DOCSLIB.ORG

Middle East Report

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Middle East Report MIDDLE EAST REPORT \ \. \ i y 1.4 \i Number 189 $4.50 / £3.50 MIDDLE EAST RESEAi^CH & INFORMATION PROJECT July-August 1994 No. 189 Vol. 24 No. 4 Middle East Report (ISSN 0899-2851 ) is pub- THE KURDISH EXPERIENCE li',h«l SIX lifw;'; a yoar (bi-rnorithly) by the Middle East Research and Informabon Proiect (MERIP), Inc., Suite 119, 1500 Massachuselts Ave., NW. ARTICLES 2 The Kurdish Experience Wastiin(jton, DC 20005. Second-class postage paid Amir Hassanpour at Washintjlori, DC POSTMASTER: send address changes to Middle East Report, 1500 Mass¬ 12 Mad Dreams of Independence: achusetts Ave , NW, Washmglon,DC 20005. Sub¬ The Kurds of Turkey scriptions are $25 per year lor individuals, $50 Chris Kutscliera lor institutions Overseas postage additional. Other rates on inside back cover. Middle East Report 16 City in the War Zone is available in microform from University Microfilms, Aliza Marcus 300 North Zeeb Rd., Ann Arbor, Ml 48106. Canadian Distribution: Doormouse Dis¬ 20 Kurdish Broadcasting in Iraq tribution, 65 Metcalfe St. 16, Toronto M4X,IR9. Ann Zimmerman Indexes and Abstracts: Abstracta Iranica, The Alternative Press Index, Index Islamicus, International 8 The Remains of Anfal Development Abstracts, International Political PHOTO ESSAY Science Abstracts, The Left Index, The Middle East Susan IVIeiselas and Andrew Whitley Journal, Mideast File, Migration & Ethnizitat, PAIS Bulletin, Political Science Abstracts, Universal Reference System. COLUMN 22 Washington Watch: Clinton, Ankara and Kurdish Human Rights Review Books and other items lor review should Maryam Elahi be sen! to: Joel Beinin, MERIP Review Editor, Dept. of History, Stanford University, Stanford, CA 94305. Copyright: The entire contents of this publica¬ UPDATE 24 Algeria Between Eradicators tion are copyrighted. Requests lor permission to and Conciliators reproduce in any manner, in whole or in part, in any Hugh Roberts language, should be addressed to: MERIP Copyright, Suite 1 1 9, 1 500 Massachusetts Ave., NW, Washing¬ ton, DC 20005 INTERVIEW 28 The Islamist Movement and the Palestinian Authority For the Blind: Selected articles from this publi¬ cation are available lor blind and visually handi¬ Bassam Jarrar/Graham Usher capped persons on audio tape from Freedom Ideas International, 640 Bayside. Detroit, Ml 4821 7. REVIEWS 30 DanConneW Against All Odds We encourage the submission of manuscripts Basil Davidson and photographs relevant to our locus on the polit¬ ical economy of the contemporary Middle East and 31 Salma Khadra Jayyusi Anthology of Modern popular struggles there. This includes general the¬ Palestinian Literature oretical contributions relevant to these issues and Salah Hassan connecting developments elsewhere in the world with the Middle East Letters to the editors are wel¬ come All manuscripts must be typed Ptease send 32 Editor's Picks: New and both a diskette and a hard copy A style sheet is avail¬ DEPARTMENTS able on request Recommended Reading Contributions to MERIP are tax-deductible Consider becoming a Sustainer with an annual con- Nadia Benchailah, R. Maro, Susan Meiselas, PHOTOS/ Iribution ol $100 or more, and receive compli¬ Ann Zimmerman. mentary copies ol MERIP special publications and GRAPHICS a one-year subscription. Cover Photo: "Saddam wanted to squeeze us." Halabja, Iraqi Kurdistan. R. Maro/Medico international. FROM THE BNT0R8 Board of Directors: Hady Amr, Dale Bishop, For many decades now, those states whose borders include and Judith Chomsky, Dan Connell, David Cortright, divide Kurdistan have alternately tried to ignore, deny, manip¬ Nina Dodge, Rhonda Hanson, Donna Nevel, ulate and suppress widespread Kurdish demands for political rights. David Nygaard, Doreen Tilghman, John Viste, In this, the rulers have enjoyed the unstinting