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KDP and Nineveh Plain
The Kurds and the Future of Nineveh Plain (Little Assyria) Fred Aprim December 7, 2006 It puzzles me how some of our people continue to misunderstand and misinterpret the simplest of behaviors or actions on the parts of Barazani's Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and those few Assyrian individuals who speak on behalf of the Assyrian nation unlawfully. Two simple questions: 1. If Mas'aud Barazani and KDP really mean well towards Assyrians, why marginalize the biggest Assyrian political group by far, i.e., the Assyrian Democratic Movement (ADM) and exclude it from participating in the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) cabinet since the ADM has been in that government since 1992 and won the only elections in northern Iraq that took place in that year. If the KDP means well, why use its influence in order to control the sole Iraqi Central Government seat that is assigned for ChaldoAssyrian Christians by having Fawzi Hariri, a KPD associate, as a minister in it. Why not act democratically and yield to the ADM that won in two national elections of January and December 2005 to fill that position? Why is it so hard to understand that Barazani is doing all this to control the Assyrians' future and cause? 2. Do the five Christian political groups, supported by KDP and its strong man Sargis Aghajan, that call for joining the Nineveh plains to the KRG, namely, a) Assyrian Patriotic Party (APP), b) ChaldoAshur Org. of Kurdistani Communist Party, c) Chaldean Democratic Forum (CDF), d) Chaldean Cultural Association (CCA), and e) Bet Nahrain Democratic Party (BNDP) really think that they will secure the Assyrian rights by simply allowing Barazani to usurp the Nineveh plain without serious guarantees recognized by the Iraqi government and international institutions. -
Blood and Ballots the Effect of Violence on Voting Behavior in Iraq
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Göteborgs universitets publikationer - e-publicering och e-arkiv DEPTARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE BLOOD AND BALLOTS THE EFFECT OF VIOLENCE ON VOTING BEHAVIOR IN IRAQ Amer Naji Master’s Thesis: 30 higher education credits Programme: Master’s Programme in Political Science Date: Spring 2016 Supervisor: Andreas Bågenholm Words: 14391 Abstract Iraq is a very diverse country, both ethnically and religiously, and its political system is characterized by severe polarization along ethno-sectarian loyalties. Since 2003, the country suffered from persistent indiscriminating terrorism and communal violence. Previous literature has rarely connected violence to election in Iraq. I argue that violence is responsible for the increases of within group cohesion and distrust towards people from other groups, resulting in politicization of the ethno-sectarian identities i.e. making ethno-sectarian parties more preferable than secular ones. This study is based on a unique dataset that includes civil terror casualties one year before election, the results of the four general elections of January 30th, and December 15th, 2005, March 7th, 2010 and April 30th, 2014 as well as demographic and socioeconomic indicators on the provincial level. Employing panel data analysis, the results show that Iraqi people are sensitive to violence and it has a very negative effect on vote share of secular parties. Also, terrorism has different degrees of effect on different groups. The Sunni Arabs are the most sensitive group. They change their electoral preference in response to the level of violence. 2 Acknowledgement I would first like to thank my advisor Dr. -
GAO-04-559 State Department: Issues Affecting Funding of Iraqi National Congress Support Foundation
United States General Accounting Office GAO Report to Congressional Requesters April 2004 STATE DEPARTMENT Issues Affecting Funding of Iraqi National Congress Support Foundation a GAO-04-559 April 2004 STATE DEPARTMENT Issues Affecting Funding of Iraqi National Highlights of GAO-04-559, a report to Congress Support Foundation congressional requesters As part of the efforts by the United State’s funding of INCSF programs totaled nearly $33 million for the period States to oust Saddam Hussein, a March 2000 through September 2003. This money was made available critical element of U.S. policy through 23 cooperative agreements and amendments that provided short- included funding the Iraqi National term funding at irregular intervals. The funds were provided for several Congress as the lead Iraqi purposes, including establishing new satellite television capability (Liberty opposition coalition. In 1999, the TV), newspaper publication, and information collection programs. About Iraqi National Congress Support Foundation (INCSF) was $10 million was earmarked for Liberty TV broadcasting activities, which established to provide an included hiring staff, establishing studio operations, and actual broadcasting. organizational structure for There were several periods during which State did not have an agreement to Department of State funding. From fund INCSF’s program, causing State to later fund INCSF activities March 2000 until September 2003, retroactively. State’s funding approach affected INCSF’s ability to conduct the Department of State funded television broadcast operations. Liberty TV broadcasted from August 2001 several INCSF programs, including to May 2002, when funding shortages caused by funding and policy disputes television broadcasting. INCSF’s between State and INCSF resulted in termination of broadcasting. -
