Electoral Commission Act: Registered Political Parties
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Le Nationalisme Afrikaner Depuis 1992 : Histoire, Bilan, Perspectives
GALVANE François-Philippe - D.E.A. de Droit Public, mention Science Politique - D.E.A. de Défense et Sécurité Internationale - Doctorant Le Nationalisme Afrikaner depuis 1992 Histoire, Bilan, Perspectives Une étude à propos de la monographie de Martin Schönteich et Henri Boshoff "Volk, Faith and Fatherland. The security threat posed by The White Right" Monographie n°81 Institute for Security Studies Prétoria - Mars 2003 Mars 2004 1 Plan Introduction p. 4 I - Les combats du Nationalisme Afrikaner depuis 1992 p. 5 A - 1992-1994 - L'œil du cyclone 1) Le 17 mars 1992 - The "last exclusively white referendum" p. 5 2) 7 mai 1993 - La création de l'Afrikaner VolksFront (AVF) p. 5 3) Les plans de guerre du général Viljoen p. 7 a) - Le contexte p. 7 b) - Les deux options militaires : les plans A et B p. 9 - le plan militaire A p. 9 - le plan militaire B p.10 4) Pendant la lutte, les négociations continuent : août 1993-février 1994 5) La crise du Bophutatswana - mars 1994 p.12 6) La création du Freedom Front - mars 1994 - et l'Accord du 23 avril 1994 B - 1994-1999 - Le combat politico-constitutionnel pour le Volkstaat p. 14 ère 1) 1994-1999 - La 1 Assemblée, constituante et législative p.14 a) - Constat d’échec p.14 b) – Le double jeu de l’ANC p.15 2) Les élections de 1999 p.16 C - Depuis 1999 - Division du Volk, clôture d'un cycle p.17 et nouvelles perspectives pour un Volkstaat 1) La division politique continue p.17 2) Fin d'une génération et clôture d'un cycle p.17 3) Le F.F. -
Race, History and the Internet: the Use of the Internet in White Supremacist Propaganda in the Late 1990’S, with Particular Reference to South Africa
Race, History and the Internet: The use of the Internet in White Supremacist Propaganda in the late 1990’s, with particular reference to South Africa Inez Mary Stephney A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, Social Sciences and Wits School of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg in fulfilment of the requirements for the Masters Degree. Abstract This dissertation aims to investigate the use of History by white supremacist groups in South Africa particularly, to rework their identity on the Internet. The disserta- tion argues that white supremacist groups use older traditions of history, particu- larly, in the South African case, the ‘sacred saga’, as explained by Dunbar Moodie to create a sense of historical continuity with the past and to forge an unbroken link to the present. The South African white supremacists have been influenced by the His- tory written by Van Jaarsveld for example, as will be shown in the chapters analysing the three chosen South African white supremacist groups. The white supremacists in the international arena also use history, mixed with 1930s Nazi propaganda to promote their ideas. i Acknowledgements There are a few people who must be acknowledged for their assistance during the research and preparation of this dissertation. First and foremost, my supervisor Dr Cynthia Kros for her invaluable advice and assistance- thank you. I also wish to thank Nina Lewin and Nicole Ulrich for all the encouragement, reading of drafts and all round unconditional love and friendship that has helped me keep it together, when this project seemed to flounder. Katie Mooney for saying I should just realised I am a historian and keep on going. -
Party Name Party Abbr Party Leader Date of Registration Logo
