Between the Past and the Future
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Comparative Connections a Triannual E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations
Comparative Connections A Triannual E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations China-Russia Relations: Politics of Two Anniversaries Yu Bin Wittenberg University The summer of 2011 marked two anniversaries for China and Russia. In June, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) celebrated its 10th anniversary at the annual SCO Summit in Astana, Kazakhstan. Over the past 10 years, the regional security group has grown fed by its “twin engines” of Russia and China. Immediately following the SCO Summit, President Hu Jintao traveled to Moscow, marking the 10th anniversary of the signing of the Friendship Treaty between Russia and China. There was much to celebrate as Moscow, Beijing, and the SCO have achieved stability, security, and sustained economic development in a world riddled with revolutions, chaos, crises, and another major economic downturn. The two anniversaries were also a time to pause and think about “next steps.” While the SCO is having “growing pains,” China and Russia have elevated their “strategic partnership relations” to a “comprehensive strategic cooperation and partnership.” SCO 10 years on On June 14-15 in the Kazakh capital of Astana, the SCO celebrated its 10th anniversary while holding its 11th annual summit. There are plenty of reasons for the SCO to celebrate at this moment. Starting with six original members (China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan) in June 2001, the regional organization has reached out to include four observer states (Mongolia, Iran, India, and Pakistan), two “dialogue partners” (Belarus and Sri Lanka) and an Afghan “liaison group.” The formal SCO member states occupy a territory of around 30 million sq. -
Comparative Connections a Triannual E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations
Comparative Connections A Triannual E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations China-Russia Relations: Between Geo-Economics and Geo-Politics Yu Bin Wittenberg University The last four months of 2011 were both ordinary and extraordinary for Beijing and Moscow. There was certainly business as usual as top leaders and bureaucrats frequented each other’s countries for scheduled meetings. The world around them, however, was riddled with crises and conflicts. Some (Libya and Syria) had seriously undermined their respective interests; others (Iran and North Korea) were potentially more volatile, and even dangerous, for the region and the world. Regardless, 2011 was a year full of anniversaries with symbolic and substantive implications for not only China and Russia, but also much of the rest of the world. Prime Minister – future/past President – Putin in Beijing Russian Prime Minister Putin traveled to China on Oct. 11-12 to attend the 16th Regular Meeting of the Prime Ministers of Russia and China. Economic issues were the focus for this scheduled meeting between Putin and Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao. Of the Russian delegation, 160 of the 250 members were top business leaders. A total of 16 economic and trade agreements worth more than $7 billion were signed a day before Putin’s visit in the areas of finance (one project worth $4 billion, including $1.0 billion into the Russian Direct Investment Fund, founded in June with backing from Putin and Russian President Dmitry Medvedev), investment (four projects worth $90 million), trade (five projects worth $2.55 billion), and 10 other projects ($380 million) including aerospace, biochemistry, IT, renewable energy, etc. -
Russia-China Relations Cool. Implications for the Asia Pacific
Volume 6 | Issue 6 | Article ID 2769 | Jun 01, 2008 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Russia-China Relations Cool. Implications for the Asia Pacific M K Bhadrakumar Russia-China Relations Cool. Implications the U.S. has had a cultural, economic, for the Asia Pacific educational, geographic, historical, and political presence in Asia since the 19th M K Bhadrakumar century,” alluding presumably to the colonial conquest of the Philippines as the foundation for its subsequent advance. Whatever can be said about who’s up and who’s down at any particular point in time in Gates also gives his listeners some neighborly Asian great power politics, one immutable fact advice: as the US view of security in the region is that three major powers – Russia, China and is one that leaves “little room for a separate Japan – are geographic neighbors. Living in ‘East Asian’ order,” the only real option is proximity in a region with a long history of acceptance of a framework of common warfare and protracted struggles overcooperation guided by Washington. resources, the three countries have powerful incentives to negotiate energy, trade and arms In Guam, the US has made clear the lengths it limitation agreements and establish conditions is ready to go to realize its Asia security conducive to a peaceful and prosperous co- dreams. According to the May 30 International existence. Herald Tribune, the US military intends to bulldoze any “remaining jungle” in Guam to But what of the United States, the Asia-Pacific’s make way for vast new basing facilities that fourth and strongest power both as thewill house some forces presently based in dominant military force in the region and as a Okinawa. -
