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KDP and Nineveh Plain
The Kurds and the Future of Nineveh Plain (Little Assyria) Fred Aprim December 7, 2006 It puzzles me how some of our people continue to misunderstand and misinterpret the simplest of behaviors or actions on the parts of Barazani's Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and those few Assyrian individuals who speak on behalf of the Assyrian nation unlawfully. Two simple questions: 1. If Mas'aud Barazani and KDP really mean well towards Assyrians, why marginalize the biggest Assyrian political group by far, i.e., the Assyrian Democratic Movement (ADM) and exclude it from participating in the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) cabinet since the ADM has been in that government since 1992 and won the only elections in northern Iraq that took place in that year. If the KDP means well, why use its influence in order to control the sole Iraqi Central Government seat that is assigned for ChaldoAssyrian Christians by having Fawzi Hariri, a KPD associate, as a minister in it. Why not act democratically and yield to the ADM that won in two national elections of January and December 2005 to fill that position? Why is it so hard to understand that Barazani is doing all this to control the Assyrians' future and cause? 2. Do the five Christian political groups, supported by KDP and its strong man Sargis Aghajan, that call for joining the Nineveh plains to the KRG, namely, a) Assyrian Patriotic Party (APP), b) ChaldoAshur Org. of Kurdistani Communist Party, c) Chaldean Democratic Forum (CDF), d) Chaldean Cultural Association (CCA), and e) Bet Nahrain Democratic Party (BNDP) really think that they will secure the Assyrian rights by simply allowing Barazani to usurp the Nineveh plain without serious guarantees recognized by the Iraqi government and international institutions. -
Blood and Ballots the Effect of Violence on Voting Behavior in Iraq
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Göteborgs universitets publikationer - e-publicering och e-arkiv DEPTARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE BLOOD AND BALLOTS THE EFFECT OF VIOLENCE ON VOTING BEHAVIOR IN IRAQ Amer Naji Master’s Thesis: 30 higher education credits Programme: Master’s Programme in Political Science Date: Spring 2016 Supervisor: Andreas Bågenholm Words: 14391 Abstract Iraq is a very diverse country, both ethnically and religiously, and its political system is characterized by severe polarization along ethno-sectarian loyalties. Since 2003, the country suffered from persistent indiscriminating terrorism and communal violence. Previous literature has rarely connected violence to election in Iraq. I argue that violence is responsible for the increases of within group cohesion and distrust towards people from other groups, resulting in politicization of the ethno-sectarian identities i.e. making ethno-sectarian parties more preferable than secular ones. This study is based on a unique dataset that includes civil terror casualties one year before election, the results of the four general elections of January 30th, and December 15th, 2005, March 7th, 2010 and April 30th, 2014 as well as demographic and socioeconomic indicators on the provincial level. Employing panel data analysis, the results show that Iraqi people are sensitive to violence and it has a very negative effect on vote share of secular parties. Also, terrorism has different degrees of effect on different groups. The Sunni Arabs are the most sensitive group. They change their electoral preference in response to the level of violence. 2 Acknowledgement I would first like to thank my advisor Dr. -
Political Marketing in Post-Conflict Elections: the Case of Iraq
