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Byzantium: Faith and Power (1261–1557) Perspectives on Late and Culture

The Metropolitan Museum of Art Symposia The Metropolitan Museum of Art Symposia

Byzantium: Faith and Power (1261–1557) Perspectives on Late Byzantine Art and Culture

Edited by Sarah T.Brooks

the metropolitan museum of art, new york yale university press, new haven and london Contents

Peter Barnet, Helen C. Evans FOREWORD vi

Sarah T.Brooks PREFACE viii

Map: Byzantium and Its Neighbors, 1261–1557 xii

Thomas F.Mathews and the Religious Experience 2 David Jacoby Late Byzantium between the Mediterranean and Asia:Trade and Material Culture 20 Angeliki E. Laiou Byzantium and the Neighboring Powers: Small-State Policies and Complexities 42 Robert F.Taft, S.J. The Living :Touching the Transcendent in Palaiologan Iconography and Liturgy 54 Maria Mavroudi Exchanges with Arabic Writers during the Late Byzantine Period 62 Sophia Kalopissi-Verti Patronage and Artistic Production in Byzantium during the Palaiologan Period 76 Vassilios Kidonopoulos The Urban Physiognomy of from the Latin Conquest through the Palaiologan Era 98 Nancy Patterson Sˇevcˇenko The Monastery of Mount Sinai and the Cult of Saint Catherine 118 Hans Belting Dandolo’s Dreams:Venetian State Art and Byzantium 138 Antony Eastmond Art and Frontiers between Byzantium and the Caucasus 154 Donald Ostrowski “Moscow the Third Rome” as Historical Ghost 170 Yuri Pyatnitsky Byzantine Palaiologan Icons in Medieval Russia 180

Photograph Credits 200 Sophia Kalopissi-Verti

IMPERIAL PATRONAGE Patronage and Artistic The founder of the dynasty,Michael VIII (r. 1259–82), was very active in bestowing imperial commissions.After he Production in recovered Constantinople, he faced a deso- late capital whose monuments had suffered extensive damage because of the Latin occu- Byzantium during the pation.3 The historian Pachymeres relates that Michael restored those parts of altered by the Latins and that he pre- Palaiologan Period sented the Great with sacred gifts, including liturgical textiles and vessels.4 It is generally accepted, moreover, that MichaelVIII commissioned the panel of the in the When Michael VIII Palaiologos recaptured south gallery of Hagia Sophia in gratitude Constantinople and restored Byzantine rule in for the recovery of Constantinople.5 In the the year 1261, the reconstituted empire was plasticity of its figures and fine modeling of confined to parts of Asia Minor,, its faces, this exquisite reflects a desire , and the Peloponnese. Large tracts to revive classical models that is in accor- of formerly imperial lands remained under dance with the ideology of Michael VIII Latin, mainly Venetian,rule.The Palaiologoi concerning the restoration of the empire. In thus reigned over a relatively small territory. addition, his renovation program in the capi- This essay,based primarily on extant material, tal included the repair of churches and is geographically confined to the lands recov- monasteries that are no longer standing.6 ered by the Byzantines and is chronologically Michael VIII pursued the same policy of bound by the rule of the Palaiologoi, that is, restoring religious foundations in the newly from 1261 to 1453.1 Although Byzantium was recovered Byzantine provinces. His effigy, plagued by political and financial troubles depicted on the south facade of the church of during this period, artistic production of Panagia Mavriotissa near Kastoria, together every type flourished: , wall and icon with that of Alexios I , testifies to painting, book illumination, and the minor his support of this monastery.The juxtaposi- arts.The purpose of the following discussion tion of the first emperor of the Palaiologoi is, on the one hand, to investigate the identity with the founder of the Komnenian dynasty and social position of these art patrons and, on aimed at underlining Michael’s descent from the other, to evaluate the patrons’ impact on the Komnenoi, as well as establishing and art production.2 legitimizing his authority in the recently Dedicatory inscriptions and donor por- restored province.7 Moreover, the family traits, in addition to written sources, indi- portrait of Michael in the exonarthex of the cate that patronage in the Palaiologan period monastery church of the Virgin in Apollonia, may be roughly classified into four cate- near the Adriatic coast,8 and an imperial gories: the imperial, aristocratic, and ecclesi- portrait (recently identifed as Michael) astical (including monastic) classes as well as painted in the rock-cut church of Saint the nonelite population. Erasmus near Ohrid9 bear witness to imperial