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
China Data Supplement September 2008 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC ......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 30 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 37 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 44 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 47 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR................................................................................................................ 48 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR....................................................................................................................... 55 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 60 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 September 2008 The Main National Leadership -
Comparative Connections a Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations
Comparative Connections A Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations China-Russia Relations: Between Crisis and Cooperation Yu Bin Wittenberg University The year of 2009, which marks the 60th anniversary of diplomatic ties between China and Russia, unfolded with a series of high-profile interactions. The “Year of Russian Language” in China was launched, which is to be reciprocated by Russia’s “Year of Chinese language” in 2010. An oil pipeline is finally to be built from Skovorodino to northeast China 15 years after its initial conception. The two militaries were engaged in the first round of talks for joint exercises to be held in July-August. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization held its first special session on Afghanistan as it officially reached out to NATO. Meanwhile, top leaders and senior diplomats were busy coordinating policies regarding the financial crisis and growing tensions on the Korean Peninsula. All of this, however, could hardly conceal a sense of uneasiness, particularly from the Chinese side, about the sinking in mid-February of a Chinese cargo ship by the Russian Coast Guard near Vladivostok. While Beijing requested a thorough and timely investigation, Moscow seemed more interested in a weapons smuggling case allegedly involving top Russian naval officers. One step toward the “deal of the century” On Feb. 17, China and Russia held their third energy dialogue in Beijing. Vice Premier Wang Qishan and visiting Deputy Prime Minister Igor Sechin presided over the signing of seven documents on oil pipelines, loans, and long-term crude oil trade, collectively known as the “loan- for-oil deal.” The China Development Bank signed the $25 billion loan agreements with Rosneft and Transneft. -
Comparative Connections a Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations
Comparative Connections A Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations China-Russia Relations: Reset under Medvedev: Zapad-Politik and Vostok 2010 Yu Bin Wittenberg University Unlike the relatively uneventful first quarter in China-Russia relations, the second quarter was full of confusion, crises, and even conflicts along the peripheries of Russia and China and within the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). Following the sinking of the ROK Navy corvette Cheonan on March 26, the Korean Peninsula experienced significant tension. On April 6, riots and violence broke out in Kyrgyzstan, leading to the ousting of the Bakiyev government two days later. Both Russia and China joined the US-sponsored UNSC sanctions against Iran, although with differing degrees of reluctance. In the midst of this activity, Moscow cautiously and conspicuously orchestrated a “reset” of its foreign policy with a clear tilt toward Europe and the US. Russia’s new round of Zapad-Politik (Westpolitik), eliciting quite a few surprises, if not shocks, for its strategic partner in Beijing. Cheonan sinking From the time the Cheonan sunk on March 26 to the release of the investigation report on May 20, tensions on the peninsula have gone from bad to worse. The two Koreas dismantled almost the entire inter-Korean diplomatic, humanitarian, and economic framework that had been put into place over the past two decades. The result is that in 2010, the 60th anniversary of start of the Korean War (June 25, 1950), the ROK and DPRK are back to the precarious relationship of June 1950. The biggest difference for today’s Korea is that Russia and China have not been willing to back North Korea’s militant policies. -
Chinese Foreign Policy: a Chronology April – June 2009 Catharine Melvin