Journal of Political Marketing ISSN: 1537-7857 (Print) 1537-7865 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/wplm20 Political Marketing in Post-Conflict Elections: The Case of Iraq Adam Harmes To cite this article: Adam Harmes (2016): Political Marketing in Post-Conflict Elections: The Case of Iraq, Journal of Political Marketing, DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2016.1193834 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2016.1193834 Accepted author version posted online: 03 Jun 2016. Published online: 03 Jun 2016. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 13 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=wplm20 Download by: [University of Western Ontario] Date: 24 June 2016, At: 07:21 Political Marketing in Post-conflict Elections: The Case of Iraq Adam Harmes Address correspondence to Adam Harmes, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Western Ontario, 4155 Social Sciences Building, London, ON N6A 5C2, Canada. 416-346-4770. E-mail: [email protected] Abstract This article examines political marketing in post-conflict elections through an illustrative case study of post-Saddam Iraq. It does so through articles and media reports as well as interviews and participant-observation research conducted in Iraq during the 2014 national and provincial elections. The article argues that, despite having a number of the comparative and ethnic conflict country characteristics that work against a market oriented approach, Iraqi political parties have become increasingly professionalized and, to a lesser extent, willing to change their product in response to market research. -
The Struggle to Exist, Part
IRAQ The Struggle to Exist Part III: Treatment and Discrimination of Assyrians in the “Iraqi Kurdistan Region” Assyria Council of Europe Hammurabi Human Rights Organization The Struggle to Exist Part III: Treatment and discrimination of Assyrians in the “Iraqi Kurdistan Region” 2 February 2010 The Struggle to Exist Part III: Treatment and discrimination of Assyrians in the “Iraqi Kurdistan Region” Methodology... 4 Map 1: The Iraqi Kurdistan Region and Disputed Territories Claimed by the Kurdistan Regional Government... 5 Map 2: A close-up of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region showing some of the places mentioned in the text of this report... 6 The Struggle to Exist... 7 I. Treatment of Assyrians in the “Iraqi Kurdistan Region”... 9 Refuge for “Minorities”?... 9 Political Pepresentation of “Christians” and other Minorities... 12 Recognition of the KRG‟s “Support for Christians”... 13 Land Disputes... 13 Reconstructing Churches and Villages... 19 Employment and Money-Earning Opportunities... 24 Education... 27 The Media... 31 The IKR‟s constitution: Equality and safeguards for minorities?... 31 The Question of an Autonomous Region for “Christians”... 36 II. Conclusions... 39 Recommendations... 39 To the Kurdistan Regional Government... 39 To the Government of Iraq... 40 To the United States and Coalition Countries... 42 To UNAMI and International Human Rights, Humanitarian and Aid Organisations... 42 3 METHODOLOGY This report is based on a six-week fact-finding persons having been identified for interview mission in the northern Iraqi cities of Arbil, largely with the assistance of Iraqi Kirkuk and Dohuk, the regions of Barwari- nongovernmental organizations serving Bala, Sapna, Simel, Zakho and Nahla, and the Assyrian groups. -
Abstract Title of Dissertation: NEGOTIATING the PLACE OF
Abstract Title of Dissertation: NEGOTIATING THE PLACE OF ASSYRIANS IN MODERN IRAQ, 1960–1988 Alda Benjamen, Doctor of Philosophy, 2015 Dissertation Directed by: Professor Peter Wien Department of History This dissertation deals with the social, intellectual, cultural, and political history of the Assyrians under changing regimes from the 1960s to the 1980s. It examines the place of Assyrians in relation to a state that was increasing in strength and influence, and locates their interactions within socio-political movements that were generally associated with the Iraqi opposition. It analyzes the ways in which Assyrians contextualized themselves in their society and negotiated for social, cultural, and political rights both from the state and from the movements with which they were affiliated. Assyrians began migrating to urban Iraqi centers in the second half of the twentieth century, and in the process became more integrated into their societies. But their native towns and villages in northern Iraq continued to occupy an important place in their communal identity, while interactions between rural and urban Assyrians were ongoing. Although substantially integrated in Iraqi society, Assyrians continued to retain aspects of the transnational character of their community. Transnational interactions between Iraqi Assyrians and Assyrians in neighboring countries and the diaspora are therefore another important phenomenon examined in this dissertation. Finally, the role of Assyrian women in these movements, and their portrayal by intellectuals, -
