Comparative Connections a Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations
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Russia Takes Double Punch As Vanishing Workers Fan Prices Bloomberg.Com – Global Edition by Olga Tanas 2014-09-17, T14:12:11Z
Russia Takes Double Punch as Vanishing Workers Fan Prices Bloomberg.com – Global edition By Olga Tanas 2014-09-17, T14:12:11Z Photographer: Andrey Rudakov/Bloomberg. An employee works on the assembly of a truck cabin on the production line at the OAO KamAZ plant in Naberezhnye Chelny, Russ The aging workforce is packing a double punch for the Russian economy The unborn generation of the 1990s, a period of hyperinflation and instability after the Soviet breakup, left the nation depleted of younger workers. Unemployment is at a record low, putting pressure on wages (RUMEREAL) and helping keep inflation near the fastest since 2011. The poor demographics are shaving 0.5 percentage point off economic growth a year, according to the Higher School of Economics in Moscow, which estimates the working-age population will shrink by as many as 15 million people, or more than the size of the Russian capital, by 2030. Aging populations are unsettling central bankers from Tokyo to Frankfurt in their struggle to prevent deflation as older workers tend to defer consumption in favor of savings. Russia faces the opposite threat: entrenched inflation that risks shackling monetary policy already lurching from one crisis to another since Crimea was annexed in March. “Taking into account low unemployment and tight supply on the labor market, wages will remain at a high level, affecting inflation,” said Natalia Orlova, chief economist at Alfa Bank in Moscow. With the central bank increasingly drawing attention to poor demographics, it’s “in effect saying it can do nothing for the economy, whose problems are structural in character.” Demographic Factor Russia is caught in a vise of elevated inflation and stalling economic growth. -
Russia's 2020 Strategic Economic Goals and the Role of International
Russia’s 2020 Strategic Economic Goals and the Role of International Integration 1800 K Street NW | Washington, DC 20006 Tel: (202) 887-0200 | Fax: (202) 775-3199 E-mail: [email protected] | Web: www.csis.org authors Andrew C. Kuchins Amy Beavin Anna Bryndza project codirectors Andrew C. Kuchins Thomas Gomart july 2008 europe, russia, and the united states ISBN 978-0-89206-547-9 finding a new balance Ë|xHSKITCy065479zv*:+:!:+:! CENTER FOR STRATEGIC & CSIS INTERNATIONAL STUDIES Russia’s 2020 Strategic Economic Goals and the Role of International Integration authors Andrew C. Kuchins Amy Beavin Anna Bryndza project codirectors Andrew C. Kuchins Thomas Gomart july 2008 About CSIS In an era of ever-changing global opportunities and challenges, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) provides strategic insights and practical policy solutions to decisionmakers. CSIS conducts research and analysis and develops policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Founded by David M. Abshire and Admiral Arleigh Burke at the height of the Cold War, CSIS was dedicated to the simple but urgent goal of finding ways for America to survive as a nation and prosper as a people. Since 1962, CSIS has grown to become one of the world’s preeminent public policy institutions. Today, CSIS is a bipartisan, nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, DC. More than 220 full- time staff and a large network of affiliated scholars focus their expertise on defense and security; on the world’s regions and the unique challenges inherent to them; and on the issues that know no boundary in an increasingly connected world. -
How the Chinese See Russia
How the Chinese See Russia Bobo Lo December 2010 Russia/NIS Center Ifri is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental and a non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debates and research activities. The opinions expressed in this article are the authors’ alone and do not reflect the official views of their institutions. Russia/NIS Center © All rights reserved – Ifri – Paris, 2010 ISBN: 978-2-86592-809-5 IFRI IFRI-Bruxelles 27 RUE DE LA PROCESSION RUE MARIE-THERESE, 21 75740 PARIS CEDEX 15 – FRANCE 1000 BRUXELLES TEL. : 33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 TEL. : 32(2) 238 51 10 FAX : 33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 FAX : 32 (2) 238 51 15 E-MAIL : [email protected] E-MAIL : [email protected] WEBSITE : www.ifri.org B. Lo / Chinese Perceptions of Russia Executive Summary China is in the midst of one of the most remarkable transformations in history. In its search for economic development and industrial modernization, Chinese policy-makers look to the West for their points of reference. Russia, which once offered an alternative model, now stands as an object lesson in what not to do. -
Vietnamese Migrants in Russia in Migrants Vietnamese