76 renovation of religious foundations in the newly recovered northwestern provinces after the expulsion of the Latins.All these donations seem to reflect Michael VIII’s belief in the importance of restoring the ecumenical character of the . Andronikos II (r. 1282–1328) continued his father’s building and reconstruction pro- gram.10 Gradually,however, the increasing financial problems of the state limited impe- rial patronage, which was mostly confined to serving concrete needs. Characteristic of the reduced goals of imperial sponsorship is the donation of Michael IX, co-emperor with Andronikos II, who offered to pay the expenses for restoring the dilapidated roof of the basilica of Saint Demetrios in Thessalonike, according to an inscription written on a pier of the church in 1319–20.11 The difficulties confronting the imperial budget after the mid-fourteenth century are reflected in the public subscription orga- nized by Emperor John VI (r. 1347–54) in order to raise funds for reconstructing sections of the and the eastern semidome of Hagia Sophia, which had collapsed in 1346.The mosaics in the eastern arch were later completed by (r. 1341–91).12 The financial shortcomings of the state in Palaiologan times are also apparent in the out- put of luxuriously illuminated manuscripts. It Fig. 43. John VI Kantakouzenos as Emperor has been argued that Palaiologan emperors and , from the Theological Works of commissioned only a few manuscripts, often John VI Kantakouzenos. Constantinople, with a specific purpose in mind.13 The codex ca. 1370–75.Tempera and gold on vellum. of Dionysios Areopagites in the Louvre is a Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Paris characteristic example.A manuscript of the (Ms. grec. 1242, fol. 123v) 1330s, it was reused and upgraded by Manuel II (r. 1391–1425) for presentation to the abbey of Saint Denis, near Paris, on the occasion of a retirement (fig. 43),15 twenty-six sumptuous diplomatic mission in 1408 (see fig. 42).14 codices commissioned by the same emperor A different policy was followed by were presented to and are still in the posses- John VI Kantakouzenos, who commissioned a sion of the Vatopedi Monastery on Mount large number of manuscripts.Aside from the Athos.16 One of the most precious among luxurious codex, now in the Bibliothèque these is the codex Skeuophylakion 16,a Nationale, Paris (ca. 1370–75), containing Gospel Book written in the Hodegon the theological works he wrote after his Monastery in Constantinople in 1340–41,

77 Fig. 44. given by Emperor Andronikos II to the archbishop of Ohrid. Constantinople, ca. 1313–28. Red silk, linen lining, and bullion. National History Museum, Sofia (29231)

which includes superb portraits of the century, Theodora (d. 1303), widow of Four Evangelists. It is evident, however, that Michael VIII Palaiologos, restored the Lips Kantakouzenos’s precious gifts to the Vatopedi Monastery in Constantinople and added to Monastery did not reflect state policy but it a second church dedicated to Saint John rather the private needs of the emperor, who the Baptist; she also renovated the convent of desired to retire to the monastery. the Holy Anargyroi.19 A group of luxurious Certain precious portable objects that late-thirteenth-century biblical and liturgical have survived from the period also reveal manuscripts, earlier assigned to the scripto- that the early Palaiologan emperors commis- rium of the princess Theodora Palaiologina sioned works as gifts in the service of imperial Raoulaina (d. 1300), a niece of Michael policy.These include the altar cloth offered VIII,20 on the basis of monograms on one by Michael VIII to the Genoese on the occasion of them (Vat.gr. 1158), has recently been of the treaty signed at Nymphaion in 126117 attributed to the dowager empress Theodora.21 and the epitaphios now in the National In addition, an elegant psalter in the Iveron History Museum in Sofia (fig. 44), a valuable Monastery on , executed in example of Byzantine court embroidery, 1346 in the scriptorium of the Hodegon which was offered by Andronikos II as a Monastery,was commissioned by Anna of gift to the cathedral church of Saint Sophia Savoy,second wife of Andronikos III.The in Ohrid.18 manuscript was written and decorated after Female imperial patronage also seems to Andronikos’s death in 1341 and before Anna have been significant during the Palaiologan was compelled to recognize Kantakouzenos period. In the last decade of the thirteenth as co-emperor with her son John V in

78 Byzantium: Faith and Power (1261–1557): Perspectives 1347.22 A further example of female imperial space and figures and the emphasis on the patronage is offered by a silver-relief cross, volume and plastic rendering of the faces now in the Dionysiou Monastery on Mount place these wall paintings among the best Athos, commissioned in the first half of the representatives of the so-called Heavy Style. fifteenth century by the empress Helena Reaching its peak about 1300, this style Palaiologina, wife of Manuel II and mother emphasized the stereometric rendering of of the last Byzantine emperor.23 figures and architectural complexes. One of In sum, it seems that after the recon- the two painters who worked on the frescoes struction program of the first two Palaiologan in the chapel has been identified with the emperors, imperial patronage diminished as a legendary Manuel Panselinos, who according result of the financial difficulties experienced to a later tradition painted the church of the by the state. Furthermore, two distinct moti- Protaton on Mount Athos.28 vations appear to have prompted imperial The second instance of Michael Glabas’s donations. Most, including restorations and patronage was the renovation of the mon- diplomatic gifts, served the requirements of astery of Saint Mary Pammakaristos in the state, whereas others reflect private needs Constantinople.29 Between 1315 and 1320, and thus are closer to aristocratic intentions after Glabas’s death, his widow commis- for commissioning works of art. sioned a funerary chapel in memory of her husband. Four inscriptions, located inside the ARISTOCRATIC PATRONAGE parekklesion and on its facade, commemo- As Angeliki Laiou has pointed out, it was rate the patrons. The mosaics of the chapel part of the ideology of the Palaiologan aris- embody the finest qualities of the so-called tocracy that its members actively participated Second Palaiologan Style, which flourished in intellectual and artistic life as patrons, in the first decades of the fourteenth cen- commissioners, and recipients.24 The follow- tury.Their compositions are characterized ing examines select works of art commis- by a restrained classicism, and their figures by sioned by the high, middle, and minor a sense of moderation and elegance.The provincial aristocracy. sumptuous mosaic decoration, the ostenta- Michael Glabas Tarchaneiotes, a tious dedicatory inscriptions, and the pompous rich landowner and patron of literature and epigrams that accompanied the now-lost art, became before 1300 , one of funeral portraits of Glabas and members of the highest offices in the Late Byzantine mil- his family give an idea, as Cyril Mango has itary hierarchy.25 Two significant monuments observed, of the “aggressively aristocratic sponsored by Glabas and his wife, Maria, tone” of a typical monastery patronized by have survived. In 1303 Glabas and his wife an aristocrat in the Palaiologan period.30 renovated the small tenth-century chapel of (1270–1332) was Saint Euthymios, attached to the great basil- another prominent patron belonging to the ica of Saint Demetrios in Thessalonike.26 high aristocracy.Entrusted by Andronikos II The dedication to Saint Euthymios, founder with the important office of tou of Palestinian monasticism, is thought to genikou, he renovated the katholikon, or reflect the ecclesiastical policy of Emperor main church, of the Chora Monastery in Andronikos II, who was attempting to rec- Constantinople from about 1316 to 1321 and oncile with monastic leaders after the con- commissioned the capital’s best workshops to troversy caused by the Unionist policy of his decorate the church and narthexes with father, Michael VIII.The monastic context mosaics and to adorn his funerary chapel of the chapel’s program and function has with wall paintings.31 Dressed in a sumptuous been especially stressed in current scholar- garment, he is depicted in the esonarthex ship.27 The three-dimensional perception of above the Royal Door kneeling in front of