2018 Human Rights Report
2018 Human Rights Report Struggling to Breathe: the Systematic Repression of Assyrians ABOUT ASSYRIANS An estimated 3.5 million people globally comprise a distinct, indigenous ethnic group. Tracing their heritage to ancient Assyria, Assyrians speak an ancient language called Assyrian (sometimes referred to as Syriac, Aramaic, or Neo-Aramaic). The contiguous territory that forms the traditional Assyrian homeland includes parts of southern and south-eastern Turkey, north-western Iran, northern Iraq, and north-eastern Syria. This land has been known as Assyria for at least four thousand years. The Assyrian population in Iraq, estimated at approximately 200,000, constitutes the largest remaining concentration of the ethnic group in the Middle East. The majority of these reside in their ancestral homelands in the Nineveh Plain and within the so- called Kurdish Region of Iraq. Assyrians are predominantly Christian. Some ethnic Assyrians self-identify as Chaldeans or Syriacs, depending on church denomination. Assyrians have founded five Eastern Churches at different points during their long history: the Ancient Church of the East, the Assyrian Church of the East, the Chaldean Catholic Church, the Syriac Catholic Church, and the Syriac Orthodox Church. Many of these churches, as well as their various denominations, have a Patriarch at their head; this role functions, to various degrees, in a similar way to the role of the Pope in Roman Catholicism. There are at least seven different Patriarchs who represent religious Assyrian communities – however, these individuals frequently experience oppression from governmental institutions in their native countries, and consequentially often face pressure that prevents them from disclosing accurate information on the subject of human rights. -
Party Total Votes Percentage Total Seats Party Leader State of Law
Total Total Party Percentage Party leader votes seats State of Law Coalition 1,890,567 26.21% 102 Nouri al-Maliki Citizens Alliance 943,646 13.08% 66 Ammar al-Hakim Liberal Coalition 653,763 9.06% 60 Muqtada al-Sadr Muttahidoon 518,968 7.19% 35 Atheel al-Nujaifi Arabian Al Iraqia 18 Saleh al-Mutlaq Kurdistan List 255,362 3.54% 17 Barham Salih Al Iraqia National and United 298,198 4.13% 16 Ayad Allawi Coalition Loyalty to Najaf 118,310 1.64% 9 Adnan al-Zurufi Islamic Dawa Party – Iraq Hashim Al- 7 Organisation Mosawy Iraqi People's Coalition 8 Hope of Rafidain 3 Iraq's Benevolence and Generosity 65,634 0.91% 3 Dr Rushdi Said List Hamid Majid Iraqi Communist Party 2 Mousa Total Total Party Percentage Party leader votes seats National White Bloc 44,765 0.62% 2 Hassan Alawi Other Parties 99 - Total 7,214,146 100% 447 - Source: ISW, Gulf Analysis, IHEC, Musings on Iraq Al Anbar Governorate Total Party Percentage Seats Party leader votes Muttahidoon 115,605 27.89% 8 Osama al-Nujaifi Aabiroun Coalition 62,581 15.10% 5 Qasim Al-Fahdawi Arabian Al Iraqia 57,332 13.83% 4 Saleh al-Mutlaq Al Iraqia National and United 39,500 9.53% 3 Ayad Allawi Coalition Al Anbar United Coalition 35,214 8.49% 3 Kamil al-Dulaymi National Cooperation Coalition 32,718 7.89% 2 Ali Farhan Sheikh Mohamad Daham Al People’s Will Project 25,210 6.08% 2 Farhan Total Party Percentage Seats Party leader votes Iraq’s Affluents 10,785 2.60% 1 Sheikh Jamal Al Jadaan Amiroun Coalition 9,220 2.22% 1 Ahmad Raja Sheikh Majed Ali Al Valiants of Iraq Bloc 8,932 2.15% 1 Sulayman Other -
A. Electoral Process: 8 / 12