NEW MOBILITIES IN ASIA Hoang Vietnamese Migrants in Russia Lan Anh Hoang Vietnamese Migrants in Russia Mobility in Times of Uncertainty Vietnamese Migrants in Russia New Mobilities in Asia In the 21st century, human mobility will increasingly have an Asian face. Migration from, to, and within Asia is not new, but it is undergoing profound transformations. Unskilled labour migration from the Philippines, China, India, Burma, Indonesia, and Central Asia to the West, the Gulf, Russia, Singapore, Malaysia, and Thailand continues apace. Yet industrialization in Bangladesh, Cambodia, and India, the opening of Burma, and urbanization in China is creating massive new flows of internal migration. China is fast becoming a magnet for international migration from Asia and beyond. Meanwhile, Asian students top study-abroad charts; Chinese and Indian managers and technicians are becoming a new mobile global elite as foreign investment from those countries grows; and Asian tourists are fast becoming the biggest travellers and the biggest spenders, both in their own countries and abroad. These new mobilities reflect profound transformations of Asian societies and their relationship to the world, impacting national identities and creating new migration policy regimes, modes of transnational politics, consumption practices, and ideas of modernity. This series brings together studies by historians, anthropologists, geographers, and political scientists that systematically explore these changes. Series Editor Pál Nyíri, Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam Editorial -
Dynamics of Maritime Terrorist Threats to Russia and the Government's
Dynamics of Maritime Terrorist Threats to Russia and the Government’s Response Simon Saradzhyan * Introduction Russia has been the victim of a number of horrendous terrorist attacks at the hands of endemic actors, such as networks of radical separatists and terrorists based in the North Caucasus. These networks have bombed a Coast Guard residential complex and a pa- rade at a Caspian Sea town, killing dozens; they have plotted to hijack one atomic submarine and claimed responsibility for sinking another; and their supporters seized a vessel with Russian passengers on board and threatened to blow it up. Some groups within these networks have already crossed the moral threshold between conventional and catastrophic terrorism by staging such horrendous attacks as the hostage taking in Beslan, in which 331 people, half of them children, were killed in 2004. The hostage- taking raids on the Beslan school and on Moscow’s Dubrovka Theater in 2002 demon- strated the formidable capabilities of these networks in planning and executing com- plex attacks, which involved profound knowledge of the practical flaws and organiza- tional deficiencies of Russia’s counter-terrorism and law-enforcement system. Attack- ers in both cases included individuals willing to die in the course of the attacks. The Russian authorities have dealt these networks a number of serious blows thanks to the strengthening of the Russian state and its security and law-enforcement appara- tus, as well as to the increased involvement of local populations, including former re- bels, in counter-insurgency and policing efforts. They have also significantly improved the security of critical facilities of land-based infrastructure, such as nuclear power plants and nuclear weapons facilities. -
8-11 July 2021 Venice - Italy
3RD G20 FINANCE MINISTERS AND CENTRAL BANK GOVERNORS MEETING AND SIDE EVENTS 8-11 July 2021 Venice - Italy 1 CONTENTS 1 ABOUT THE G20 Pag. 3 2 ITALIAN G20 PRESIDENCY Pag. 4 3 2021 G20 FINANCE MINISTERS AND CENTRAL BANK GOVERNORS MEETINGS Pag. 4 4 3RD G20 FINANCE MINISTERS AND CENTRAL BANK GOVERNORS MEETING Pag. 6 Agenda Participants 5 MEDIA Pag. 13 Accreditation Media opportunities Media centre - Map - Operating hours - Facilities and services - Media liaison officers - Information technology - Interview rooms - Host broadcaster and photographer - Venue access Host city: Venice Reach and move in Venice - Airport - Trains - Public transports - Taxi Accomodation Climate & time zone Accessibility, special requirements and emergency phone numbers 6 COVID-19 PROCEDURE Pag. 26 7 CONTACTS Pag. 26 2 1 ABOUT THE G20 Population Economy Trade 60% of the world population 80 of global GDP 75% of global exports The G20 is the international forum How the G20 works that brings together the world’s major The G20 does not have a permanent economies. Its members account for more secretariat: its agenda and activities are than 80% of world GDP, 75% of global trade established by the rotating Presidencies, in and 60% of the population of the planet. cooperation with the membership. The forum has met every year since 1999 A “Troika”, represented by the country that and includes, since 2008, a yearly Summit, holds the Presidency, its predecessor and with the participation of the respective its successor, works to ensure continuity Heads of State and Government. within the G20. The Troika countries are currently Saudi Arabia, Italy and Indonesia. -
Comparative Connections a Triannual E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations
Comparative Connections A Triannual E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations China-Russia Relations: Politics of Two Anniversaries Yu Bin Wittenberg University The summer of 2011 marked two anniversaries for China and Russia. In June, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) celebrated its 10th anniversary at the annual SCO Summit in Astana, Kazakhstan. Over the past 10 years, the regional security group has grown fed by its “twin engines” of Russia and China. Immediately following the SCO Summit, President Hu Jintao traveled to Moscow, marking the 10th anniversary of the signing of the Friendship Treaty between Russia and China. There was much to celebrate as Moscow, Beijing, and the SCO have achieved stability, security, and sustained economic development in a world riddled with revolutions, chaos, crises, and another major economic downturn. The two anniversaries were also a time to pause and think about “next steps.” While the SCO is having “growing pains,” China and Russia have elevated their “strategic partnership relations” to a “comprehensive strategic cooperation and partnership.” SCO 10 years on On June 14-15 in the Kazakh capital of Astana, the SCO celebrated its 10th anniversary while holding its 11th annual summit. There are plenty of reasons for the SCO to celebrate at this moment. Starting with six original members (China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan) in June 2001, the regional organization has reached out to include four observer states (Mongolia, Iran, India, and Pakistan), two “dialogue partners” (Belarus and Sri Lanka) and an Afghan “liaison group.” The formal SCO member states occupy a territory of around 30 million sq. -
Comparative Connections a Triannual E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations
Comparative Connections A Triannual E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations China-Russia Relations: Between Geo-Economics and Geo-Politics Yu Bin Wittenberg University The last four months of 2011 were both ordinary and extraordinary for Beijing and Moscow. There was certainly business as usual as top leaders and bureaucrats frequented each other’s countries for scheduled meetings. The world around them, however, was riddled with crises and conflicts. Some (Libya and Syria) had seriously undermined their respective interests; others (Iran and North Korea) were potentially more volatile, and even dangerous, for the region and the world. Regardless, 2011 was a year full of anniversaries with symbolic and substantive implications for not only China and Russia, but also much of the rest of the world. Prime Minister – future/past President – Putin in Beijing Russian Prime Minister Putin traveled to China on Oct. 11-12 to attend the 16th Regular Meeting of the Prime Ministers of Russia and China. Economic issues were the focus for this scheduled meeting between Putin and Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao. Of the Russian delegation, 160 of the 250 members were top business leaders. A total of 16 economic and trade agreements worth more than $7 billion were signed a day before Putin’s visit in the areas of finance (one project worth $4 billion, including $1.0 billion into the Russian Direct Investment Fund, founded in June with backing from Putin and Russian President Dmitry Medvedev), investment (four projects worth $90 million), trade (five projects worth $2.55 billion), and 10 other projects ($380 million) including aerospace, biochemistry, IT, renewable energy, etc. -
Russia-China Relations Cool. Implications for the Asia Pacific
Volume 6 | Issue 6 | Article ID 2769 | Jun 01, 2008 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Russia-China Relations Cool. Implications for the Asia Pacific M K Bhadrakumar Russia-China Relations Cool. Implications the U.S. has had a cultural, economic, for the Asia Pacific educational, geographic, historical, and political presence in Asia since the 19th M K Bhadrakumar century,” alluding presumably to the colonial conquest of the Philippines as the foundation for its subsequent advance. Whatever can be said about who’s up and who’s down at any particular point in time in Gates also gives his listeners some neighborly Asian great power politics, one immutable fact advice: as the US view of security in the region is that three major powers – Russia, China and is one that leaves “little room for a separate Japan – are geographic neighbors. Living in ‘East Asian’ order,” the only real option is proximity in a region with a long history of acceptance of a framework of common warfare and protracted struggles overcooperation guided by Washington. resources, the three countries have powerful incentives to negotiate energy, trade and arms In Guam, the US has made clear the lengths it limitation agreements and establish conditions is ready to go to realize its Asia security conducive to a peaceful and prosperous co- dreams. According to the May 30 International existence. Herald Tribune, the US military intends to bulldoze any “remaining jungle” in Guam to But what of the United States, the Asia-Pacific’s make way for vast new basing facilities that fourth and strongest power both as thewill house some forces presently based in dominant military force in the region and as a Okinawa. -
Russia's International Activity in Response to the Global Financial