Patronage and Artistic Production 79 Fig. 45.Theodore Metochites Presenting a Model of the to Christ. Byzantine, ca. 1316–21. Mosaic, esonarthex of Chora Monastery (Kariye Camii), Constantinople

the enthroned Christ and offering him a monastery of the Anastasis in the 1260s or model of the church (fig. 45).The entire 1270s. renovated the decoration displays an accomplished tech- monastery of the Virgin Gorgoepekoos nique as well as a close familiarity with both between 1294 and 1308, and his daughter, the classical heritage and the ecclesiastical Eirene Eulogia Choumnaina Palaiologina, tradition. Metochites’ personal intervention restored the monastery of Christ Philanthropos is particularly evident in the development of after 1307. Numerous and noteworthy are the iconographic program for his funerary the donations of members of the ruling chapel, an area in which patrons did not feel Palaiologan family.Maria-Martha, sister of confined by dogmatic schemes.The sophisti- the emperor Michael VIII, founded in the cated iconography and style, the extrava- 1260s the monastery of Kyra Martha. In the gance of the materials used, and the exquisite 1280s Theodora Palaiologina Raoulaina ren- decoration are characteristic of the refined ovated the monastery of Saint Andrew in tastes of a fourteenth-century aristocrat in Krisei.Another niece of the same emperor, the capital. Theodora Palaiologina Synadene, founded Aside from the previously mentioned the nunnery of Our Lady of Certain Hope extant examples, written sources attest to a about 1300.32 great number of donations by the high aris- The numerous aristocratic religious tocracy in Constantinople around the end foundations mentioned in the sources and of the thirteenth century and in the first the exquisite quality and sumptuousness decades of the fourteenth. of the monuments preserved testify to the and his son, Constantine, who both held great prominence and extent of aristocratic the office of (the highest rank patronage in the early decades of Palaiologan in the civil administration), restored the rule. It was apparently regarded as very

80 Byzantium: Faith and Power (1261–1557): Perspectives prestigious for the high aristocracy,including members of the ruling family,to found new churches (mainly monasteries) or renovate earlier foundations. Significantly,these activi- ties were mainly confined to Constantinople. After the mid-fourteenth century,however, high aristocratic patronage diminished in frequency and wealth owing to the adverse effects of the second civil war, the conquests of the Serbs, and the military advance of the .33 As a consequence a shift may be observed: members of the powerful aristo- cratic families redirected their patronage from Constantinople to the despotate of Morea and principally to its capital, Mistra.34 According to his monograms Manuel Kantakouzenos, son of the emperor John VI and first of Mistra (r. 1349–80), built a church, known today as Saint Sophia, close to the palace.This church has been identified with that of Christ Zoodotes (Life-giving), which sources indicate was founded by Manuel.35 Stylistically the mural decoration of Saint Sophia and its chapels bears a close resemblance to the frescoes of the church of the Virgin Peribleptos, founded most probably between 1365 and 1374 by Isabelle de Lusignan, wife of the despot Manuel.36 The wall paintings of both churches—Christ Zoodotes and the Virgin Peribleptos—are attributed to the same workshop, and their style reflects a classicizing, idealizing ten- dency,which is in accordance with aristo- Fig. 46. The Grand Duke Alexios , cratic taste during the period. from the Works of .Constantinople, The last prominent dated example of 1341–45.Tempera and gold on vellum. high aristocratic patronage before the fall of Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Paris Constantinople is the church of the Panagia (Ms. gr. 2144, fol. 11r) Pantanassa at Mistra, founded in the year 1428 by John Phrangopoulos, who held the high offices of protostrator and katholikos mingle with new principles regarding the . The Pantanassa’s patron, who stood rendering of space and its relationship to the at the pinnacle of the despotate’s military figures, as well as the treatment of color and and administrative echelons, propagated light in modeling both flesh and drapery. his name and titles in several painted or A tendency to look back to models of the engraved monograms and inscriptions.37 In golden period of aristocratic patronage—the the frescoes of the Pantanassa, the antique beginning of the fourteenth century—is evi- heritage and the older Byzantine tradition dent.The imposing size of the monument