support oftheir great Andrew Whitley. power patrons, the broad support ofthe majority communities, and often enough support as well among different Kurdish communi¬ Editorial Committee: Joel Beinin, Sheila ties and social strata. These policies comprise a disastrous record Carapico, Beshara Doumani, Sally Ethelston, that has exacted a horrible price in blood, treasure, and democra¬ Lisa Hajjar, Barbara Harlow, Joost Hiltermann, tic rights ofArabs, Iranians and Turks as well as ofKurds them¬ Peggy Hutchison, Suad Joseph, Fareed selves. These policies have failed miserably in their repressive Mohamedi, Julie Peteet, Marsha Pripstein, goals, and yet they continue as the order of the day. Yahya Sadowski, Susan Slyomovics, We have tried to highlight here several aspects of the Kurdish Joe Stork, Bob Vitalis. experience. One is the tremendous changes over the last two decades, Contributing Editors: Ervand Abrahamian, as new economic and social forces, as well as armies, have pene¬ Eqbal Ahmad, Noam Chomsky, Jean-Frangois trated and altered Kurdish societies. Another is the persistence Clement, Nigel Disney (1951-1978), Marion oftraditional political leaderships and rivalries. As Amir Hassanpour Farouk-Sluglett, Samih Farsoun, Michael points out, the serious clashes in May 1994 between the two dom¬ Gilsenan, Sarah Graham-Browfn, Alain Gresh, inant parties of the Kurdish Regional Government, the KDP and Fred Halliday, Bertus Hendriks, Jochen Hippler, the PUK, have similarities with the territorially-based opposi¬ Diane James, Penny Johnson, Rashid Khalidi, tion in South Africa of Inkatha to the African National Congress. Fred Lawson, Ann Lesch, Joan Mandell, Tim What is crucially missing, though, is a regional equivalent to the Mitchell, Lee O'Brien, Roger Owen, James Paul, ANC. While the main responsibility for this lies with the Kurdish Karen Pfeifer.MaximeRodinson, Miriam Rosen, leadership, other factors play a rolethe recentness and uneven- ness of social transformations, the meddling of neighboring rivals Philip Shehadi (1957-1991), Mohamed Sid- Iran and Turkey, and, not least, the punishing economic embar¬ Ahmed, Salim Tamari, John Tordai, Fawwaz go and political isolation imposed by the United States and other Trabuisi, Judith Tucker, Anita Vitullo, powers as well as by Baghdad. Martha Wenger, Sami Zubaida. The US remains, for the moment, a most reluctant "protector"of Publisher: Peggy Hutchison this experiment in Kurdish self-rule, forced by Turkey's need to stem the refugee crisis that would come with Iraq's reconquest. Editor: Joe Stork Here is where we see how little has changed: Western complicity Assistant Editor: Maggy Zanger and silence in the face of Baghdad's war of extermination in 1987- Circulation Manager: Esther Merves 88 is reprised, as we write, in the studious inattention to the lat¬ est Turkish "final offensive" to crush Kurdish political militancy Administrative Assistant: Ann Schaub within its borders. The dimensions of this current campaign are Review Editor: Joel Beinin staggering: some 400,000 Turkish troops are deployed against Design and Production: Julie Farrar 30,000 guerillas; nearly a thousand villages have been depopu¬ lated since 1993; tens of thousands of Kurds in Turkey now seek Interns: Elizabeth Hiel, Deevy Holcomb, refuge in Iraq, and hundreds ofthousands ofothers have been dis¬ Amy Schmidt placed within the country. The economic and political crisis which Review Intern: Rebecca Stein this war has exacerbated may well trigger a military coup. It is a war that Ankara cannot win, though everyone can lose. Proofreaders: Bryce Giddens, Sarah Shoenfeld What happens in Turkeywhere two-thirds ofthe Kurds live Printing: IVIcArdle Printing Co. and in the self-rule area of Iraq over the coming months and years © Copyrigrit; July-August 1994, Middle Easl Research & is likely to determine the political