Party Name Party Abbr Party Leader Date Of Registration Logo ABOLITION OF INCOME TAX AND USURY PARTY AITUP SM GOODSON 12 April 1999 AFRICA REDEMPTION DEMOCRACY ARD HENRY JAMES LUCAS 11 December 2017 AFRICA UNITE PARTY AUP ROBIN DENTON 07 March 2014 AFRICAN BASIC MOVEMENT ABM ALFRED LUTHULI 19 March 2018 AFRICAN BOND OF UNITY ABU MRS C PHILANDER 31 October 2008 AFRICAN CIVIL REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT ACRM TEENAGE KUMBE 02 August 2017 MONGALO KHOLOFELO AFRICAN ECONOMIC PARTY A.E.P PHIDOR 19 July 2016 QHOMANE EXECUTIVE AFRICAN ECONOMIC TRANSFORMERS AET LETSHOA 29 May 2018 DAVID ANTHONY AFRICAN HEALTH ASSURANCE AHA WEGERLE 04 December 2018 MR LANGA LEBENYA AFRICAN NATIONAL PARTY ANP NDLOVU 07 December 2011 AFRICAN NAZARETH DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT ANDM MR LT HLATSHWAYO 23 January 2004 THOBILE HIGHLANDS AFRICAN SOCIO-ECONOMIC PARTY ASEP SEFAKO 27 February 2017 AFRICAN UNITED FRONT A.U.F. RONALD JAMES SAULS 13 December 2013 AFRICAN WIDOWS WIDOWERS SINGLE MAVIS NOMAKHAYA PARENT ORPHANS ORGANISATION AWWISPOO MDAKA 11 October 2017 FRANK NDIMUHULU AMBASSADORS DRIVE A.D. NDADZA 15 November 2013 DR. THANSANQA ENOCH ANCHOR REFORMED POLITICAL PARTY ANCHOR BAM 11 March 2016 ARBORGENIESE RESTORASIE KOALISIE ARK FRED G MEYER 31 May 2016 BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS PARTY BCP N MOLALA 24 February 2004 BLACK ECONOMIC EMPOWERMENT PARTY BEE NAPO GEORGE MOTHAE 01 June 2016 BOERESTAAT PARTY OF S.A B.S.P Conraad JB Vermaak 14 March 2007 BUILD SOUTH AFRICA BSA JEREMIAH KEKANA 13 June 2018 CAPE AGULHAS RATEPAYERS ASSOCIATION CARA PERVICAL JOHN JONES 01 June 2016 CATHCART RESIDENTS ASSOCIATION NO_ABBR KENNETH SIGIDI 01 June 2016 CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATIC ALLIANCE CDA REV. -
Die Werklike Bittereinders
Die werklike bittereinders De nalatenschap van de Boerenoorlog in het hedendaags Afrikaner nationalisme Marieke Nieuwstraten 3508919 OS III: Goed en fout in de Boerenoorlog Docent: Martin Bossenbroek Bachelorscriptie [email protected] Inhoud Inleiding………………………………………………………………………………………………..pag. 3-4 Introductie: Geschiedenis van het Afrikaner nationalisme……………………pag. 5-7 Hoofdstuk 1: Het hedendaagse Afrikaner nationalisme § 1.1 Nationalisme……………………………………………………………………….pag. 8-9 § 1.2 Verligte en verkrampte groeperingen………………………………….pag 9-10 § 1.3 Houdingen Afrikaners………………………………………………………...pag. 10 § 1.4 Verhoudingen……………………………………………………………………..pag. 11-12 Hoofdstuk 2: Politiek § 2.1 De Volksstaat………………………………………………………………………pag. 13 § 2.2 Vryheidsfront Plus………………………………………………………………pag. 13-14 § 2.3 Boerestaat Partij…………………………………………………………………pag. 14-16 § 2.4 Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging………………………………………….pag. 16-18 § 2.5 Orania…………………………………………………………………………………pag. 18-19 Hoofdstuk 3: Cultuurindustrie § 3.1 Elites……………………………………………………………………………………pag. 20-22 § 3.2 Geschiedschrijving………………………………………………………………pag. 23-25 § 3.3 Boerenkrijgers…………………………………………………………………….pag. 25-26 § 3.4 “De La Rey”…………………………………………………………………………..pag. 26-28 § 3.5 Vrouwen en kinderleed……………………………………………………….pag. 28-30 § 3.6 Monumenten……………………………………………………………………….pag. 30-32 Hoofdstuk 4: Etniciteit § 4.1 De Volksstaat, Orania en racisme………………………………………..pag. 33-34 § 4.2 Plaasmoorden …………………………………………………………………….pag. 34-36 § 4.3 Boeremag en de aanslagen in Soweto 2002…………………………pag. -
An Analysis of the Politics and Ideology of the White Rightwing in Historical Context
University of Cape Town THE RIGHT IN TRANSITION: An analysis of the politics and ideology of the white rightwing in historical context University of Cape Town Department of Sociology Presented in fulfilment of the degree Master ofArts Sharyn Spicer December 1993 Supervisor: Me!Yin Goldberg .~----------------·-=------, The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgement of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Published by the University of Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. University of Cape Town ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to extend my thanks to all who contributed to this dissertation. In particular, I would like to thank Melvin Goldgerg ~ithout whose supervision this would not have been possible. I would also like to thank Paul Vaughan of Penbroke Design Studio for the final layout. Furthermore, I thank my bursars from the Centre for Scientific Development (CSD), as well as the Centre for African Studies for the travel grant. Finally, I would like to thank my friend Erika Schutze for proofreading at short noti,ce. 11 , , TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ___________________ iv INTRODUCTION ______________________ x CHAPTER ONE---------------------- 1 1.1 WHAT IS THE "RIGHTWING"? 3 1.1.1. The nature offightwing organizations: 9 1.2 PERSPECTIVES IN LITERATURE: 23 CHAPTER TWO ______________________ 32 2.1 NEW TREJ'\TJ>S, TACTICS, STRATEGIES: 1988 to 1993 33 2.2 VIOLENCE AATJ> THE RIGHTWING: 37 2.2. -