Patronage and Artistic Production 81 Fig. 47. Constantine Palaiologos and Eirene, Parents of the Foundress of the Convent of Our Lady of Certain Hope (left);Theodora with Her Husband, John Synadenos (right), from the typikon of the Convent of Our Lady of Certain Hope, Constantinople, ca. 1300 (with later additions).Tempera and gold on vellum. Lincoln College, Oxford (Ms. gr. 35, fols. 1v–2r)

and its accomplished decoration bespeak the the fleet, (text, ca. 1338; “semi-imperial aspirations” of the donor, as illuminations, 1341–45) (fig. 46),39 and the Doula Mouriki has observed.38 A highly famous typikon of the monastery of Our ambitious work, the Pantanassa represents Lady of Certain Hope, now at Lincoln the last brilliant example, before the fall of College in Oxford (gr. 35).40 The latter was Constantinople, of the splendid art cultivated written about 1300 by the first patroness of by the high aristocracy during the final the monastery,Theodora Synadene, and was phase of Byzantium. completed by her daughter Euphrosyne. Its An examination of illuminated manu- rich gallery of historical portraits contains scripts leads to similar conclusions regarding likenesses of the noble founder, her husband, the role of the high aristocrat as patron. In her parents and other family members, and fact, most of the sumptuous illuminated man- members of the monastic community (fig. 47). uscripts in the Late Byzantine period were The Palaiologan icons that have sur- commissioned by such persons.Among the vived present a similar pattern of patronage examples are the codex containing the works by the high aristocracy.An icon of the Virgin of Hippocrates in the Bibliothèque Nationale, in the State Tret´iakov Gallery,Moscow, Paris (gr. 2144), which includes the portrait of from the late thirteenth or early fourteenth its patron, the megas doux, or commander of century,includes portraits of the donors,

82 Byzantium: Faith and Power (1261–1557): Perspectives Constantine Akropolites (d. 1324) and his wife, Maria, on its silver revetment (fig. 48).41 Another example is the icon of Christ Pan- tokrator in the State Hermitage Museum, Saint Petersburg, that was a donation, accord- ing to the inscriptions, of two brothers, both of whom were depicted on the margin of the icon (fig. 49).These high-ranking officials—the megas Alexios and the megas primikerios John—founded the Pantokrator Monastery on Mount Athos in 1363.42 The gilded-silver revetment of an icon of the Virgin Artokosta, today in the church of San Samuele in Venice, was donated by the despot John Kantakouzenos (r. 1380–83), whose portrait is included in the revetment, which was restored about 1425.The icon comes from a monastery of the same name in Kynouria, in the Peloponnese.43 A final example, an icon of Saints Peter and Paul in the treasury of the monastery of Vatopedi on Mount Athos, was commissioned in 1417, according to an inscription on the revetment, by the despot of Thessalonike, Andronikos Palaiologos, son of the emperor Manuel II.44 Additionally,in the field of the portable arts, the precious gilded-silver and jasper chal- ice of Manuel Kantakouzenos Palaiologos, despot of Morea, now in the treasury of the 48 Vatopedi Monastery,is typical of the superb Fig. . Icon of the Virgin and Child, quality and refined taste of high aristocratic with revetment bearing portraits of 45 15 commissions. donors. Moscow,last quarter of th The donations of the high aristocracy century (painting); Constantinople, late 13 14 clearly occupy a dominating position in the th–early th century (revetment). Palaiologan period and represent the avant- Tempera over gesso on wood (painting); garde in artistic developments, particularly in silver (revetment). State Tret´iakov 22722 118 the dissemination of new stylistic trends to Gallery,Moscow ( , OS ) the provinces. Members of the middle aris- 49 tocracy,who disposed of sufficient financial Fig. . Icon of Christ Pantokrator, means and held offices ranking in the middle detail showing donor. Byzantine, 1363 of the administrative and military echelons, ca. .Tempera on wood. State also dispensed patronage, as exemplified by Hermitage Museum, Saint Petersburg three monuments.The church of the Virgin Peribleptos at Ohrid,46 later dedicated to Saint Kliment, was founded in 1294–95 by the megas hetaireiarches Progonos Sgouros (fig. 50). Its wall paintings, among the most

Patronage and Artistic Production 83 Fig. 50. Michael Astrapas and Eutychios, Moses and the Burning Bush, above a dedicatory inscription of the donor, the megas hetaireiarches Progonos Sgouros, 1294–95. , west wall of narthex, Church of the Virgin Peribleptos, Ohrid

representative examples of the Heavy Style, The last example of a monumental are the work of two famous painters from donation by the middle aristocracy is the Thessalonike, Michael Astrapas and Eutychios, church of Saint Nicholas at Platsa in the who signed their names on several inconspic- Mani, in the Peloponnese, which was reno- uous parts of the frescoes.47 Both were later vated in 1337–38 by Konstantinos Spanes, hired by the Serbian king Stefan Uro¡ II tzaousios (military commander) of the Milutin to serve in his court and paint the mountainous area of Mount Taygetos in churches he founded. Laconia.49 The donation of Spanes surpasses The church of Christ at Veroia in in quality all the contemporary monuments Macedonia, consecrated in the year 1314–15,48 of the Mani owing to the selection of an was sponsored by Xenos Psalidas and his wife, excellent workshop, probably summoned Euphrosyne. Although they did not belong to from Mistra.The dynamic figures, dramatic the great aristocratic families of Byzantium, expressions, and audacious white highlights the sponsors had the financial means and applied to the uniform ocher flesh tones sophisticated taste to choose Kallierges,“the with bold, rapid strokes reflect the influence best painter in all of Thessaly,”according to of a progressive, expressionistic style that the dedicatory inscription. probably originated in Constantinople and

