N Cardona Collection, 1993-2012

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

N Cardona Collection, 1993-2012 http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/c800084m No online items Guide to the Julián Cardona Collection, 1993-2012 Special Collections & Archives Oviatt Library California State University, Northridge 18111 Nordhoff St. Northridge, CA, 91330 URL: https://library.csun.edu/SCA Email: [email protected] © Copyright 2012 Special Collections &Archives. All rights reserved. Guide to the Julián Cardona TBC/JCA 1 Collection, 1993-2012 Overview of the Collection Collection Title: Julián Cardona Collection Dates: 1993-2012 Identification: TBC/JCA Creator: Cardona, Julián, 1960- Physical Description: 15.80 linear feet Language of Materials: English Spanish; Castilian Repository: Special Collections Abstract: Photographer Julián Cardona has reported and documented on the conditions of Ciudad Juárez since 1993 when he started his career at El Diario de Juárez. Between 2009-2013 he was a reporter for Reuters News Agency. His work has appeared in numerous exhibitions and been featured in many publications. He has collaborated with journalist and author Charles Bowden to produced the book Exodus/Èxodo (Austin, University of Texas Press, 2008). Cardona's work documents violence in the border region, the effects of globalization, and the changing landscape of the Mariscal District. The collection includes images from 2008 when the level of homicides reached its climax to the end of the year 2012. Biographical Information: Born in 1960 in Zacatecas, Mexico, Julián Cardona migrated to the border city of Ciudad Juárez with his family as a small child. In 1993, Cardona started his photojournalism career at El Fronterizo and El Diario de Juárez. Working for El Diario, Cardona documented violence in Juárez from 1993 to 2012. In the 1990's, the city had several industrial parks and hundreds of maquiladoras (foreign owned manufacturing companies on the U.S.-Mexico border). Job opportunities lured between 50,000-70,000 citizens, paying $5-7 a shift. Population growth and the meager wages led to the growth of the drug market in the mid-1990s. Many victims of the drug violence were poor and worked in the maquilas. Cardona captures the experience and culture of working inside the maquilas and the individual lives affected by the industry. Cardona's work as a photojournalist documented the period starting in 1995-96 when drugs become increasingly available, and violence levels in the city started to rise. In 1995, he photographed disappearing women as the economy boomed and homicides surged. In 1998, he started documenting the effects of globalization on the U.S.-Mexico border, the unsolved murders of women in Juárez, the social effects caused by low wages paid in border factories, the immigrant exodus, economic collapse, shantytown communities and slum conditions, violence, poverty, and the social upheaval he witnessed. Cardona continued to document Juárez through the recessions of 2001 and 2008, which weakened the maquila economy, ultimately resulting in ~116,000 vacant houses across the city out of 416,000 stock units. Collaborating with journalist and author Charles Bowden, Cardona worked on the project resulting in the book Exodus/Éxodo, documenting the exodus of the city's inhabitants. Genre/Form of Material: Photographic material Accruals: 2013 Processing Information: Lucy Hernandez, 2013 Conditions Governing Use: Copyright for unpublished materials authored or otherwise produced by the creator(s) of this collection has not been transferred to California State University, Northridge. Copyright status for other materials is unknown. Transmission or reproduction of materials protected by U.S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.S.C.) beyond that allowed by fair use requires the written permission of the copyright owners. Works not in the public domain cannot be commercially exploited without permission of the copyright owners. Responsibility for any use rests exclusively with the user. Conditions Governing Access: This collection is open for research use. Electronic Format: Digital reproductions of selected items in this collection are available electronically as a part of the Tom & Ethel Bradley Center Photographs project. For more information please see http://digital-library.csun.edu/. Preferred Citation: Guide to the Julián Cardona TBC/JCA 2 Collection, 1993-2012 For information about citing items in this collection consult the appropriate style manual, or see the