. _._ '---- 1953 1954 1955 32 3,400 2,809 51,8ll 1956 75 4,463 3,863 46,604 579 1957 281 11,400 8,028 276,293 103 1958 216 9,193 5,709 201,631 367 1959 313 18,380 12,097 316,462 4,040 1960 904 38,897 22,410 825,871 26,899 1961 1,186 45,511 28,2\0 1,129,442 38,379 1962 1,880 50,227 28,843 1,255,791 24,950 1963 1,185 47,461 40,641 1,271,686 91,905 1964 626 18,317 11,295 531,946 33,497 1965 202 15,600 9,652 365,042 23,2~~ Total 6,900 262,849 173,557 6,272,579 243.960 Source: Bolivia, Departamento de Estadistica, Servicio Nacional Reforma Agraria (February 8, 1966), unpublished. Provided by the department head, Sr. Hector Mercado Negrete "equitable" distribution of land. The land-reform decree further stipulated that small peasant farms, cooperatives, and indigenous communities were to be created and expanded by the redistribution of all the latifundio land and portions of "medium properties" and "agricultural enterprises." • The expropriation was to be accompanied by monetary compensation ill the form of 2 percent, twenty-five-year, agrarian bonds ultimately paid for by the new beneficiaries of this reform, the campesinos ("countrymen"). Since the passage of the Bolivian land reform, substantial progress has been made in legally redistributing the land. A comparison of the figures in the 1950 agricultural census with those in table 1 shows that, of the 304 MELVIN BURKE 32,749,850 hectares surveyed in 1950, 6,272,579 or 19 percent of this amount had been legally redistributed to individual campesinos by the beginning of 1966. A number of expedientes ("files of documents") relat­ ing to the legal distribution of land are still being processed, but, more important, a substantial amount of land was illegally expropriated by the campesinos. In the midst of the early revolutionary years, 1952-1953, the campe­ sinos organized militant sindicatos ("labor unions"), obtained control of the countryside, and confiscated or redistributed the lands of many estates-some of which were not liahle for expropriation under the new law. It is important to bear in mind that the actual Bolivian land reform is distinct from that expressed in the legal statute. Land reform in Bolivia destroyed the latifundio land-tenure system and created the small campesino family-operated holdings. The Bolivian landowners were never officially compensated by the government or the carnpesinos for their expropriated properties. The only compensation received was in the form of . ~og~_ official payments made by the campesinos to a few fortunate landowners. President Victor Paz Estenssoro expressed the sum and substance of the true Bolivian land reform when he said: "We made the agrarian reform. We took the land from the unproductive and absentee landowners, and we have given it to the campesinos who work it." 6 THE LAKE TITICACA REGION The Lake Titicaca region is unique, since it is probably the only area in the world where haciendas and expropriated haciendas existed side by side in a relatively homogeneous setting.· As such, it afforded a re­ markable opportunity to conduct a comparative economic study of land tenure, land reform, and their effect upon human resources and the economy. A sampling of four Peruvian haciendas and four Bolivian ex-haciendas had been chosen for examination and comparison. From a nearly com­ plete list of all the large landed estates in the Peruvian sector of the region, four haciendas were selected. These were livestock and grain enterprises that were absentee owned and representative in size, produc­ tion, and productivity. From the other side of the border, four Bolivian ex-haciendas with similar characteristics were selected for comparison. Every attempt was made to insure comparability in such areas as distance from the lake, elevation, water access, and climate. In short, every Land Reform ill the Lake Titicaca Region 305 Bolivian ex-hacienda investigated was matched as closely as (Xlssible with a comparable Peruvian hacienda." Nevertheless, because all available data indicate that the prereform Bolivian haciendas were usually smaller in size and supported larger populations than their Peruvian counterparts, the four Bolivian ex-haciendas investigated possessed these different char­ acteristics.
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