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Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 D J Jesuit Philosophy words. But Voltaire, just as Descartes more than a century earlier, had been himself a student of the Jean-Pascal Anfray1 and Jacob Schmutz2 Jesuits, and there are strong reasons to believe that 1Département de philosophie, centre Mathesis, both were much more indebted to Jesuit science Ecole Normale Supérieure PSL, Paris, France than their negative comments might betray. Over 2Institut Supérieur de Philosophie, UCLouvain, the last decades, the historiographical perception Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgium of the philosophical legacy of the Jesuits has dramatically changed. The Jesuit philosophical Related Topics heritage is now largely considered not so much as anti-modern but on the contrary as the labora- Religious orders · Aristotelianism · tory where decisive innovations of early modern Novatores · Logic · Natural Philosophy · philosophy were prepared. Jesuits are now com- Physics · Psychology · Metaphysics monly credited as the true inventors of so many elements usually typically associated with early Introduction modern philosophy, such as the rise of facultative logic, the destruction of substantial forms in metaphysics, the invention of consciousness as The Society of Jesus, founded by Ignatius of self-awareness (▶ “Consciousness”), or the vindi- Loyola and established by a papal bull in 1540, cation of natural rights defined as the subjective plays an enormous role in our philosophical his- faculty or capacity of individuals (see Schmutz torical consciousness: they have regularly been 2018, for a historiographical synthesis). portrayed as the key educators of early modern Early-modern Jesuits were indeed omnipres- Europe, but also as the culprits of all forms of ent, if only geographically: the Society had man- “popish” misguidance and ignorance, submitting aged to construct an efficient network of human thought to the dictates of the Catholic colleges – from its first foundation in Messina Church. Nineteenth-century anti-Jesuitism liked (1548) to all over Europe, South America, and to quote Voltaire’s bon mot according to which even to the Imperial court in China, the rooftop “it is of the essence of a Jesuit to be a bad philos- of Tibet, or the Portuguese colonies in Africa or opher” (17 November 1735), because Jesuit sci- Southern Asia. Heralds of the Counter- ence was based on “dictated words mistaken for Reformation, the Jesuits even managed to obtain true ideas”–as opposed to experimental science an almost complete monopoly of education in which was supposed to be going the other way certain regional contexts, by being granted the round, from things to ideas, then expressed by complete management of historical Faculties of © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 D. Jalobeanu, C. T. Wolfe (eds.), Encyclopedia of Early Modern Philosophy and the Sciences, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-20791-9_611-1 2 Jesuit Philosophy Arts, the most famous case being the Colégio das 50 reprints between 1603 and 1644) (▶ ”Aristo- Artes in Coimbra (Gomes 2012; Casalini 2017a) – telian Logic in Early-Modern Thought”). All of a situation also prevailing in Central European these works arguably exerted a major influence Habsburg territories, such as Dillingen (Leinsle during the first part of the seventeenth century – 2006), Ingolstadt, Innsbruck, Graz, Prague, or Descartes himself affectionately recalling “les Trnava (Tyrnau). In other places – especially in Conimbres, Toletus et Ruvius” as the standard ancient university towns such as Paris, Sala- textbooks of his training at the Collège of La manca, Louvain, Cologne, or Padua – the Jesuits Flèche (Letter to Mersenne, 30 Sept. 1640, AT had a much more difficult time, but also managed III, 185). The emergence of Jesuit philosophy to impose themselves as a radical alternative to the was accompanied by many attempts to normalize venerable universities (see Grendler 2018, for an and regularize its teaching, as it culminates in the efficient overview). The force of attraction of dispositions on the teaching of philosophy in the Jesuit pedagogy could be explained by its peculiar Ratio Studiorum (1599). Often celebrated by his- blend of Renaissance humanism in humanities, torians of education, the true importance of the renewed Aristotelianism in philosophy, and Ratio, which is relatively unprecise in its commit- revived scholasticism and Biblical exegesis in ment to the authority of Aristotle in philosophy theology – all associated with an aggressive pol- and Aquinas in theology, has been often over- icy of free education deliberately geared towards estimated by historians. As the early debates at the nobility, the rising merchant urban classes, the Roman College show, there has never been and, in the specific