contours of this region for a Information Project. Printed in the U.S.A long time to come. It is a matter to which we will return. >:* 4 < . * . *^ ^4 % Voting lor tlia Congrett, Zakhu, 1982. Ann Zimmerman The Kurdish Experience Amir Hassanpour It is difficult to reach a firm assessment concerning the prospects for the Kurdish movement. The present circumstances the ability of the PKK- led movement In Turkey to survive extraordinary state repression, and the existence In Iraq of a Western-protected Regional Governmentare unprecedented. Yet the obstacles confronting a political resolution of the "Kurdish problem" are no less daunting than before. Middle East Report July-August 1994 Numbering over 22 million, the Kurds are one of the hardly be distinguished from the worldview oflanded nota¬ largest non-state nations in the world. Their home¬ bles of the past. land, Kurdistan, has been forcibly divided and lies most¬ ly within the present-day borders ofTurkey, Iraq and Iran, National Awakening with smaller parts in Syria, Armenia and Azerbaijan. The greatest number of Kurds today still live in Kurdistan, One reason for this may be that Kurdish nationalism though a large Kurdish diaspora has developed in this cen¬ emerged as an ideology long before the formation of the tury, especially in the main cities of Turkey and Iran and Kurds as a nation, not in a middle class milieu but in a more recently in Europe as well. Between 10 and 12 mil¬ largely agrarian society with a powerful tribal component. lion Kurds live in Turkey, where they comprise about 20 From the 16th century to the mid-19th century, much of percent of the population. Between 5 and 6 million live in Kurdistan was under the rule of independent and Iran, accounting for close to 10 percent of the population. autonomous Kurdish principalities that produced a flour¬ Kurds in Iraq number more than 4 million, and comprise
Load more

Recommended publications
  • GAO-04-559 State Department: Issues Affecting Funding of Iraqi National Congress Support Foundation
    United States General Accounting Office GAO Report to Congressional Requesters April 2004 STATE DEPARTMENT Issues Affecting Funding of Iraqi National Congress Support Foundation a GAO-04-559 April 2004 STATE DEPARTMENT Issues Affecting Funding of Iraqi National Highlights of GAO-04-559, a report to Congress Support Foundation congressional requesters As part of the efforts by the United State’s funding of INCSF programs totaled nearly $33 million for the period States to oust Saddam Hussein, a March 2000 through September 2003. This money was made available critical element of U.S. policy through 23 cooperative agreements and amendments that provided short- included funding the Iraqi National term funding at irregular intervals. The funds were provided for several Congress as the lead Iraqi purposes, including establishing new satellite television capability (Liberty opposition coalition. In 1999, the TV), newspaper publication, and information collection programs. About Iraqi National Congress Support Foundation (INCSF) was $10 million was earmarked for Liberty TV broadcasting activities, which established to provide an included hiring staff, establishing studio operations, and actual broadcasting. organizational structure for There were several periods during which State did not have an agreement to Department of State funding. From fund INCSF’s program, causing State to later fund INCSF activities March 2000 until September 2003, retroactively. State’s funding approach affected INCSF’s ability to conduct the Department of State funded television broadcast operations. Liberty TV broadcasted from August 2001 several INCSF programs, including to May 2002, when funding shortages caused by funding and policy disputes television broadcasting. INCSF’s between State and INCSF resulted in termination of broadcasting.