Citing Archival Materials guide. Arrangement of Materials: Series I: Film, 2000-2005 Series II: Slides, 1993-2003 Series III: Digital Images, 2007-2012 Series IV: Prints, 1993-2005 Scope and Contents The Julián Cardona Collection documents the violence in the U.S./Mexico border cities and the economic violence that has engulfed the region. Cardona’s work is internationally recognized, documenting transnational economic violence in Mexico, the resulting exodus of Mexican communities, and the emergence of the new Americans in the United States. The main focus of the collection is on Ciudad Juárez between 1993-2012. Other regions include the Juárez Valley, Agua Prieta, Altar, Anapra, Bisbee and other border cities. The collection has been divided into four major series: Film (2000-2005), Slides (1993-2003), Digital Images (2007-2012), and Prints (1993-2005.) The black and white film collection is particularly strong in documenting the lives of immigrants throughout various U.S. cities. Recent events include Hurricane Katrina and the immigration reform marches in Los Angeles. The collection also contains images of Don Henry Ford and his hideouts. Color slides depicted laborers and work conditions inside the maquiladoras. Additional black and white slides document the homicides, missing and murdered girls. The group Voces sin Eco (Voices Without Echo) and their activities are documented. The digital image collection focuses of daily life in Juárez, the effects of globalization, the abandoned buildings, militarization and new culture that has developed. Cardona documents crime scenes and investigations reported in news media. The print collection is derived from the negatives present in the three series mentioned above. Series I, Film (2000-2005), consists of 35mm black and white film, with a few 120mm, 4x5, and color 35mm film. The series documents the exodus of Mexican communities resulting from economic violence in Mexico, and includes many of the images used in the book Exodus/Èxodo. The series also includes Cardona’s New Americans series, which documented the jobs, trials, and lifestyle of new immigrants in various U.S. cities, including the challenges of obtaining a driver's license in North Carolina and the protest and marches in Los Angeles for immigration reform. Other subjects documented include the anti-immigration movement, U.S.-Mexico border, US Border Patrol, boycotts, disappeared and murdered girls, Don Henry Ford (drug smuggler), families and grief, funerals, House of Death, illegal immigrants, La Mixteca, Las Chepas, Lilliana Holguin’s disappearance, Minutemen, narcos, police, protests, Voces Sin Eco (Voices without Echo), and the Zapatista Army of National Liberation. Images were shot in Agua Prieta (MEX), Altar (AZ), Anapra (Juárez), Bisbee (AZ), Dodge City (KS), Douglas (GA), El Paso (TX), Juárez, King Rach (TX), Las Acequias (MEX), Los Angeles (CA), Oaxaca (MEX), Phoenix (AZ), Rio Bravo (TX), Sásabe (AZ), Tapatios (MEX), Veracruz (MEX), and Zocalo Plaza (Mexico City). Series II, Slides (1993-2003), includes 9,118 images from Exodus/Èxodo and the New American series. It also includes Cardona’s series Dying Slowly: A look inside the maquiladoras on the U.S./Mexico border and The Truth: Evidence of a Failure. The series documents economic structures, and the lives of individuals and communities. Included are views into ADC International OUS Inc., Allegiance (Convertors plant), Antec Network Actives (Texscan plant), Electrical Wire (E.C.M. plant), Harman International Company, Lear Corp. (Fuentes plant), Miss RCA Beauty Contest, and RCA-Thomson plant, United Technologies Automatic, UTC #158. Also documented are homicides in Juárez, including femicides and the search for Lillian Holguín and its aftermath. Subjects and locations include barrio conditions, churches, demonstrations, gang members, Juárez, laborers, maquiladoras, marches against violence, neighborhoods, nightclubs, Oaxaca, police, protests, Rio bravo, Santa Fe international bridge, Texans, Veracruz, and Voces Sin Eco. Series III, Digital Images (2007-2012), includes 7,752 digital images documenting daily life, crime and its aftermath, and the culture in Ciudad Juárez since militarization. The images document the militarization of the city in 2008, human rights violations by the army, and the federal police takeover in 2010. Captured are execution scenes, killings, dead bodies, bodies in the morgue, threats, bullet-ridden cars, and the investigation of various killings include journalist. Also included are massacres at rehabilitation centers, survivors, Houses of Death, mass graves, clandestine graves, politicians and the military, and the families of the murdered and missing. Images from Cardona’s collection are used in the book Murder City by Charles Bowden. Other subjects include the social effects of maquiladoras; the destruction of entire neighborhood blocks, the exodus of residents fleeing the violence, the collapsing economy, the changing physical landscape of Calle Mariscal, abandoned neighborhoods in Ciudad Juárez, and Visión en Acción, an asylum 20 miles southwest of Ciudad Juárez that provides shelter for