84 Byzantium: Faith and Power (1261–1557): Perspectives radiated out to the provinces.The quality of An example of a donation that can be the frescoes harmonizes with the sophisti- attributed to the minor provincial aristocracy cated content of the dedicatory inscription, is the church of the Virgin Chrysaphitissa at its eminent placement, and its scholarly,met- Chrysapha in Laconia on the Peloponnese, rical language. which was renovated in 1288–89 by a certain In certain respects, these three monu- sevastos Michael and his wife, Zoe.51 The ments, which in my opinion represent scholarly text of the inscription, written in donations of the middle aristocracy in the metrical verse, and the effigies of the donors provinces, seem to copy works sponsored in the narthex indicate the aspirations of by the high aristocracy,but they differ in the patrons. Nevertheless, the linearity of the using the technique of fresco rather than frescoes, the flat rendering of the figures, that of the more expensive mosaic.They are and a somewhat naive approach reveal the distinguished by the selection of excellent provincial taste of the donor. painters who came from great artistic centers Of analogous quality is the church of and who were familiar with the newest sty- Saint Kyriake, near Marathos in the Mani, listic developments. which on stylistic evidence can be dated to With regard to the portable arts, similar about 1300 (fig. 52).52 Although the donor cou- conclusions can be drawn from the few extant ple is depicted in a prominent place (the objects that may be assigned to the middle on both sides of the Virgin Blachernitissa), aristocracy.One of these is the epitaphios of the humble dimensions of the church and the Nikolaos Eudaimonoiannes, a member of a mediocre quality of its decoration indicate mighty aristocratic family in the Morea the limited financial means of the minor (fig. 51), a fine embroidery probably executed provincial aristocracy as well as the meager in a Peloponnesian workshop in 1406–7.50 artistic resources available to them.53

Fig. 51. Epitaphios donated by Nikolaos Eudaimonoioannes. Greek (Morea?), 1406–7. Silk. Victoria and Albert Museum, London (8278–1863)

Patronage and Artistic Production 85 donations of the high aristocracy in its qual- ity,sumptuousness, and taste. Among the most important ecclesiasti- cal foundations of the period was the church of the Metropolis (Saint Demetrios) in Mistra,56 founded soon after the Frankish surrender of the city’s castle to the Byzantines in 1261, during the first years of Michael VIII’s reign.The Metropolis’s wall paintings were executed gradually between 1270 and 1320 on the initiative of several successive metro- politans of Lacedaemonia and thus represent different styles.An early phase of the Heavy Style is attested in the wall paintings of the funerary chapel of Metropolitan Eugenios (fig. 53), in the diakonikon, with its unique eschatological composition, and in certain frescoes in the nave.The same style, at its 52 Fig. . Portrait of an anonymous peak, is reflected in the nave paintings 1300 foundress, ca. . Fresco, apse assigned to Metropolitan Nikephoros of Church of Saint Kyriake, Moschopoulos, whose patronage is attested Marathos (Mani), Greece in inscriptions engraved in the church.57

ECCLESIASTICAL AND MONASTIC PATRONAGE Ecclesiastical patronage was of great impor- tance during the Palaiologan period, espe- cially in Thessalonike and more broadly in Macedonia.54 The church of the Holy Apostles in Thessalonike is a typical example.55 Monograms and inscriptions, carved in marble or made of brick, provide the name and rank of the patron, Patriarch Niphon of Constantinople (r. 1310 ⁄ 11–14), who had the church built and decorated with mosaics. The ambulatory and narthex wall paintings were sponsored after 1328 by the second ktetor (donor) of the church, the abbot Paul, who is depicted in the narthex, kneeling in front of the Virgin.The impressive building, the prominent placement of the patron’s inscription and monograms on the facades, and the close stylistic affinities with the decoration of the Chora Monastery in Fig. 53.The Metropolitan Bishop Eugenios Constantinople (ca. 1316–21) indicate that (detail), ca. 1270–80. Fresco, diakonikon the patriarchal foundation in Thessalonike of the Metropolis Church (Saint Demetrios), was in every way the equal of the lavish Mistra, Greece

86 Byzantium: Faith and Power (1261–1557): Perspectives Fig. 54. Christ Blessing Two Supplicating Priests, the Church Donors, 1430–31. Fresco, west wall of Church of the Virgin Zoodochos Pege Eleousa, Geraki, Greece

Of Constantinopolitan quality and of four of the chrysobulls, issued between taste is the church of the Aphendiko in 1314/15 and 1322, are painted on the walls of Mistra, dedicated to the Virgin the church’s southwestern chapel.59 For his and founded about 1310 by the abbot funerary chapel, at the northwestern corner of Pachomios.58 Pachomios had a close rela- the narthex, Pachomios ordered a unique com- tionship with the emperor Andronikos II, position that is thought to be the pictorial who issued a series of chrysobulls granting expression of a prayer (nekrosimon theotokion) privileges in favor of the monastery.The texts said during the funeral service.60 Accordingly,

Patronage and Artistic Production 87 Fig. 55.The Nun Theotime in Proskynesis before the Enthroned Virgin and Child, from a Greek psalter. Byzantine, ca. 1274.Tempera and gold on vellum. The Holy Monastery of Saint Catherine, Sinai, Egypt (Gr. 61, fol. 256v)