Iraq https://freedomhouse.org/print/50016 Published on Freedom House (https://freedomhouse.org) Home > Iraq Country: Iraq Year: 2018 Freedom Status: Not Free Political Rights: 5 Civil Liberties: 6 Aggregate Score: 31 Freedom Rating: 5.5 Overview: Iraq holds regular, competitive elections, and the country’s various partisan, religious, and ethnic groups enjoy some representation in the political system. However, democratic governance is impeded in practice by corruption and security threats, including militant groups such as the Islamic State (IS). In the Kurdistan region, democratic institutions lack the strength to contain the influence of long-standing power brokers. Civil liberties are generally respected in Iraqi law but suffer from the state’s limited capacity to prevent and punish violations. Political Rights and Civil Liberties: A. ELECTORAL PROCESS: 8 / 12 A1. Was the current head of government or other chief national authority elected through free and fair elections? 2 / 4 After national elections, the Iraqi parliament, the Council of Representatives (CoR), chooses the largely ceremonial president, who in turn appoints a prime minister nominated by the largest bloc in the parliament. The prime minister forms a government that assumes most executive power. 1 of 10 4/19/2018 8:50 AM Iraq https://freedomhouse.org/print/50016 The CoR elected in 2014 approved a government headed by Prime Minister Haidar al-Abadi after tense and protracted negotiations that took place amid a major IS offensive and other security threats. The new leadership generally maintained the unwritten power-sharing agreements that apportion Iraq’s top political jobs among the country’s religious and ethnic communities. -
The Impact of Multiple Electoral Processes in the Evolution of the Conduct Iraqi Voters After 2003
Journal of US-China Public Administration, March 2017, Vol. 14, No. 3, 160-182 doi: 10.17265/1548-6591/2017.03.004 D DAVID PUBLISHING The Impact of Multiple Electoral Processes in the Evolution of the Conduct Iraqi Voters After 2003 Khamees Hezam Wali University of Baghdad, Baghdad, Iraq Riad Ghazi Al-Badran The Independent Higher Commission for Elections in Iraq, Najaf, Iraq The topic area of the research deals with election in Iraq and new electoral system which is considered as new features of Iraqi political system based on participation and multiparty system; the researchers argued that the process of elections has not provided an opportunity for concrete progress on the path of democracy; it has not made any significant contribution to the process of political change, and it has provided the opportunity for researchers and analysts to rationalize mechanism of authority in Iraq after 2003. The researchers argued the Iraqi electoral behavior in the federal parliamentary elections since 2005 to 2014, and there is no need to keep track of the voting behavior by voters, but it needs to check the basis of the appellation of the electoral lists and make them be based on national principles, rather than sectarian and ethnic principles. The voting behavior of the Iraqi voters is often influenced by the social composition of the community, and the researchers argued that the continuation of the electoral process periodically will contribute significantly to the changing in their locally based voting behavior to nationally based voting behavior. Keywords: elections, behavior, electoral behavior, parties, sharing The parliamentary elections reflect the evolution of the political system, regardless of whether it is real or evolution formality. -
Iraq's Stolen Election
Iraq’s Stolen Election: How Assyrian Representation Became Assyrian Repression ABOUT ASSYRIANS An estimated 1.5 million people globally comprise a distinct, indigenous ethnic group. Tracing their heritage to ancient Assyria, Assyrians speak an ancient language referred to as Assyrian, Syriac, Aramaic, or Neo-Aramaic. The contiguous territory that forms the traditional Assyrian homeland includes parts of southern and south- eastern Turkey, northwestern Iran, northern Iraq, and northeastern Syria. The Assyrian population in Iraq, estimated at approximately 200,000, constitutes the largest remaining concentration of the ethnic group in the Middle East. The majority of these reside in their ancestral homelands in the Nineveh Plain and within the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Assyrians are predominantly Christian. Some ethnic Assyrians self-identify as Chaldeans or Syriacs, depending on church denomination. Assyrians have founded five Eastern Churches at different points during their long history: the Ancient Church of the