Recommended publications
  • La Gran Marcha: Anti-Racism and Immigrants Rights in Southern California
    La Gran Marcha: Anti-Racism and Immigrants Rights in Southern California Jenna M. Loyd1 Department of Geography, Syracuse University 144 Eggers Hall, Syracuse, NY 13244-1020 USA Email: [email protected] Andrew Burridge Department of Geography, University of Southern California, 416 Kaprielian Hall, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0255 USA Email: [email protected] Abstract Millions of people across the United States took to the streets in spring 2006 to protest repressive immigration legislation, demand just immigration reform, and seek justice in daily life. This article has two aims. First, we seek to intervene in the popular immigration debate, which denies racism and claims to be concerned only with law-and-order. Second, we analyze (im)migration politics in relation to national racial formations. That is, racialized immigration policies do not exist apart from a racially stratified citizenry. We rely on the concept of social death to trace state policies of immigration and criminalization as key sites of interracial and transnational struggles against racism and for justice and liberation. Thus, we seek to elucidate possibilities for anti-racist alliances and social change. We conclude with a discussion of the ways in which we see the immigrants rights movement connecting with other struggles for social justice, and the implications that 1 © Jenna M. Loyd and Andrew Burridge, 2007 La Gran Marcha: Anti-Racism and Immigrants Rights in Southern California 2 concepts of national racial formation and social death have for the movement against global apartheid. KEY WORDS: immigrants rights, racism, national racial formation, social death, criminalization, militarization, United States “Immigration politics also surfaced in California’s gubernatorial race … with Gov.
    [Show full text]
  • Social Movements, Political Goals and the May 1 Marches: Communicating ∗ Protest in Polysemic Media Environments
    Social Movements, Political Goals and the May 1 Marches: Communicating ∗ Protest in Polysemic Media Environments Louisa Edgerly Department of Communication, University of Washington Amoshaun Toft Interdisciplinary Arts and Sciences, University of Washington Bothell Mary Lynn Veden Department of Communication, University of Arkansas Abstract This paper presents an analysis of patterns of representation of the May 1, 2006 “day without an immigrant” marches in three news genres by comparing their use of language to self- presentations by movement participants. We argue that the growing popularity of niche and opinion oriented news programming is leading to a bifurcation of news norms. Instead of a homogenous journalistic audience, movement participants who seek to “send a message” through mediated news venues are presented with a greater level of polysemic interpretations among journalists. We present three themes in our analysis of how activists and journalists discursively produced the May 1 actions through language use: economic impact, policy/rights , and law/order . We argue that journalists engaged with these themes differently in the three samples: the 297 daily newspaper front pages we analyzed portrayed a negotiated reading position, Lou Dobbs Tonight an oppositional reading position, and Democracy Now! a dominant reading position. We conclude by noting several implications for the study of political communication in the context of mass mediated political protest. Introduction It is well known that social movement actors face a paradox when it comes to media coverage; they must conform to the news values of conflict, novelty and personalization just to attract journalistic attention (Cook 1998; Gans 1979; Tuchman 1978), yet such tactical choices aimed at ∗ (2011) In press in the International Journal of Press/Politics .
    [Show full text]
  • Ningún Ser Humano Es Ilegal!