BULLETIN No. 37 (37) June 25, 2009 © PISM Editors: Sławomir Dębski (Editor-in-Chief), Łukasz Adamski, Bartosz Cichocki, Mateusz Gniazdowski, Beata Górka-Winter, Leszek Jesień, Agnieszka Kondek (Executive Editor), Łukasz Kulesa, Ernest Wyciszkiewicz Russia’s International Activity in Response to the Global Financial Crisis by Jarosław Ćwiek-Karpowicz Russia has striven to exploit the global financial crisis to bolster its international position. The build- ing of an international coalition of developing states, which Russia wants to head, is a means to that end. Among other things, the Russian authorities have championed new regional powers’ increased participation in international financial institutions, at the expense of the U.S. and other Western state. These efforts of the Russian Federation are laden with the risk of failure, primarily because of the Russia’s weak economic potential and vastly diverse interests of the prospective coalition members. This June Russia launched a major push on the international forum. Representatives of global business, science and politics had an opportunity to exchange views during the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum (4–6 June) dubbed “a Russian Davos.” Several days later Moscow hosted a summit of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and a meeting of the Inter- state Council of the Euro-Asian Economic Community (EAEC)—two foremost (from Russia’s pers- pective) initiatives to reintegrate the post-Soviet area. From there, the leaders of China, Russia, India, Brazil, Pakistan, Afghanistan and the Central Asian states met in Yekaterinburg (16–17 June) at Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and Brazil–Russia–India–China (BRIC) summits. A majority of these meetings were attended by Russian President Dmitry Medvedev whose addresses were focused on international financial crisis issues and on the need to overhaul the international financial system. -
Domestic Gas Prices in Russia – Towards Export Netback?
Domestic Gas Prices in Russia – Towards Export Netback? James Henderson NG 57 November 2011 i The contents of this paper are the authors’ sole responsibility. They do not necessarily represent the views of the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies or any of its members. Copyright © 2011 Oxford Institute for Energy Studies (Registered Charity, No. 286084) This publication may be reproduced in part for educational or non‐profit purposes without special permission from the copyright holder, provided acknowledgment of the source is made. No use of this publication may be made for resale or for any other commercial purpose whatsoever without prior permission in writing from the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies. ISBN 978‐1‐907555‐38‐1 ii Preface While most of the publicity and focus of Russian and CIS gas research is on exports to Europe and other potential markets, over the past few years OIES Gas Programme research has increasingly concentrated on domestic gas markets in these countries, especially the Russian Federation. With Russian gas demand in excess of 400 Bcm/year, the issue of how gas should be priced is of considerable importance, particularly given the start of much higher cost Gazprom production from Arctic fields in 2012. The announcement in 2006 that Russian domestic prices would be raised to European netback levels by 2011 caused much excitement both within and outside Russia. The reality has been less dramatic but as Jim Henderson ably demonstrates this is partly because of completely unforeseen developments in European gas pricing, largely driven by higher oil price levels than anybody believed possible five years ago. -
Miller - Russias Frozen Economy
DECEMBER 2014 RUSSIA’S FROZEN ECONOMY By Chris Miller Chris Miller, Associate Scholar of the Foreign Policy Research Institute, is a Ph.D. candidate at Yale. In 2012- 2014, he worked as a visiting researcher at the Carnegie Moscow Center while on an Alfa Fellowship and taught history at the New Economic School, a university in Moscow. He is currently completing a book manuscript on the collapse of the Soviet Union. December temperatures in Russia’s Siberian cities often reach 40 below zero, but the freeze that threatens Russia today has nothing to do with the winter cold. Russia’s economy is frozen. Western sanctions designed to punish Russia for invading Ukraine have deterred investment, while plummeting oil prices have substantially reduced Russia’s main source of export revenue. GDP growth will be basically flat this year, and will be no better in 2015. The rise in living standards, the foundation of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s popularity, has ground to a halt. At the trough of the 2008-2009 crisis, Russia’s economy performed worse, but it was clear that the financial crisis was caused by external factors. Today the opposite is true. Sanctions and a worsening business climate are direct consequences of Vladimir Putin’s policies. Even the shock created by declining oil export revenues, which is caused by global supply and demand factors, reflects poorly on Putin, because despite the advice of many economists he has declined to diversify Russia’s economy away from energy exports. That now looks foolish. The deep freeze gripping Russia is not simply an economic problem.