88 Byzantium: Faith and Power (1261–1557): Perspectives groups of apostles, prophets, the righteous, and one is a lector (anagnostes) of the and saints join their prayers with the suppli- church and a notary (nomikos), both low cations of the Virgin and John the Baptist, offices in the ecclesiastical hierarchy.The addressing them toward Christ for the salva- humble offerings of these donors, ranging tion of the patron, who is also depicted in from a quarter of a gold coin to one gold the chapel.The accomplished frescoes reveal coin—with the exception of the lector and affinities with Constantinopolitan painting. notary, who donated eight gold coins— When compared with the churches spon- provide insight into the poor means at the sored by donors ranking high in the ecclesias- disposal of the populace in a Byzantine tical echelons, the donations of simple province during the period.66 or priests, scattered throughout the Byzantine Another inscription of similar context is provinces, are much more modest and usually again located in the Mani, in the church of do not surpass the level of provincial art. the Archangel Michael at Polemitas, and is One example is the church of the Virgin dated to the year 1278.67 It contains a long list Zoodochos Pege Eleousa in Geraki, in the of the names of the sponsors, more than thirty Peloponnese, commissioned by two priests in persons with their families, including three 1430–31 (fig. 54).61 Ecclesiastical and monastic priests, a lector, and a nun, all inhabitants of donors are furthermore attested for manu- the village.Their donations consisted mainly scripts, such as a Greek psalter (ca. 1274) in the of arable land (choraphia) of a very modest Holy Monastery of Saint Catherine, Sinai,62 extent and olive trees, offered in common by sponsored by the nun Theotime, who is relatives. Interestingly,the dedicatory inscrip- depicted prostrated before the enthroned tions at Kepoula and Polemitas name the Virgin (fig. 55). fresco painters, who were villagers themselves originating from neighboring communities. PATRONAGE OF THE NONELITE Artistically,the mural paintings of POPULATION these churches are mediocre (figs. 56, 57). Although, according to epigraphic evidence, They belong to a conservative provincial those who were not among the elite did stylistic trend that was very widespread act as donors individually,with their families, in the Greek provinces, whether under or in collaboration with two or three others, Byzantine or Latin rule, during the second the usual patronage pattern for this group half of the thirteenth century.Linearity, during the period is collective sponsorship.63 simplification, and Komnenian references The main evidence for this pattern comes mingled with echoes of contemporary pro- from dedicatory inscriptions in humble gressive tendencies are the main features of churches of the Mani.A representative this trend. example occurs in the church of Saint John In sum, the monuments erected by the the Baptist at Megale Kastania, which proba- rural populations of the Byzantine provinces, bly dates to the mid-thirteenth century.64 whose patronage pattern is based mostly on Without listing individual names, the dedi- the collaboration of large numbers of lay and catory inscription mentions that the church clerical members of the same community, was built and decorated at the expense of both are humble buildings erected with modest the notable inhabitants (prokritoi) of the vil- materials and decorated with wall paintings lage and the common people (koinos laos). of a rather poor, provincial quality. Further evidence is offered by the church of the Holy Anargyroi at Kepoula, The following general conclusions can be dated to 1265.65 Of the twelve donors and drawn regarding patronage in the Late their families mentioned in the inscription, Byzantine period and its effect on artistic all residents of Kepoula, three are priests production.The financial means and social

Patronage and Artistic Production 89 Fig. 56. Saint Kyriake (detail), 1265. Fresco, Church of the Holy Anargyroi, Kepoula (Mani), Greece

Fig. 57. Saint Therapon (detail), 1278. Fresco, Church of the Archangel Michael, Polemitas (Mani), Greece

90 Byzantium: Faith and Power (1261–1557): Perspectives position of patrons had a direct impact on and the nonelite do not seem to take any part the size of the monument sponsored, the in the evolution of art.They are of provincial lavishness of its materials, the selection of the character, humble means, and mediocre quality. workshops, and the display of the patron’s Retrospective and simplified features in their name and titles with monograms, inscrip- mural decoration intermingle with echoes of tions, and portraits.The education of the the official monumental art. donor is reflected in the iconographic pro- Finally,patterns of patronage similar to gram and its theological implications, as well those in Byzantium were adopted in neigh- as in the metrical, sometimes pompous, boring countries, including Serbia and inscriptions. Bulgaria, as well as in the Greek independent Imperial patronage during the reigns states that emerged after the Latin conquest of the first two Palaiologan emperors, of 1204. Imperial portraits, such as that of Michael VIII and Andronikos II, expressed the Bulgarian ruler Ivan Alexander and his the rulers’ policy of restoring the state and its family receiving God’s blessing in a sumptu- heritage; thereafter, as patronage was reduced ous Gospel Book of 1355–56 (see fig. 39),68 owing to financial difficulties, it primarily and the portraits of the Serbian kings, served state diplomacy.Members of the high tsars, and patriarchs repeatedly depicted in aristocracy took the lead in sponsoring artis- their significant foundations clearly reveal tic production from the very beginning of an adaptation and further development of the period.The foundation of churches and Byzantine patterns.69 These works thus monasteries, aiming at the salvation of the reflect the prestige of Byzantium and the souls of their commissioners, is in harmony impact of its culture and ideology on the with the ideology of the donors and their neighboring rival countries that prospered desire to display their wealth and social during the empire’s last phase. standing.The foundations of the high aris- tocracy,distinguished by their size, quality, 1. For historical, socioeconomic, and cultural issues dur- and sumptuous materials, were of primary ing the Palaiologan period, see Steven Runciman, The importance in propagating the leading stylis- Last Byzantine Renaissance (Cambridge, 1970);Angeliki tic trends. Sponsorship by high officials of Laiou,“Sto Byzantio tøn Palaiologøn: Oikonomika the clergy competes in quality with that of kai politistika phainomena,”in Aphierøma ston Manol∑ Chatz∑dak∑ [Byzantium under the Palaiologoi: the high aristocracy.The middle aristocracy Economic and political developments, in A tribute cannot rival the donations of the great mag- to Manolis Chatzidakis] (Athens, 1991), vol. 1, nates in regard to the cost of materials. pp. 283–96; Chryssa Maltezou,“Koinønia kai technes Patrons at this level had sufficient means, st∑n Ellada kata ton 13o aiøna: Historik∑ eisagøg∑” however, to serve their ambitions by select- [Society and the arts in Greece during the thirteenth century:A historical introduction], Deltion t∑s Chris- ing excellent painters trained in the empire’s tianik∑s Archaiologik∑s Hetaireias [hereafter DChAE] urban centers and were therefore familiar 21 (2000), pp. 9–16. with the most up-to-date artistic trends. In For broader considerations, including nonextant this way,the middle aristocracy had its share material, see Vassilios Kidonopoulos, Bauten in in shaping artistic developments. Konstantinopel 1204–1328:Verfall und Zerstörung, Restaurierung, Umbau und Neubau von Profan- und The donations of the local minor aristoc- Sakralbauten (Wiesbaden, 1994);Alice-Mary racy share the same cultural context and artistic Talbot,“Empress Theodora Palaiologina,Wife of taste as those of the nonelite.The difference Michael VIII,” Papers [hereafter DOP] seems to be only financial and lies in the fact 46 (1992), pp. 295–303;Alice-Mary Talbot,“The that local aristocrats could afford to sponsor a Restoration of Constantinople under Michael VIII,” DOP 47 (1993), pp. 243–61. See also Alice-Mary church individually,while the others usually Talbot,“Epigrams in Context: Metrical Inscriptions raised collective funds for the construction of a on Art and Architecture of the Palaiologan Era,” church.The foundations of the minor clergy DOP 53 (1999), pp. 75–90.