Shia-Islamist Political Actors in Iraq Who Are They and What Do They Want? Søren Schmidt DIIS REPORT 2008:3 DIIS REPORT
DIIS REPORT 2008:3 SHIA-IsLAMIST POLITICAL ACTORS IN IRAQ WHO Are THEY AND WHAT do THEY WANT? Søren Schmidt DIIS REPORT 2008:3 DIIS REPORT DIIS · DANISH INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES 1 DIIS REPORT 2008:3 © Copenhagen 2008 Danish Institute for International Studies, DIIS Strandgade 56, DK -1401 Copenhagen, Denmark Ph: +45 32 69 87 87 Fax: +45 32 69 87 00 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.diis.dk Cover Design: Carsten Schiøler Layout: mgc design, Jens Landorph Printed in Denmark by Vesterkopi AS ISBN: 978-87-7605-247-8 Price: DKK 50.00 (VAT included) DIIS publications can be downloaded free of charge from www.diis.dk Hardcopies can be ordered at www.diis.dk. 2 DIIS REPORT 2008:3 Contents Abstract 4 1. Introduction 5 2. The Politicisation of Shia-Islam 7 2.1 Introduction 7 2.2 The History of Shia-Islamism in Iraq 8 3. Contemporary Shia-Islamist political actors 15 3.1 Ali Husseini Sistani 15 3.2 The Da’wa Party 21 3.3 SCIRI 24 3.4 Moqtada al-Sadr 29 4. Conclusion: Conflict or Cooperation? 33 Bibliography 35 3 DIIS REPORT 2008:3 Abstract The demise of the regime of Saddam Hussein in Iraq in 2003 was an important wa- tershed in Iraqi political history. Iraq had been governed by groups which belonged to the Arab Sunni minority since the Iraqi state emerged out of the former Otto- man Empire in 1921. More recently, new political actors are in the ascendancy, rep- resenting the Kurdish minority and the Shia majority in Iraq. -
Iraq: Buttressing Peace with the Iraqi Inter-Religious Congress
Religion and Conflict Case Study Series Iraq: Buttressing Peace with the Iraqi Inter-Religious Congress August 2013 © Berkley Center for Religion, Peace, and World Affairs http://berkleycenter.georgetown.edu/resources/classroom 4 Abstract 5 This case study shines a light on the sectarian violence that overtook Iraq after the 2003 US-led invasion that overthrew Saddam Hussein, and how religious 9 leaders gradually gained recognition as resources for the promotion of peace. This overview of the conflict addresses five main questions: What religious 11 factors contributed to insecurity in post-2003 Iraq? How did Coalition forces approach religious actors prior to 2006? How did governments interface with faith-based NGOs in pursuit of peace? What role did socioeconomic factors 14 play in exacerbating conflict? How did religious engagement intersect with the Sunni Awakening and the surge of Coalition troops in 2007? The case study includes a core text, a timeline of key events, a guide to relevant religious orga- nizations, and a list of further readings. 15 About this Case Study 17 This case study was crafted under the editorial direction of Eric Patterson, visiting assistant professor in the Department of Government and associate di- rector of the Berkley Center for Religion, Peace, and World Affairs at George- town University. This case study was made possible through the support of the Henry Luce Foundation and the Luce/SFS Program on Religion and International Affairs. 2 BERKLEY CENTER FOR RELIGION, PEACE & WORLD AFFAIRS AT GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY CASE STUDY — IRAQ Contents Introduction 4 Historical Background 5 Domestic Factors 9 International Factors 11 Religion and Socioeconomic Factors 12 Conclusion 14 Resources Key Events 15 Religious Organizations 17 Further Reading 19 Discussion Questions 21 BERKLEY CENTER FOR RELIGION, PEACE & WORLD AFFAIRS AT GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY CASE STUDY — IRAQ 3 Introduction While the US invasion of Iraq—and the insurgency that a shaky relationship with the United States. -
Implementing Stability in Iraq and Syria 3
Hoover Institution Working Group on Military History A HOOVER INSTITUTION ESSAY ON THE DEFEAT OF ISIS Implementing Stability in Iraq and Syria MAX BOOT Military History The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) first captured American attention in January 2014 when its militants burst out of Syria to seize the Iraqi city of Fallujah, which US soldiers and marines had fought so hard to free in 2004. Just a few days later ISIS captured the Syrian city of Raqqa, which became its capital. At this point President Obama was still deriding it as the “JV team,” hardly comparable to the varsity squad, al-Qaeda. It became harder to dismiss ISIS when in June 2014 it conquered Mosul, Iraq’s second-largest city, and proclaimed an Islamic State under its “caliph,” Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi. With ISIS executing American hostages, threatening to massacre Yazidis trapped on Mount Sinjar, and even threatening to invade the Kurdish enclave in northern Iraq, President Obama finally authorized air strikes against ISIS beginning in early August 2014. This was soon followed by the dispatch of American troops to Iraq and then to Syria to serve as advisers and support personnel to anti-ISIS forces. By the end of September 2016, there were more than five thousand US troops in Iraq and three hundred in Syria.1 At least those are the official figures; the Pentagon also sends an unknown number of personnel, numbering as many as a few thousand, to Iraq on temporary deployments that don’t count against the official troop number. The administration has also been cagey about what mission the troops are performing; although they are receiving combat pay and even firing artillery rounds at the enemy, there are said to be no “boots on the ground.” The administration is more eager to tout all of the bombs dropped on ISIS; the Defense Department informs us, with impressive exactitude, that “as of 4:59 p.m. -