case of Spain and Portugal, really a consensus among the Jesuits, neither on towards the Jewish converso elites – Laínez (the which trend of Aristotelianism to follow – Perera Second General), Toledo, Suárez, Mariana, was, for instance, accused to hold the then unor- Possevino, were all of Jewish ancestry. thodox views of Paduan Averroism (Blum 2006; Forlivesi and Lamanna 2014) – nor on which Three Waves of Jesuit Philosophy reading of Aristotle’s metaphysics to follow – The study of early-modern Jesuit philosophy has the medieval commentary of Aquinas being, for traditionally been largely focused on what we instance, matched by the more “transcendental” or shall call here the “first wave” of the 1560–1620 “supertranscendental” readings of the Scotistic generation, with prominent figures such as tradition, from Antonio Andrés down to Nicolas Francisco de Toledo (1534–1596, author of the Bonetus (see Courtine 1990; Doyle 2011, 2012; first collection of printed Jesuit textbooks on logic Forlivesi 2014). Most of the Jesuit courses of this and other parts of Aristotelian philosophy), Benet “first wave” do not, however, constitute a decisive Perera (Pererius, 1536–1610, author of a highly break with the broader tradition of sixteenth- influential synthesis of physics and metaphysics, century scholastic philosophy: Toledo, after all, De communibus omnium rerum naturalium was a student of the Dominican Domingo de Soto principiis et affectionibus, 1576, often reprinted), (1495–1560), and Suárez remains deeply Pedro da Fonseca (1528–1599, author of a com- indebted to the Renaissance tradition of the Bolo- plete commentary on Aristotle’s metaphysics and gna Dominicans, such as Paolo Barbo Soncinas the mastermind of the famous Cursus (†1495) or Crisostomo Iavelli (†1538). The “first Conimbricense, a collection of new translations wave” allows to explain what is still medieval in and commentaries on Aristotle’s logic and natural the modernity, and why both Descartes and Spi- philosophy, published between 1592 and 1606, noza might be related to Aquinas and Scotus often reprinted), Francisco Suárez (1548–1617, through these influential Jesuit textbooks. author of the acclaimed Disputationes meta- A “second wave” of Jesuit philosophy, more physicae, 1597, often reprinted) (▶ “Ontology”), decisively modern, started during the generation and Antonio Rubio (1548–1615, author of one of of the 1620s. The insistence on being the true the most widely read logic textbooks of the first interpreter of the past medieval tradition – as part of the seventeenth century, with more than testified in the vivid debates about the correct Jesuit Philosophy 3 interpretation of Aquinas and Augustine, and still logic, physics, and metaphysics, with the mapping vindicated in Francisco de Mendonça’s posthu- of new philosophical problems and the invention mous Viridarium (1631), who claimed to prefer of a number of new concepts – never really the authority of the Ancients over the Moderns – discussed as such in the Middle Ages and in is replaced by a fully assumed claim to novelty. some cases, not even in the earlier generations. Rodrigo de Arriaga (1592–1667), in the Preface to Leibniz himself famously drafted a list of novel his Cursus philosophicus (1632, which underwent concepts introduced by the Jesuits (Theodicy, Pre- six editions until 1669), suggested that Christians liminary Discourse, § 6). A forerunner in theology should not be afraid of novelty, since Christianity was certainly Luis de Molina (1535–1600), with itself was a novelty in its time. This novelty is his invention of the concept of “middle knowl- expressed both in the promotion of new science edge” (scientia media) of so-called “conditional and in the resolute invention of new concepts, future contingents,” i.e., divine knowledge of unheard of in medieval scholasticism. what free creatures would do under hypothetical First, the “second wave” confirms the tendency circumstances (Freddoso 1988; Knebel 2000; towards autonomy of certain philosophical disci- Anfray 2002). Although basically designed as a plines that did not fully belong to the late medie- means of reconciliating God’s foreknowledge val canon, such as mathematics and with human free will, Molina used middle knowl- ▶ experimental science. The Jesuits quickly edge in his account of predestination, which con- became the providers of state-of-the-art mathe- sists in God’s choosing to create an order of things matics, mechanics, and optics (▶ “Mechanics in which creatures act righteously or wrongly out and Mixed Mathematic” and ▶ “Optics”), and of their own free will (▶ “Grace” and ▶ “Divine integrated these disciplines into their standard Providence”). In the wake of scientia media, theo- courses of philosophy (Baldini 1992;Romano logical optimism or the thesis that God’s choosing 1999). In
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