Patronage and Artistic Production 91 For a discussion of issues regarding the renovation The Byzantine Eye: Studies in Art and Patronage and management of ecclesiastical foundations and (London, 1989), no.VIII; Robin Cormack,“The the rights and duties of their benefactors during the Mother of God in the Mosaics of Hagia Sophia at Palaiologan period, see John Philip Thomas, Private Constantinople,”in Mother of God: Representations of Religious Foundations in the Byzantine Empire, the Virgin in Byzantine Art, ed. Maria Vassilaki, exh. Dumbarton Oaks Studies, 24 (Washington,D.C., cat., Benaki Museum,Athens (Milan, 2000), 1987), pp. 244–69. pp. 118–22. 2. For a discussion of patronage in the Middle Byzantine 6. Michael VIII repaired the monasteries of Saint period, see Robin Cormack,“Patronage and New Demetrios and Saints Peter and Paul, both of which Programs of Byzantine Iconography,” The 17th had been founded by his ancestors; it is also probable International Byzantine Congress, Major Papers, that Michael made donations to the monastery of Washington D.C.,August 3–8, 1986 (New York, 1986), Peribleptos; see Talbot,“Restoration,” pp. 609–38; Maria Panayotidi,“The Character of pp. 254–55; Kidonopoulos, Bauten, pp. 37–39, 91–93. Monumental Painting in the Tenth Century: On the typika of the first two monasteries, see The Question of Patronage,”in Constantine VII Byzantine Monastic Foundation Documents, ed. John Porphyrogenitus and His Age: Second International Thomas and Angela Constantinides Hero, 5 vols., Byzantine Conference, Delphi, 22–26 July, 1987 (Athens, Dumbarton Oaks Studies, 35 (Washington,D.C., 1989), pp. 285–331. For patronage of Byzantine art, 2000), vol. 3,pp.1207–53, nos. 37, 38. see also Anthony Cutler,“Art in Byzantine Society: 7. Titos Papamastorak∑s,“Hena eikastiko enkømio tou Motive Forces of Byzantine Patronage,” Jahrbuch Micha∑l VIII Palaiologou: Hoi exøterikes toichogra- der Österreichischen Byzantinistik 31 (1981), phies sto katholiko t∑s mon∑s t∑s Mauriøtissas st∑n pp. 759–87. Kastoria” [An artistic encomium for Michael VIII 3. On the emperor, see Deno John Geanakoplos, Palaiologos:The exterior frescoes in the katholikon Emperor Michael Palaeologus and the West, 1258–1282: church of the Mauriotissa Monastery in Kastoria], A Study in Byzantine-Latin Relations (Cambridge, DChAE 25 (1989–90), pp. 221–38; cf. Ruth J. Mass., 1959). On the destruction of Constantino- Macrides,“From the Komnenoi to the Palaiologoi: politan monuments during the Latin occupation and Imperial Models in Decline and Exile,”in New the restoration activities of the first Palaiologan Constantines:The Rhythm of Imperial Renewal in emperors, see R[aymond] Janin,“Les sanctuaires de Byzantium, 4th–13th Centuries, ed. Paul Magdalino Byzance sous la domination latine,” Revue des études (Aldershot, Hampshire, 1994), pp. 269–82. byzantines 2 (1944), pp. 134–84; E[ugene] Dalleggio 8. Heide and Helmut Buschhausen, Die Marienkirche d’Alessio,“Les sanctuaires urbains et suburbains de von Apollonia in Albanien: Byzantiner, Normannen und Byzance sous la domination latine (1204–1261),” Serben im Kampf um die Via Egnatia (Vienna, 1976), Revue des études byzantines 11 (1953), pp. 50–61; pp. 143–82, figs. 16–19. Ruth Macrides,“The New Constantine and the 9. Petar Miljkovic´-Pepek,“Le portrait de l’empereur New Constantinople—1261?” Byzantine and byzantin Michel VIII à l’église rupestre de Saint- Modern Greek Studies 6 (1980), pp. 13–41;Talbot, Érasme près d’Ohrid,” Cahiers Archéologiques 45 “Restoration,”pp. 243–61; Kidonopoulos, Bauten, (1997), pp. 169–77. In addition, an inscription (1271) pp. 230–42 and passim. in the church of Saint Nicholas, near Manastir, men- 4. Georges Pachymérès, Relations historiques, ed.Albert tions Michael as the New Constantine; see ibid., Failler, trans.Vitalien Laurent, 5 vols., Corpus fontium p. 169. historiae byzantinae, 24 (Paris, 1984–2000), vol. 1, 10. Kidonopoulos, Bauten, pp. 234, 240, and passim. p. 233 (III.2, ll. 8–13). See also Kidonopoulos, Bauten, 11. Michael ,“Micha∑l IX Palaiologos en pp. 121–25. Further donations to the Great Church are epigraph∑ tou Hagiou D∑metriou Thessalonik∑s” listed in a chrysobull (1272?); see Deno J. Geanakoplos, [Michael IX Palaiologos in an inscription in the “The Byzantine Recovery of Constantinople from church of Saint Demetrios in Thessalonike], the Latins in 1261,” Constantinople and the West: Archaiologik∑ Eph∑meris (1953–54), vol. 2,pp.4–10; Essays on the Late Byzantine (Palaeologan) and Italian J[ean]-M[ichel] Spieser,“Inventaires en vue d’un Renaissances and the Byzantine and Roman Churches recueil des inscriptions historiques de Byzance: I. Les (Madison,Wis., 1989), pp. 173–88; and Talbot, Inscriptions de Thessalonique,” Travaux et Mémoires 5 “Restoration,”p. 251 n. 60. (1973), pp. 171–73,no.24, pl. IX, fig. 2. 5. Otto Demus,“The Style of the Kariye Djami and Its 12. , Nicephori Gregorae Byzantina Place in the Development of Palaeologan Art,”in historia, ed. Ludwig Schopen and Emmanuel Bekker, The Kariye Djami, vol. 4, Studies in the Art of the 3 vols. Corpus scriptorum historiae byzantinae Kariye Djami and Its Intellectual Background, ed. Paul (Bonn, 1829–55), vol. 3,pp.198–202, XXVIII, 34–39; A. Underwood (Princeton, N.J., 1975), pp. 144ff.; Cyril A. Mango, Materials for the Study of the Mosaics Robin Cormack,“Interpreting the Mosaics of of St. Sophia at Constantinople, Dumbarton Oaks S. Sophia at ,” Art History 4,no.2 (June Studies, 8 (Washington,D.C., 1962), pp. 66–71; 1981), pp. 131–49, reprinted in Robin Cormack, Laiou,“Sto Byzantio tøn Palaiologøn,”p. 291.