    No Human Is Illegal: ¡Ningún Ser Humano es Ilegal! immigrantsolidarity.org An Educator’s Guide for Addressing Immigration in the Classroom New York Collective of Radical Educators http://www.nycore.org April 2006 New York Collective of Radical Educators (NYCoRE) NYCoRE is a group of public school educators committed to fighting for social justice in our school system and society at large, by organizing and mobilizing teachers, developing curriculum, and working with community, parent, and student organizations. We are educators who believe that education is an integral part of social change and that we must work both inside and outside the classroom because the struggle for justice does not end when the school bell rings. http://www.nycore.org [email protected] To join the NYCoRE listserv, send email to [email protected] Table of Contents 1. How To Use This Guide……………………………………………………...…….…P. 2 2. NYCoRE’s Recommendations and Statement in English and Spanish..…… P. 3 3. Participate with NYCoRE in the May 1st Great American Boycott……..….…..P. 4 4. Encourage and Protect Students who Organize and Participate…… ………P. 5 a. Recent Press about Student Walkouts………………………….…………….P. 5 b. Know Your Students’ Rights……………………………………………………P. 6 5. Connect your Activism to Your Academics……………………………….………P. 7 a. The Proposed Legislation HR 4437……………………………………………P. 7 b. Organizing Responses…………………………………………………………..P. 8 c. Curricular Materials and Resources……………………………………………P. 10 6. New York City Resources……………………………..………………………………P. 11 How To Use This Guide This guide is most useful when used online, as opposed to a paper copy. Most of the resources in this guide are web- based links, so if viewed online, just click on the links.
    [Show full text]
  • News Frames and Hegemonic Discourses in the Immigration Debates in the United States, 2006 and 2010
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by D-Scholarship@Pitt “EVERYBODY AROUND HERE IS FROM SOME PLACE ELSE”: NEWS FRAMES AND HEGEMONIC DISCOURSES IN THE IMMIGRATION DEBATES IN THE UNITED STATES, 2006 AND 2010 by Sharon Madriaga Quinsaat B.A. Communication Research, University of the Philippines-Diliman, 1999 M.A. Social Sciences, University of Calfornia-Irvine, 2009 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Kenneth P. Dietrich School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts University of Pittsburgh 2011 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH KENNETH P. DIETRICH SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This thesis was presented by Sharon Madriaga Quinsaat It was defended on July 7, 2011 and approved by Dr. Akiko Hashimoto, Associate Professor, Department of Sociology Dr. John Markoff, Distinguished University Professor, Department of Sociology Thesis Director: Dr. Suzanne Staggenborg, Professor, Department of Sociology ii Copyright © by Sharon Madriaga Quinsaat 2011 iii “EVERYBODY AROUND HERE IS FROM SOME PLACE ELSE”: NEWS FRAMES AND HEGEMONIC DISCOURSES IN THE IMMIGRATION DEBATES IN THE UNITED STATES, 2006 AND 2010 Sharon Madriaga Quinsaat, M.A. University of Pittsburgh, 2011 In 2006, the United States House of Representatives introduced a bill that seeks to criminalize unauthorized immigrants, subjecting them to detention and deportation. Four years later, the Arizona State Legislature passed a similar measure, which classifies an alien’s presence in Arizona without the possession of proper immigration documents as a state misdemeanor. Both pieces of legislation entered the public sphere and stimulated debates on immigration, as cleavages within and among the Democrats and Republicans surfaced and opposition turned into highly publicized events.