East, the Assyrian Church of the East, the Chaldean Catholic Church, the Syriac Catholic Church, and the Syriac Orthodox Church. The majority of Assyrians who remain in Iraq today belong to the Chaldean and Syriac churches. Assyrians represent one of the most consistently persecuted communities in Iraq and the wider Middle East. ABOUT THE ASSYRIAN POLICY INSTITUTE Founded in May 2018, the Assyrian Policy Institute works to support Assyrians as they struggle to maintain their rights to the lands they have inhabited for thousands of years, their ancient language, equal opportunities in education and employment, and to full participation in public life. www.assyrianpolicy.org For questions and media inquiries, @assyrianpolicy contact us via email at [email protected]. -
Assyrian Community Capacity Building in Fairfield City
ASSYRIAN COMMUNITY CAPACITY BUILDING IN FAIRFIELD CITY GREG GOW WITH ASHUR ISAAC PAUL GORGEES MARLIN BABAKHAN KARDONIA DAAWOD © 2005 CENTRE FOR CULTURAL RESEARCH AND ASSYRIAN WORKERS’ NETWORK ISBN 1 74108 112 2 PUBLISHED BY THE CENTRE FOR CULTURAL RESEARCH, UNIVERSITY OF WESTERN SYDNEY CENTRE FOR CULTURAL RESEARCH UNIVERSITY OF WESTERN SYDNEY PARRAMATTA CAMPUS EBA LOCKED BAG 1797 PENRITH SOUTH DC 1797 NSW AUSTRALIA www.uws.edu.au/ccr DESIGN: ANNA LAZAR, ODESIGN PRINTING: UNIVERSITY OF WESTERN SYDNEY COVER MODEL: JOSEPH SOLOMON Table of Contents EXECUTIVE SUMMARY III ABOUT THE AUTHORS IV ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS V LIST OF ACRONYMS VI Introduction ...................................................................................................................... 1 1 Assyrians: a global community ............................................................................... 3 2 Fairfi eld City: Australia’s Assyrian centre .............................................................. 6 2.1 Perceptions of Fairfi eld 2.2 Settlement history 3 Statistical profi le of the community ....................................................................... 10 3.1 Population, origin and migration 3.2 Family composition and age distribution 3.3 Religious affi liations 3.4 Language and education 3.5 Labour force status 3.6 Distribution by suburbs and tenure type 4 Research approach ................................................................................................... 13 5 Assyrian organisations and community infrastructure ...................................... -
Ci V14 N3 18Dez2019.Indd
Rev. Carta Inter., Belo Horizonte, v. 14, n. 3, 2019, p. 168-191 The United States influence in Iraq’s post-Saddam reconfiguration of power: The maintenance of instability besides structural changes1 A influência dos Estados Unidos na reconfiguração de poder do Iraque pós-Saddam: A manutenção de instabilidade apesar das mudanças estruturais DOI: 10.21530/ci.v14n3.2019.903 Rodrigo Augusto Duarte Amaral2 Abstract In 2003, the United States of America started a reconfiguration process of Iraq’s political-economic structure. After the overthrown of Saddam Hussein, the United Nation Security Council stated that an international coalition should act in Iraq as a Provisional Authority which was led by the USA, whose responsibility was to rebuilding Iraq (Resolution 1483). For 14 months, the USA formally governed and reformed Iraq’s structure, declaring that its objective was to develop a “new Iraq”. The 2005 constitution marked the consolidation of this new political regime, transforming Iraq in a federal and democratic country as aimed by the USA agenda. But how this new framework of statebuilding worked out for Iraq? Despite the effort, almost fifteen years after the USA formal occupation, Iraq remained politically unstable. The maintenance of insurgent groups against international interference, the rise of Islamic State, the resumption of Iraq Kurdistan interest for independence are some examples of today’s political crisis in Iraq. This paper aims to present how USA executed the reformulation of Iraqi political structure since 2003: changing the political regime, prohibiting any Baath affiliation and action in Iraq’s political theater, and articulating the rise of political parties that historically opposed Baath’s government for almost 40 years.