Monograph 81
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This study and its publication is funded by the European Union, Ford Foundation, USAID and the United States Embassy in South Africa. Their gen- erous assistance is gratefully acknowledged. FIGURES AND MAPS FIGURE 1 20 Number of votes received by the white right, 1970–1999 FIGURE 2 21 Proportion of vote going to white right in 1989 election, by province FIGURE 3 22 Proportion of ‘no vote’ in 1992 referendum, selected regions FIGURE 4 33 Votes for white right as a proportion of all votes cast, 1981–1999 FIGURE 5 76 Possible Boeremag command structure FIGURE 6 84 Farm attacks, injuries and murders, 1998–2001 FIGURE 7 86 Proportion economically active population unemployed in 1995 and 2001, and percentage change 1995–2001 (by race) FIGURE 8 93 Number of Officers and NCOs in SAPS, October 2002 FIGURE 9 93 Proportion of white SA(N)DF full time uniformed personnel, by rank, 1995 and 2002 MAP 1 8 South Africa with provincial boundaries MAP 2 38 Homeland partition model MAP 3 41 Boer Republics volkstaat model MAP 4 42 Avstig/Freedom Front volkstaat model ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS AEB Afrikaner Eenheidsbeweging (Afrikaner Unity Movement) ANC African National Congress APK Afrikaanse Protestante Kerk (Afrikaans Protestant Church) AVF Afrikaner Volksfront (Afrikaner People’s Front) Avstig Afrikaner-Vryheidstigting (Afrikaner Freedom Foundation) AVU Afrikaner Volksunie (Afrikaner People’s Union) AWB Afrikaner-Weerstandsbeweging (Afrikaner Resistance Movement) BBB Blanke Bevrydingsbeweging (White Liberation Movement) BDF Bophuthatswana -
Denial of Language Diversity: the Ultra-Right in South Africa
Denial of language diversity: the ultra-right in South Africa J.C. Moll, Free State University, Bloemfontein, South Africa 1. Point of departure This a liberal, humanistic orientated discussion, the point of view being that the potential value and goodness of human beings are of prime importance and that no cultural propensities, championing of race or language, religious convictions, moral persuasions or whatever, are to be considered more important than the well-being or furtherance of the human condition. Africa is a continent where dictators are thriving and where democracy seems to be on the wane and South Africa is very high on the list of the most violent societies with serious problems in social services, health management etc. For the true humanist none of these negative factors furnishes the right to be a racist. South Africa as a constitutional democracy has through its constitution, brought the greatest freedom to all its peoples in all spheres of life in a country plagued for decades by discrimination and oppression. As with all social or political concepts, the concept of ‘radical right’, ‘right wing extremism’, ‘far right’ or ‘ultra-right’ (See Billig 1989:4) undergoes constant change as a result of the dynamics of cultural and social life. That is the reason why some academics prefer the term ‘new ultra-right’ to accentuate the changing character of the term. 2. The terms Afrikaner and Afrikaans Two terms, – Afrikaner and Afrikaans – need some explication. An African is a person from Africa, especially a black person, although many whites consider and call themselves Africans. -
Right-Wing Directory