    [Show full text]
  • Shia-Islamist Political Actors in Iraq Who Are They and What Do They Want? Søren Schmidt DIIS REPORT 2008:3 DIIS REPORT
    DIIS REPORT 2008:3 SHIA-IsLAMIST POLITICAL ACTORS IN IRAQ WHO Are THEY AND WHAT do THEY WANT? Søren Schmidt DIIS REPORT 2008:3 DIIS REPORT DIIS · DANISH INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES 1 DIIS REPORT 2008:3 © Copenhagen 2008 Danish Institute for International Studies, DIIS Strandgade 56, DK -1401 Copenhagen, Denmark Ph: +45 32 69 87 87 Fax: +45 32 69 87 00 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.diis.dk Cover Design: Carsten Schiøler Layout: mgc design, Jens Landorph Printed in Denmark by Vesterkopi AS ISBN: 978-87-7605-247-8 Price: DKK 50.00 (VAT included) DIIS publications can be downloaded free of charge from www.diis.dk Hardcopies can be ordered at www.diis.dk. 2 DIIS REPORT 2008:3 Contents Abstract 4 1. Introduction 5 2. The Politicisation of Shia-Islam 7 2.1 Introduction 7 2.2 The History of Shia-Islamism in Iraq 8 3. Contemporary Shia-Islamist political actors 15 3.1 Ali Husseini Sistani 15 3.2 The Da’wa Party 21 3.3 SCIRI 24 3.4 Moqtada al-Sadr 29 4. Conclusion: Conflict or Cooperation? 33 Bibliography 35 3 DIIS REPORT 2008:3 Abstract The demise of the regime of Saddam Hussein in Iraq in 2003 was an important wa- tershed in Iraqi political history. Iraq had been governed by groups which belonged to the Arab Sunni minority since the Iraqi state emerged out of the former Otto- man Empire in 1921. More recently, new political actors are in the ascendancy, rep- resenting the Kurdish minority and the Shia majority in Iraq.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq: Buttressing Peace with the Iraqi Inter-Religious Congress
    Religion and Conflict Case Study Series Iraq: Buttressing Peace with the Iraqi Inter-Religious Congress August 2013 © Berkley Center for Religion, Peace, and World Affairs http://berkleycenter.georgetown.edu/resources/classroom 4 Abstract 5 This case study shines a light on the sectarian violence that overtook Iraq after the 2003 US-led invasion that overthrew Saddam Hussein, and how religious 9 leaders gradually gained recognition as resources for the promotion of peace. This overview of the conflict addresses five main questions: What religious 11 factors contributed to insecurity in post-2003 Iraq? How did Coalition forces approach religious actors prior to 2006? How did governments interface with faith-based NGOs in pursuit of peace? What role did socioeconomic factors 14 play in exacerbating conflict? How did religious engagement intersect with the Sunni Awakening and the surge of Coalition troops in 2007? The case study includes a core text, a timeline of key events, a guide to relevant religious orga- nizations, and a list of further readings. 15 About this Case Study 17 This case study was crafted under the editorial direction of Eric Patterson, visiting assistant professor in the Department of Government and associate di- rector of the Berkley Center for Religion, Peace, and World Affairs at George- town University. This case study was made possible through the support of the Henry Luce Foundation and the Luce/SFS Program on Religion and International Affairs. 2 BERKLEY CENTER FOR RELIGION, PEACE & WORLD AFFAIRS AT GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY CASE STUDY — IRAQ Contents Introduction 4 Historical Background 5 Domestic Factors 9 International Factors 11 Religion and Socioeconomic Factors 12 Conclusion 14 Resources Key Events 15 Religious Organizations 17 Further Reading 19 Discussion Questions 21 BERKLEY CENTER FOR RELIGION, PEACE & WORLD AFFAIRS AT GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY CASE STUDY — IRAQ 3 Introduction While the US invasion of Iraq—and the insurgency that a shaky relationship with the United States.