The Outcome of Invasion: US and Iranian Strategic Competition in Iraq
a report of the csis burke chair in strategy The Outcome of Invasion: US and Iranian Strategic Competition in Iraq Authors Adam Mausner Sam Khazai Anthony H. Cordesman Peter Alsis Charles Loi March 2012 Chapter VII: US Strategic Competition with Iran: Competition in Iraq 16/3/12 2 Executive Summary "Americans planted a tree in Iraq. They watered that tree, pruned it, and cared for it. Ask your American friends why they're leaving now before the tree bears fruit." --Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.1 Iraq has become a key focus of the strategic competition between the United States and Iran. The history of this competition has been shaped by the Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988), the 1991 Gulf War, the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, and now by the withdrawal of US military forces. It is a competition increasingly shaped by Iraq’s turbulent domestic politics and power struggles, and where both the US and Iran compete to shape the structure of Iraq’s future politics, governance, economics, and security. An Uncertain Level of US Influence The US has gone to great lengths to counter Iranian influence in Iraq, including using its status as an occupying power and Iraq’s main source of aid, as well as through information operations and more traditional press statements highlighting Iranian meddling. However, containing Iranian influence, while important, is not America’s main goal in Iraq. It is rather to create a stable democratic Iraq that can defeat the remaining extremist and insurgent elements, defend against foreign threats, sustain an able civil society, and emerge as a stable power friendly to the US and its Gulf allies. -
Operation Inherent Resolve, Report to the United
OPERATION INHERENT RESOLVE LEAD INSPECTOR GENERAL REPORT TO THE UNITED STATES CONGRESS JULY 1, 2019‒OCTOBER 25, 2019 ABOUT THIS REPORT In January 2013, legislation was enacted creating the Lead Inspector General (Lead IG) framework for oversight of overseas contingency operations. This legislation, which amended the Inspector General Act, requires the Inspectors General of the Department of Defense (DoD), Department of State (DoS), and U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) to provide quarterly reports to Congress on overseas contingency operations. The DoD Inspector General (IG) is designated as the Lead IG for Operation Inherent Resolve (OIR). The DoS IG is the Associate IG for OIR. The USAID IG participates in oversight for the operation. The Offices of Inspector General of the DoD, DoS, and USAID are referred to in this report as the Lead IG agencies. Other partner agencies also contribute to oversight of OIR. The Lead IG agencies collectively carry out their statutory missions to: • Develop a joint strategic plan to conduct comprehensive oversight of the contingency operation. • Ensure independent and effective oversight of programs and operations of the Federal Government in support of the contingency operation through either joint or individual audits, inspections, and evaluations. • Report quarterly to Congress and the public on the contingency operation and activities of the Lead IG agencies. METHODOLOGY To produce this quarterly report, the Lead IG agencies submit requests for information to the DoD, DoS, and USAID about OIR and related programs. The Lead IG agencies also gather data and information from open sources, including congressional testimony, policy research organizations, press conferences, think tanks, and media reports. -
The Struggle to Exist, Part
IRAQ The Struggle to Exist Part III: Treatment and Discrimination of Assyrians in the “Iraqi Kurdistan Region” Assyria Council of Europe Hammurabi Human Rights Organization The Struggle to Exist Part III: Treatment and discrimination of Assyrians in the “Iraqi Kurdistan Region” 2 February 2010 The Struggle to Exist Part III: Treatment and discrimination of Assyrians in the “Iraqi Kurdistan Region” Methodology... 4 Map 1: The Iraqi Kurdistan Region and Disputed Territories Claimed by the Kurdistan Regional Government... 5 Map 2: A close-up of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region showing some of the places mentioned in the text of this report... 6 The Struggle to Exist... 7 I. Treatment of Assyrians in the “Iraqi Kurdistan Region”... 9 Refuge for “Minorities”?... 9 Political Pepresentation of “Christians” and other Minorities... 12 Recognition of the KRG‟s “Support for Christians”... 13 Land Disputes... 13 Reconstructing Churches and Villages... 19 Employment and Money-Earning Opportunities... 24 Education... 27 The Media... 31 The IKR‟s constitution: Equality and safeguards for minorities?... 31 The Question of an Autonomous Region for “Christians”... 36 II. Conclusions... 39 Recommendations... 39 To the Kurdistan Regional Government... 39 To the Government of Iraq... 40 To the United States and Coalition Countries... 42 To UNAMI and International Human Rights, Humanitarian and Aid Organisations... 42 3 METHODOLOGY This report is based on a six-week fact-finding persons having been identified for interview mission in the northern Iraqi cities of Arbil, largely with the assistance of Iraqi Kirkuk and Dohuk, the regions of Barwari- nongovernmental organizations serving Bala, Sapna, Simel, Zakho and Nahla, and the Assyrian groups. -