    [Show full text]
  • I Find That the Catholic Church's Campaign During the 1990S Utilized the Internal Structure of the Church to Reach out to Cath
    Heredia 1 “Welcoming the Stranger”: The Catholic Church and the Struggle for Immigrant Rights in Los Angeles Luisa Heredia University of California Riverside Riverside, CA Research Paper Series on Latino Immigrant Civic and Political Participation, No. 4 June 2009 www.wilsoncenter.org/migrantparticipation Heredia 2 “Welcoming the Stranger”: The Catholic Church and the Struggle for Immigrant Rights in Los Angeles “For I was hungry and you gave me food; I was thirsty and you gave me drink; I was a stranger and you made me welcome; naked and you clothed me, sick and you visited me, in prison and you came to see me.” Then the virtuous will say to him in reply, “Lord, when did we see you hungry and feed you; or thirsty and gave you drink? When did we see you a stranger and make you welcome; naked and clothe you; sick or in prison and go to see you?” And the King will answer, “I tell you solemnly, insofar as you did this to one of the least of these brothers of mine, you did it to me.” Gospel of Matthew 25:35-40 Introduction During the spring of 2006 millions of immigrants and their supporters took to the streets across the nation to protest “enforcement-only” legislation that criminalized undocumented immigrants and service providers. Although these demonstrations surprised the nation by their seemingly spontaneous nature, a significant number of immigrant rights organizations have mobilized and continue to mobilize around immigrant rights.1 Los Angeles, in particular, has a rich history of immigrant rights activism. Prior to the heightened
    [Show full text]
  • Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-43412-7 — Latino Mass Mobilization Chris Zepeda-Millán Index More Information
    Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-43412-7 — Latino Mass Mobilization Chris Zepeda-Millán Index More Information Index ASuLado(On Your Side), 84 American Indian Movement, 150 Acción Comunitaria La Aurora, 105, 118, anti-immigration groups. See also nativist 230 extreme groups ACORN, 185 electoral threat to elected officials, 180 Act Now to Stop War and End Racism growth of, 138 (ANSWER) Coalition, 113 response to Comprehensive Immigration activists, 44–46 Reform Act of 2007, 179–80 alliances among foreign-born, 104 April 10. See National Day of Action for business leaders, 58 Immigrant Justice college-educated migrants, 45–46 Archilla, Ana Maria, 106, 110–11, 144 educated urban migrants, 45 Arizona farm labor crew leaders, 52 border enforcement, 29–30 feelings of solidarity among, 48–49 CASA presence in, 32 local leaders, 45 Latino mobilization in 2008 election, messaging strategies, 57 192 motivations of, 52 Latino mobilization in 2016 election, as resources, 56–59 213 small business owners, 52–53 Mexican migration to, 29 use of new and alternative media by, 69 “papers please” law in, 209 Acuña, Rudy, 17, 32 protesters from, 87 AFL-CIO, 37, 164, 230 voter registration campaign in, 189–90 African-Americans, mass incarceration of, Ya Es Hora! campaign in, 187 150 Arpaio, Joe, 212 Agriculture Coalition for Immigration Arreola, Artemio, 76 Reform (ACIR), 40, 164, 170, 184, Asian Americans for Equality (AAE), 107, 230 230 Aguascalientes (magazine), 58 Asman, David, 142 Alabama, protesters from, 87 Asociación Tepeyac, 125, 230 Alatorre, Soledad “Chole,” 32, 89 Associated Press, 133, 206 Alianza Dominicana, 111–12, 116, 123, Association of Senegalese in America 124, 230 (ASA), 120, 230 alternative media, 68–69.
    [Show full text]
  • European Journal of American Studies, 4-3 | 2009 “A Day Without Immigrants” 2
    European journal of American studies 4-3 | 2009 Special Issue: Immigration “A Day Without Immigrants” Benita Heiskanen Electronic version URL: https://journals.openedition.org/ejas/7717 DOI: 10.4000/ejas.7717 ISSN: 1991-9336 Publisher European Association for American Studies Electronic reference Benita Heiskanen, ““A Day Without Immigrants””, European journal of American studies [Online], 4-3 | 2009, document 3, Online since 01 December 2009, connection on 08 July 2021. URL: http:// journals.openedition.org/ejas/7717 ; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/ejas.7717 This text was automatically generated on 8 July 2021. Creative Commons License “A Day Without Immigrants” 1 “A Day Without Immigrants” Benita Heiskanen 1. Introduction1 1 On 1 May 2006, over a million mostly Latino/a, but also Middle Eastern, Asian, and Eastern European immigrants took to the streets of major U.S. cities—such as New York, Chicago, Washington, D.C., Los Angeles, Miami, Phoenix, and Denver—to express disapproval of H.R. 4437, the Border Protection, Anti-Terrorism, and Illegal Immigration Control Act of 2005.2 The proposed bill, which passed the House of Representatives on 16 December 2005, included turning unlawful entrance into the United States a felony, punishable by imprisonment; militarizing the U.S.-Mexican border, complete with 700 miles of fencing erected along the border; and deporting undocumented and “terrorist” aliens.3 2 Because of its sweeping provisions, the proposal—dubbed as the “Sensenbrenner Bill” after its sponsor James Sensenbrenner (R-Wisconsin)—immediately created uproar across the United States.4 The conflation of immigrants, documented, undocumented, and citizens alike, with criminality and terrorism in the post-9/11 period, in particular, was a source of outrage among many immigrant communities.