    [Show full text]
  • The Outcome of Invasion: US and Iranian Strategic Competition in Iraq
    a report of the csis burke chair in strategy The Outcome of Invasion: US and Iranian Strategic Competition in Iraq Authors Adam Mausner Sam Khazai Anthony H. Cordesman Peter Alsis Charles Loi March 2012 Chapter VII: US Strategic Competition with Iran: Competition in Iraq 16/3/12 2 Executive Summary "Americans planted a tree in Iraq. They watered that tree, pruned it, and cared for it. Ask your American friends why they're leaving now before the tree bears fruit." --Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.1 Iraq has become a key focus of the strategic competition between the United States and Iran. The history of this competition has been shaped by the Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988), the 1991 Gulf War, the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, and now by the withdrawal of US military forces. It is a competition increasingly shaped by Iraq’s turbulent domestic politics and power struggles, and where both the US and Iran compete to shape the structure of Iraq’s future politics, governance, economics, and security. An Uncertain Level of US Influence The US has gone to great lengths to counter Iranian influence in Iraq, including using its status as an occupying power and Iraq’s main source of aid, as well as through information operations and more traditional press statements highlighting Iranian meddling. However, containing Iranian influence, while important, is not America’s main goal in Iraq. It is rather to create a stable democratic Iraq that can defeat the remaining extremist and insurgent elements, defend against foreign threats, sustain an able civil society, and emerge as a stable power friendly to the US and its Gulf allies.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq's Secular Opposition
    IRAQ’S SECULAR OPPOSITION: THE RISE AND DECLINE OF AL-IRAQIYA Middle East Report N°127 – 31 July 2012 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 A. A PERMANENT STATE OF CRISIS .................................................................................................. 2 B. A LOOMING SHOWDOWN ............................................................................................................. 3 II. IRAQIYA’S ORIGINS ..................................................................................................... 5 A. 1991-2005: THE ROAD TO BAGHDAD ........................................................................................... 5 B. 2005-2009: IRAQIYA’S CREATION, FALL AND REBIRTH ............................................................... 6 1. Retreat .......................................................................................................................................... 6 2. A new opening ............................................................................................................................. 8 III. AN ALLIANCE IN FLUX ................................................................................................ 9 A. MEMBERSHIP AND CONSTITUENCY ............................................................................................ 10 1. A
    [Show full text]
  • Iraqi Elections Ahead the SHI’A-SUNNI FACTOR
    LÄNDERBERICHT Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V. JORDANIEN DR. MARTIN BECK LUCIANE F. FANGALUA 1. März 2010 Iraqi Elections Ahead www.kas.de THE SHI’A-SUNNI FACTOR www.kas.de/jordanien For the third time since the downfall of politics rather than an advancement of more Saddam Hussein’s iron fist rule over Iraq, moderate political agendas. Indeed, al- national elections are to be held on March though the nominal head of the ISCI, it is 7, 2010. This basically positive finding still too early to say if Abdul Aziz’s son Am- should, however, not deter from the fact mar al-Hakim is truly in charge of his or- that the Iraqi system still faces a lot of ganization, or rather is in danger of becom- problems not only in terms of security but ing a puppet of ISCI party hard-liners. This also on the political realm. As became ob- might in the end weaken the traditional alli- vious during the campaign period, the ance between the Sunni Kurds and the Shi’a deep divisions between Shi’a and Sunni which is based on the historic decision of actors are still unsolved. Ayatollah Muhsin al-Hakim, the father of Abdul Aziz, to issue a religious decree in The death of Abdul Aziz al-Hakim—the head 1965 that forbade Iraqi Shi’a from partici- of the conservative US-backed Shi’a Islamic pating in the war against the Kurds.2 How- Supreme Council of Iraq (ISCI), which is ever, in a January interview with Ammar al- under the umbrella of the Shi’a Iraqi Na- Hakim, it appears that support from Kurdish tional Alliance (INA)—who succumbed to President Massoud Barzani will continue.3 lung cancer in August 2009, left a vacuum in the Iraqi political scene.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq War? Current Situation and Issues for Congress