Right-Wing Directory Independent Board of Inquiry - March 1996 Profiles of Right-wing organisations -^* Introduction For most South Africans, the right-wing threat means the AWB and other vigilante groups associated with it in style and method. However, few know of the shadowy groups operating even further to the right. Thus the danger in having numerous small splinter groups of the right-wing is that they remain anonymous while they design acts of terror. The disadvantage of the right-wing being so fragmented is that each unit of the right-wing will have its own commanders. Almost all of the right-wing organisations share members between them, thus increasing the difficulty of ascertaining the exact number of members per organisation. However many of these members belong to, or at least have links with, several right-wing organisations and a large number belong to the AWB. Afrikaner Fasciste (AF) Afrikaner Fascists The Afrikaner Fascists is led by Armando Pellencin. Pellencin is the son of a former Italian prisoner of war in South Africa. Susan Pellencin, Armando's wife, was an active member of the AWB's welfare project. The AF is a low profile organisation probably consisting of Pellencin and a handful of members. On the 15th of November 1993 an unidentified AF member laid a wreath on Strijdom Square in Pretoria in honour of convicted mass-murderer Barend Strydom. Afrikanerfront (AF) Afrikaner Front The Afrikaner Front (AF) was established in 1989. The AF originally consisted mostly of former high-ranking members of the AWB who had fallen out with Terre'Blanche. -
17-14 Rault-Afrikanerflags
Proc. XVII International Congress of Vexillology Copyright ©1999, Southern African Vexillological Assn. Peter Martinez (ed.) Afrikaner political flags Philippe Louis Rault Dedicated to Mrs Betsie Verwoerd in memory of the late Rudolph Boshoff. ABSTRACT: The goal of this study is to review the flags of Afrikaner political parties and movements of the past as well as the present with special emphasis on those organisations which now con stitute the new Afrikaner separatist political movement. The new Afrikaner National Flag, intended to fly in future over the Republic of Afrikanerland, is presented. The illustrations for this paper appear on Plates 24-26. 1 Introduction It was the policy of all South African Prime Ministers, from Louis Botha to P.W. Botha, to strive for the establishment of one white South African nation, with two languages and two cultures. But this was never realized, mainly because the Afrikaner has always refused to relinquish his own identity and nationality. As Robert van Tonder wrote thirty years ago: “Also here an Afrikaner remains an Afrikaner and an Englishman an Englishman, and there is no reason to pretend that this will disappear by imposing on us the imprint ‘South African.’ .. .You do not get traditions out of the air.”^ In 1994 a chapter in the history of South Africa was closed. Afrikaners no longer govern this country and have become a non-independent people, like the Quebecois, the Basques, the Bretons, the Zulus and many, many others. 100 Philippe Rault Afrikaner political flags 101 It might be the choice of some Afrikaners to sacrifice their identity and This AB flag is not widely known. -
The Opening of the Apartheid Mind: Options for the New South Africa
Preferred Citation: Adam, Heribert, and Kogila Moodley. The Opening of the Apartheid Mind: Options for the New South Africa. Berkeley: University of California Press, c1993 1993. http://ark.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/ft958009mm/ The Opening of the Apartheid Mind Options for the New South Africa Heribert Adam and Kogila Moodley UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS Berkeley · Los Angeles · London © 1993 The Regents of the University of California For Kanya and Maya in lieu of letters Preferred Citation: Adam, Heribert, and Kogila Moodley. The Opening of the Apartheid Mind: Options for the New South Africa. Berkeley: University of California Press, c1993 1993. http://ark.