    [Show full text]
  • Latino Identity and the Immigration Rights Movement of 2006: the Origins and Consequences of an Assimilationist Approach
    Latino Identity and the Immigration Rights Movement of 2006: The Origins and Consequences of an Assimilationist Approach Author: Allison Ramirez Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/516 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2007 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. © Allison Ramirez 2007 Abstract _____________________________________ In December of 2005, the United States House of Representatives passed the infamous Sensenbrenner-King immigration reform legislation that, if written into law, would have negatively affected the situation of millions of undocumented workers in the United States, mostly originating from Latin America. In response, the Latino community in the U.S. mobilized to organize a wave of rallies across the country during the spring of 2006. This thesis explores the construction of the collective action frame employed by movement organizers to mobilize protesters. It ultimately finds that the rhetoric of assimilation was chosen because of its ability to resonate both with the goal of effecting political change as well as with the identity of the potential audience. It was nevertheless found to be inadequate in addressing the larger issues of injustice affecting immigrants as it served to reinforce and perpetuate the oppression of consciousness that has often left Latinos feeling that their heritage must be rejected in order to be deemed worthy of certain rights in the United States. While movement organizers managed to mobilize millions of people across the country, their influence on legislation has yet to be seen, as no immigration reforms have been written into law as of the writing of this thesis.
    [Show full text]
  • Inmigración No Autorizada En Los Estados Unidos: Impacto, Representación De Los Medios Y Reforma De La Legalización
    INNOVA Research Journal, ISSN 2477-9024 (Agosto, 2017). Vol. 2, No.8.1 pp. 281-293 DOI: https://doi.org/10.33890/innova.v2.n8.1.2017.379 URL: http://revistas.uide.edu.ec/index.php/innova/index Correo: [email protected] Inmigración no autorizada en los Estados Unidos: impacto, representación de los medios y reforma de la legalización Unauthorized Immigration in the United States: Impact, Media Representation and Legalization Reform Jorge Freddy Bolaños López Universidad ECOTEC, Ecuador Autor para correspondencia: [email protected] Fecha de recepción: 04 de Agosto de 2017 - Fecha de aceptación: 10 de Agosto de 2017 Abstract: This article analyses the effects that unauthorized immigration has caused in different aspects in the United States (US), the media portrayal and treatment undocumented people and the legalization reform initiative receive by different media channels. Considering and contrasting different academic analysis and using contemporary examples in order to highlight the several issues undocumented people face on an everyday basis, the article offers an overview of possible future scenarios regarding the legal instability of the people affected by their migratory status and how likely it is that they will be offered legalization. Keywords: immigration, reform, legalization, amnesty, undocumented, immigrants, media, representation, portrayal. Resumen: Este artículo analiza los efectos que la migración desautorizada ha causado en diferentes ámbitos en los Estados Unidos (US), la representación y trato mediático que personas indocumentadas y la reforma migratoria reciben de parte de diferentes medios. Considerando y contrastando diferentes análisis académicos y usando ejemplos contemporáneos para resaltar las variadas situaciones que personas indocumentadas enfrentan diariamente, este artículo ofrece una visión de posibles escenarios futuros en cuanto a la inestabilidad legal de la gente afectada por su estado migratorio y qué tan posible es que se les ofrezca legalización.