Research & Assessment Branch Special Series Chinese Foreign Policy: A Chronology April – June 2009 Catharine Melvin 10/03 Chinese Foreign Policy: A Chronology April – June 2009 Catharine Melvin 1 April 2009 President Hu Jintao met British Prime Minister Gordon Brown in London to discuss bilateral relations, on the sidelines of the G20 summit on the financial crisis, a follow- up to last November's G20 meeting in Washington. 1 April 2009 Hu Jintao and US President Barack Obama met in London to discuss Sino-US ties and the financial crisis. Hu said that China-US ties have got off to a good start since Obama took office: "I have been keeping close relations with Obama and the foreign ministers of both countries have exchanged visits in a short time." Hu invited Obama to visit China in the second half of this year, which Obama accepted. The two leaders decided to establish the "China-US Strategic and Economic Dialogue", and agreed that the first round would be held in Washington DC this summer. US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Chinese State Councillor Dai Bingguo will chair the 'Strategic Track' and US Secretary of the Treasury Timothy Geithner and Chinese Vice Premier Wang Qishan will chair the 'Economic Track' of the dialogue, each as special representatives of their respective presidents. Admiral Gary Roughead, US Chief of Naval Operations, will visit China upon invitation in April to attend events marking the 60th anniversary of the founding of the Navy of the Chinese People's Liberation Army. 1 April 2009 Hu Jintao and Russian President Dmitry Medvedev met in London to discuss Sino-Russian ties and the global financial crisis. -
Comparative Connections a Triannual E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations
Comparative Connections A Triannual E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations China-Russia Relations: Politics of Two Anniversaries Yu Bin Wittenberg University The summer of 2011 marked two anniversaries for China and Russia. In June, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) celebrated its 10th anniversary at the annual SCO Summit in Astana, Kazakhstan. Over the past 10 years, the regional security group has grown fed by its “twin engines” of Russia and China. Immediately following the SCO Summit, President Hu Jintao traveled to Moscow, marking the 10th anniversary of the signing of the Friendship Treaty between Russia and China. There was much to celebrate as Moscow, Beijing, and the SCO have achieved stability, security, and sustained economic development in a world riddled with revolutions, chaos, crises, and another major economic downturn. The two anniversaries were also a time to pause and think about “next steps.” While the SCO is having “growing pains,” China and Russia have elevated their “strategic partnership relations” to a “comprehensive strategic cooperation and partnership.” SCO 10 years on On June 14-15 in the Kazakh capital of Astana, the SCO celebrated its 10th anniversary while holding its 11th annual summit. There are plenty of reasons for the SCO to celebrate at this moment. Starting with six original members (China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan) in June 2001, the regional organization has reached out to include four observer states (Mongolia, Iran, India, and Pakistan), two “dialogue partners” (Belarus and Sri Lanka) and an Afghan “liaison group.” The formal SCO member states occupy a territory of around 30 million sq. -
Comparative Connections a Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations
Comparative Connections A Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations China-Russia Relations: Market Malaise and Mirnaya Missiya Yu Bin Wittenberg University Perhaps more than any time in the past 10 years, the third quarter highlighted both the potential and the problems of this bilateral relationship. On the one hand, the two militaries successfully conducted their joint antiterrorism exercise, Mirnaya Missiya (Peace Mission) 2009, in China’s Jilin Province. On the other hand, the closing of Moscow’s huge Cherkizovsky market on June 29 uprooted tens of thousands of Chinese citizens doing business in Russia, while $2 billion in goods were confiscated as “illegal” and “contraband.” On the eve of the 60th anniversary of bilateral ties, Moscow and Beijing seemed to be stretching both the cooperative and conflictual limits of their strategic partnership. Moscow blues Russian authorities moved to close the sprawling Cherkizonsky market in Moscow at the end of June. It was done “without warning,” according to China’s Xinhua News on July 20. The closing directly affected 100,000 merchants, including 60,000 Chinese businessmen. For many, this was their “9/11,” as a Chinese trader commented. In the initial process of closing the market, Russia’s Federal Migration Service reportedly arrested 150 Chinese merchants who presumably tried to recover some of their confiscated goods. China quickly reacted to the “incident.” The day after the market was closed, China’s Commerce Ministry urged Russia “to handle the issue in an appropriate manner and according to law,” and that “the legal rights and interests of the Chinese businessmen in Russia need to be protected.” It also called on Russia not to overreact against “illegal” and “counterfeit” goods in the Moscow bazaar.