Middle East Report
MIDDLE EAST REPORT \ \. \ i y 1.4 \i Number 189 $4.50 / £3.50 MIDDLE EAST RESEAi^CH & INFORMATION PROJECT July-August 1994 No. 189 Vol. 24 No. 4 Middle East Report (ISSN 0899-2851 ) is pub- THE KURDISH EXPERIENCE li',h«l SIX lifw;'; a yoar (bi-rnorithly) by the Middle East Research and Informabon Proiect (MERIP), Inc., Suite 119, 1500 Massachuselts Ave., NW. ARTICLES 2 The Kurdish Experience Wastiin(jton, DC 20005. Second-class postage paid Amir Hassanpour at Washintjlori, DC POSTMASTER: send address changes to Middle East Report, 1500 Mass¬ 12 Mad Dreams of Independence: achusetts Ave , NW, Washmglon,DC 20005. Sub¬ The Kurds of Turkey scriptions are $25 per year lor individuals, $50 Chris Kutscliera lor institutions Overseas postage additional. Other rates on inside back cover. Middle East Report 16 City in the War Zone is available in microform from University Microfilms, Aliza Marcus 300 North Zeeb Rd., Ann Arbor, Ml 48106. Canadian Distribution: Doormouse Dis¬ 20 Kurdish Broadcasting in Iraq tribution, 65 Metcalfe St. 16, Toronto M4X,IR9. Ann Zimmerman Indexes and Abstracts: Abstracta Iranica, The Alternative Press Index, Index Islamicus, International 8 The Remains of Anfal Development Abstracts, International Political PHOTO ESSAY Science Abstracts, The Left Index, The Middle East Susan IVIeiselas and Andrew Whitley Journal, Mideast File, Migration & Ethnizitat, PAIS Bulletin, Political Science Abstracts, Universal Reference System. COLUMN 22 Washington Watch: Clinton, Ankara and Kurdish Human Rights Review Books and other items lor review should Maryam Elahi be sen! to: Joel Beinin, MERIP Review Editor, Dept. of History, Stanford University, Stanford, CA 94305. -
Iraq's Secular Opposition
IRAQ’S SECULAR OPPOSITION: THE RISE AND DECLINE OF AL-IRAQIYA Middle East Report N°127 – 31 July 2012 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 A. A PERMANENT STATE OF CRISIS .................................................................................................. 2 B. A LOOMING SHOWDOWN ............................................................................................................. 3 II. IRAQIYA’S ORIGINS ..................................................................................................... 5 A. 1991-2005: THE ROAD TO BAGHDAD ........................................................................................... 5 B. 2005-2009: IRAQIYA’S CREATION, FALL AND REBIRTH ............................................................... 6 1. Retreat .......................................................................................................................................... 6 2. A new opening ............................................................................................................................. 8 III. AN ALLIANCE IN FLUX ................................................................................................ 9 A. MEMBERSHIP AND CONSTITUENCY ............................................................................................ 10 1. A -
Abstract Title of Dissertation: NEGOTIATING the PLACE OF
Abstract Title of Dissertation: NEGOTIATING THE PLACE OF ASSYRIANS IN MODERN IRAQ, 1960–1988 Alda Benjamen, Doctor of Philosophy, 2015 Dissertation Directed by: Professor Peter Wien Department of History This dissertation deals with the social, intellectual, cultural, and political history of the Assyrians under changing regimes from the 1960s to the 1980s. It examines the place of Assyrians in relation to a state that was increasing in strength and influence, and locates their interactions within socio-political movements that were generally associated with the Iraqi opposition. It analyzes the ways in which Assyrians contextualized themselves in their society and negotiated for social, cultural, and political rights both from the state and from the movements with which they were affiliated. Assyrians began migrating to urban Iraqi centers in the second half of the twentieth century, and in the process became more integrated into their societies. But their native towns and villages in northern Iraq continued to occupy an important place in their communal identity, while interactions between rural and urban Assyrians were ongoing. Although substantially integrated in Iraqi society, Assyrians continued to retain aspects of the transnational character of their community. Transnational interactions between Iraqi Assyrians and Assyrians in neighboring countries and the diaspora are therefore another important phenomenon examined in this dissertation. Finally, the role of Assyrian women in these movements, and their portrayal by intellectuals,