    [Show full text]
  • “A Day Without Immigrants”
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Southern Denmark Research Output European journal of American studies Vol 4, No 3 | 2009 Special Issue: Immigration “A Day Without Immigrants” Benita Heiskanen Publisher European Association for American Studies Electronic version URL: http://ejas.revues.org/7717 DOI: 10.4000/ejas.7717 ISSN: 1991-9336 Electronic reference Benita Heiskanen, « “A Day Without Immigrants” », European journal of American studies [Online], Vol 4, No 3 | 2009, document 3, Online since 01 December 2009, connection on 30 September 2016. URL : http://ejas.revues.org/7717 ; DOI : 10.4000/ejas.7717 This text was automatically generated on 30 septembre 2016. Creative Commons License “A Day Without Immigrants” 1 “A Day Without Immigrants” Benita Heiskanen 1 1 On 1 May 2006, over a million mostly Latino/a, but also Middle Eastern, Asian, and Eastern European immigrants took to the streets of major U.S. cities—such as New York, Chicago, Washington, D.C., Los Angeles, Miami, Phoenix, and Denver—to express disapproval of H.R. 4437, the Border Protection, Anti-Terrorism, and Illegal Immigration Control Act of 2005.2 The proposed bill, which passed the House of Representatives on 16 December 2005, included turning unlawful entrance into the United States a felony, punishable by imprisonment; militarizing the U.S.-Mexican border, complete with 700 miles of fencing erected along the border; and deporting undocumented and “terrorist” aliens.3 2 Because of its sweeping provisions, the proposal—dubbed as the “Sensenbrenner Bill” after its sponsor James Sensenbrenner (R-Wisconsin)—immediately created uproar across the United States.4 The conflation of immigrants, documented, undocumented, and citizens alike, with criminality and terrorism in the post-9/11 period, in particular, was a source of outrage among many immigrant communities.
    [Show full text]
  • Publicity and Status at the International Line
    lines and spheres “We’re Mexican Too”: Publicity and Status at the International Line Rihan Yeh The Public at the Line In Tijuana the “International Line” is not the border per se. Rather, la Línea refers to San Ysidro, the city’s main port of entry between Mexico and the United States, and to the area just south. It refers to the area that borders on the border, where the line forms to cross north. I have heard it speculated that la Línea is a bilingual pun summing up the border condition: two meanings sharing one word, one in Spanish and one borrowed from English. Neither meaning quite explains the name. Properly, la Línea could indeed refer to the international boundary, as in the phrase la línea divisoria, “the dividing line” — but in Tijuana the word is not commonly used or even understood in this sense. As a loan from English, it refers to the lines of cars and pedestrians wait- ing to cross. People ask, for example, if there is a lot of línea: is the line long? But I have never heard the word used to speak of a queue in any other context. Línea’s two meanings, neither of which stands on its own, run perpendicular to each other: an east-west line signifying prohibition and a north-south line signi- fying passage. The two are reduced to the point where they cross, as when my elderly roommate drew me a map of the port of entry and environs. “Let’s see,” I said, confused about which way the boundary ran and then, stumbling, not find- Versions of this essay were presented at the Internal Seminar of the Colegio de la Frontera Norte’s Department of Cultural Studies, Tijuana, June 4, 2007, and at the Politics, Communications, Society workshop at the University of Chicago, January 23, 2008.
    [Show full text]
  • May Day and the Struggle for the Eight Hour Day in California by David
    May Day and the Struggle for the Eight Hour Day in California by J. David Sackman, Esq. California is one of the few states which requires employers to pay overtime after eight hours work in a day. 1/ Federal law only requires overtime after forty hours in a week. 2/ The Eight-Hour-Day (at least on public works) is even ensconced in the California Constitution. 3/ The Eight Hour Day was not won easily. Nationally, the movement for the Eight Hour Day gave birth to May Day, which is celebrated throughout the world as a day for Labor. In California, the Eight Hour Day is the result of a long struggle of what Carey McWilliams called the “total engagement” of labor: “The California labor movement has long occupied an altogether exceptional niche in the history of American labor. The California labor movement, to a degree that is not generally appreciated, has had an important influence on national labor trends. It has been the total engagement of labor in California that has, from the beginning, given the California labor movement its distinctive character. The labor struggle in the state has not been partial and limited, but total and indivisible; all of labor pitted against all of capital.” 4/ industries. Labor marched and struck, if necessary, to achieve this goal. Labor also took its cause back to the Legislature, and managed to pass California’s first 8-hour law. The first section of the 1868 law, similar to the 1853 law, provided that “Eight hours labor shall be deemed and held to be a legal day’s work, in all cases within this State, unless otherwise expressly stipulated between the parties concerned.” Again, it was up to workers to maintain the 8-hour day through their own bargaining power, in private employment at least.
    [Show full text]