    Order Code RL31715 Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Iraq War? Current Situation and Issues for Congress Updated February 26, 2003 Raymond W. Copson (Coordinator) Specialist in International Relations Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Iraq War? Current Situation and Issues for Congress Summary On November 8, 2002, the United Nations Security Council, acting at U.S. urging, adopted Resolution 1441, giving Iraq a final opportunity to “comply with its the disarmament obligations” or “face serious consequences.” During January and February 2003, the U.S. military buildup in the Persian Gulf continued, and analysts speculated that mid-March seemed the most likely time for U.S. forces to launch a war. President Bush, other top U.S. officials, and British Prime Minister Tony Blair have repeatedly indicated that Iraq has little time left to offer full cooperation with U.N. weapons inspectors. However, leaders of France, Germany, Russia, and China, are urging that the inspections process be allowed more time. The Administration asserts that Iraq is in defiance of 17 Security Council resolutions requiring that it fully declare and eliminate its weapons of mass destruction (WMD). Skeptics, including many foreign critics, maintain that the Administration is exaggerating the Iraqi threat. In October 2002, Congress authorized the President to use the armed forces of the United States to defend U.S. national security against the threat posed by Iraq and to enforce all relevant U.N. resolutions regarding Iraq (P.L. 107-243). Some Members of Congress have expressed dissatisfaction with the level of Administration consultation on Iraq, and suggested that the Administration should provide more information on why Iraq poses an immediate threat requiring early military action.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq, August 2006
    Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Country Profile: Iraq, August 2006 COUNTRY PROFILE: IRAQ August 2006 COUNTRY Formal Name: Republic of Iraq (Al Jumhuriyah al Iraqiyah). Short Form: Iraq. Term for Citizen(s): Iraqi(s). Click to Enlarge Image Capital: Baghdad. Major Cities (in order of population size): Baghdad, Mosul (Al Mawsil), Basra (Al Basrah), Arbil (Irbil), Kirkuk, and Sulaymaniyah (As Sulaymaniyah). Independence: October 3, 1932, from the British administration established under a 1920 League of Nations mandate. Public Holidays: New Year’s Day (January 1) and the overthrow of Saddam Hussein (April 9) are celebrated on fixed dates, although the latter has lacked public support since its declaration by the interim government in 2003. The following Muslim religious holidays occur on variable dates according to the Islamic lunar calendar, which is 11 days shorter than the Gregorian calendar: Eid al Adha (Feast of the Sacrifice), Islamic New Year, Ashoura (the Shia observance of the martyrdom of Hussein), Mouloud (the birth of Muhammad), Leilat al Meiraj (the ascension of Muhammad), and Eid al Fitr (the end of Ramadan). Flag: The flag of Iraq consists of three equal horizontal bands of red (top), white, and black with three green, five-pointed stars centered in the white band. The phrase “Allahu Akbar” (“God Is Great”) also appears in Arabic script in the white band with the word Allahu to the left of the center star and the word Akbar to the right of that star. Click to Enlarge Image HISTORICAL BACKGROUND Early History: Contemporary Iraq occupies territory that historians regard as the site of the earliest civilizations of the Middle East.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq in Crisis
    Burke Chair in Strategy Iraq in Crisis By Anthony H. Cordesman and Sam Khazai January 6, 2014 Request for comments: This report is a draft that will be turned into an electronic book. Comments and suggested changes would be greatly appreciated. Please send any comments to Anthony H. Cordsman, Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy, at [email protected]. ANTHONY H. CORDESMAN Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy [email protected] Iraq in Crisis: Cordesman and Khazai AHC Final Review Draft 6.1.14 ii Acknowledgements This analysis was written with the assistance of Burke Chair researcher Daniel DeWit. Iraq in Crisis: Cordesman and Khazai AHC Final Review Draft 6.1.14 iii Executive Summary As events in late December 2013 and early 2014 have made brutally clear, Iraq is a nation in crisis bordering on civil war. It is burdened by a long history of war, internal power struggles, and failed governance. Is also a nation whose failed leadership is now creating a steady increase in the sectarian divisions between Shi’ite and Sunni, and the ethnic divisions between Arab and Kurd. Iraq suffers badly from the legacy of mistakes the US made during and after its invasion in 2003. It suffers from threat posed by the reemergence of violent Sunni extremist movements like Al Qaeda and equally violent Shi’ite militias. It suffers from pressure from Iran and near isolation by several key Arab states. It has increasingly become the victim of the forces unleashed by the Syrian civil war. Its main threats, however, are self-inflicted wounds caused by its political leaders.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq: Politics, Governance, and Human Rights