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/ft958009mm/ For Kanya and Maya in lieu of letters Acknowledgments Our reasoning has drawn liberally on the insights of many colleagues. First and foremost, we benefited from numerous conversations with two longtime South African friends, Van Zyl Slabbert and Hermann Giliomee. Slabbert’s political savvy and Giliomee’s sensitivity toward Afrikaner nationalism, as well as our disagreements over the nature of ethnicity, stimulated much of our writing. We had frequent political discussions with Jenny and Alex Boraine, André du Toit, Hamish Dickie-Clark, Pieter and Ingrid Le Roux, Wilmot James, Helen Zille and Johann Maree, Michael Savage, Oscar Dhlomo, Franklin Sonn, Allister Sparks, Solly Benatar, Vincent Mapai, Pierre van den Berghe, Mamphela Ramphele, Theo Hanf, Motti Tamarkin and Tony Williamson. Jeffrey Butler and David Welsh read the manuscript for the publisher and made valuable suggestions, as did our students in Vancouver and Cape Town. All the research associates who collected data in Canada and South Africa during the past four years, as well as the dozens of busy respondents who allowed themselves to be interviewed, deserve thanks. -
The Former South African Government & Its Security
Vo l u m e SIX • S e c t i o n THREE • C h ap t e r ONE The Intersection between the Work of the Human Rights Violations Committee and the Amnesty Committee THE FORMER SOUTH AFRICAN GOVERNMENT & ITS SECURITY FORCES Vo l u m e SIX S e c t i o n THREE C h ap t e r O N E The Former South African G o v e rnment and its Security F o rc e s PA RT ONE: OVERVIEW OF AMNESTY APPLICATIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE SECURITY FORCES: 1 9 6 0 – 1 9 9 4 ■ INTRODUCTION 1. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (the Commission) found the state – and in particular its security agencies and affiliated policy and strategy formulation committees and councils – to be the primary perpetrators of gross violations of human rights committed during the thirty-four years it was mandated to investigate. 1 2 . Some 50 per cent of all amnesty applications received from members of the security forces related to incidents that occurred between 1985 and 1989. No applications were received in respect of incidents that occurred in the first decade of the Commission’s mandate and few applications were received for the pre-1985 and post-1990 periods. Despite this, evidence received by the Commission shows that the security forces were responsible for the commission of gross human rights violations during both of these periods. 3. Most of the applications were received from members of the Security Branch, both from Security Branch headquarters and from the nineteen regional Security Branch divisions. -
The Afrikaner Volkswag (AV) 4.5 Rightwing 'Think-Tanks' 4.6 Wider Civil Society
INDICATOR PROJECT SOUTH AFRICA The Indicator South Africa Quarterly Report and the Indicator South Africa Issue Focus series are published by the Centre for Social and Development Studies based at the University of Natal, Durban. Opinions expressed are not necessarily those of the Editorial Committee and should not be taken to represent the policies of companies or organisations which are donor members of the Indicator Project SA. Copyright for all material herein is shared by Indicator South Africa and the co-authors, except in the case of short extracts for review or comment. Sole copyright for all data bases rests with Indicator South Africa. Permission to republish or reproduce any part of this publication must be obtained from the publisher Issue Focus Publication Team Editor: Graham Howe Design/Production: Robert Evans Liaison: Myrna Berkowitz Secretary: Dorothy Smith Editorial Committee: Professors Simon Bekker, Mike McGrath, Valerie Moller, Lawrence Schlemmer, & Indicator SA Project Team Cover Artist: Sue Williamson, detail from Voortrekker Monument:Part II. Silkscreen Series, Cape Town: 1981. Cover Design: Graphicos Printers: Creda ISBN: 0 86980 687 4 We would like to thank Futurewave Techology (Pty) Ltd for donating the Ventura desktop publishing programme used in the design of this publication INTRODUCTION Defining the White Right PART ONE The Conservative Party: Waiting in the Right Wing Overview: Setting the Stage 1.1 CP Emergence and Electoral Gains 1.2 CP Election Campaign 1989 1.2.1 Security and Economic Issues 1.2.2 Back