    Iraq: Politics, Governance, and Human Rights Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs April 19, 2012 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21968 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Iraq: Politics, Governance, and Human Rights Summary Relations among major political factions have worsened substantially since late 2011, threatening Iraq’s stability and the perception of the achievements of the long U.S. intervention in Iraq. Sunni Arabs, always fearful that Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki would seek unchallenged power for Shiite factions allied with him, accuse him of an outright power grab as he seeks to purge the highest-ranking Sunni Arabs from government and to cripple attempts by Sunni-inhabited provinces to achieve greater autonomy. Iraq’s Kurds have also become increasingly distrustful of Maliki over territorial, political, and economic issues, and have begun to similarly accuse him of authoritarian practices. The political crisis threatens to undo the relatively peaceful political competition and formation of cross-sectarian alliances that had emerged since 2007 after several years of sectarian conflict. Some Sunni insurgent groups apparently seek to undermine Maliki by conducting high-profile attacks intended to reignite sectarian conflict. The political rift has stalled the movement on national oil laws that had occurred during August- November 2011. The political crisis has also renewed outside criticism that Iraq’s factions lack focus on governance, or on improving key services, such as electricity. The splits and dysfunctions within Iraq’s government that have widened since mid-December 2011 have called into question the legacy of U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Ci V14 N3 18Dez2019.Indd
    Rev. Carta Inter., Belo Horizonte, v. 14, n. 3, 2019, p. 168-191 The United States influence in Iraq’s post-Saddam reconfiguration of power: The maintenance of instability besides structural changes1 A influência dos Estados Unidos na reconfiguração de poder do Iraque pós-Saddam: A manutenção de instabilidade apesar das mudanças estruturais DOI: 10.21530/ci.v14n3.2019.903 Rodrigo Augusto Duarte Amaral2 Abstract In 2003, the United States of America started a reconfiguration process of Iraq’s political-economic structure. After the overthrown of Saddam Hussein, the United Nation Security Council stated that an international coalition should act in Iraq as a Provisional Authority which was led by the USA, whose responsibility was to rebuilding Iraq (Resolution 1483). For 14 months, the USA formally governed and reformed Iraq’s structure, declaring that its objective was to develop a “new Iraq”. The 2005 constitution marked the consolidation of this new political regime, transforming Iraq in a federal and democratic country as aimed by the USA agenda. But how this new framework of statebuilding worked out for Iraq? Despite the effort, almost fifteen years after the USA formal occupation, Iraq remained politically unstable. The maintenance of insurgent groups against international interference, the rise of Islamic State, the resumption of Iraq Kurdistan interest for independence are some examples of today’s political crisis in Iraq. This paper aims to present how USA executed the reformulation of Iraqi political structure since 2003: changing the political regime, prohibiting any Baath affiliation and action in Iraq’s political theater, and articulating the rise of political parties that historically opposed Baath’s government for almost 40 years.
    [Show full text]
  • Framework for Conflict-Sensitive Programming in Iraq
    1 kermitflevo UNHCR IOUA FRAMEWORK FOR CONFLICT-SENSITIVE PROGRAMMING IN IRAQ This report is the outcome of joint efforts by UN agencies and NGOs, including COOPI, Italian Consortium of Solidarity, Life, Médecins du Monde, Mercy Hands, NGO Coordination Committee in Iraq, Ockenden International, Relief International, Terre des Hommes (Italia), UNAMI, UNAMI Human Rights Office, UNHCR, UNOPS and IOM. UNHCR, as Coordinator of Cluster F, facilitated the process of information and experience sharing among these organizations. This report is work in progress and will be updated as appropriate within the framework of the Protection Outcome Team. This report would never have been produced without the valuable contributions of Ali Chahine (Independent Consultant), Arkady Divinskii (UNAMI), Alan Fellows (UNAMI), Christopher Gegenheimer (UNHCR), Sigrid Gruener (Relief International), Greg Hansen (Independent Consultant), Benoîte Martin (Independent Consultant), Daunia Pavone (Consultant), Rafid Saleh (Mercy Hands) and Ivana Vuco (UNAMI HRO). The inclusion of information in this report does not constitute an endorsement of the information or views of third parties. Neither does such information necessarily represent statements of policy or views of UNHCR or the United Nations. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees Iraq Operation Amman, December 2007 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS .................................................................................4 DEFINITIONS OF TERMS....................................................................................6
    [Show full text]