92 Byzantium: Faith and Power (1261–1557): Perspectives 13. Hans Belting, Das illuminierte Buch in der spätbyzan- Emperor John VI Kantakouzenos (ca. 1354) offered tinischen Gesellschaft (Heidelberg, 1970), p. 51. to the Vatopedi Monastery on Mount Athos, Maria 14. Erich Lamberz,“Das Geschenk des Kaisers Manuel Theochare,“Chrysokent∑ta amphia” [Golden- II. an das Kloster Saint-Denis und der ‘Metochites- embroidered vestments] in Hiera Megist∑ Mon∑ schreiber’ Michael Klostomalles,”in Lithostroton: Vatopaidiou, pp. 421–24,no.1, figs. 356–57. Studien zur byzantinischen Kunst und Geschichte; 19. Talbot,“Empress Theodora”(as in note 1 above), Festschrift für Marcell Restle, ed. Birgitt Borkopp and pp. 298–301;Alice-Mary Talbot,“Building Activity Thomas Steppan (Stuttgart, 2000), pp. 158–65; John in Constantinople under Andronikos II:The Lowden,“Manuscript Illumination in Byzantium, Role of Women Patrons in the Construction 1261–1557,”in Byzantium: Faith and Power (1261–1557), and Restoration of Monasteries,”in Byzantine ed. Helen C. Evans, exh. cat.,The Metropolitan Constantinople: Monuments,Topography and Everyday Life, Museum of Art (New York, 2004), p. 261. In a few, ed. Nevra Necipo=lu,The Medieval Mediterranian: rare cases Palaiologan emperors were both authors Peoples, Economies and Cultures, 400–1453, 33 and commissioners of manuscripts; among these is (Leiden, Boston, and Cologne, 2001), pp. 336–38; the funeral oration of Manuel II for his brother Kidonopoulos, Bauten, pp. 1–4, 86–87. Theodore (1409–11), Byzantium: Faith and Power, 20.Hugo Buchthal and Hans Belting, Patronage in p. 26,no.1. Thirteenth-Century Constantinople:An Atelier of Late Another obvious example of Manuel’s policy Byzantine Book Illumination and Calligraphy, of reusing precious works in order to serve his Dumbarton Oaks Studies, 16 (Washington,D.C., diplomatic policy is the icon of the Virgin in the 1978), pp. 6, 99–102, 116–17,no.11. Diözesanmuseum, Freising. Originally commissioned 21. Talbot,“Empress Theodora,”p. 302; Robert S. by the deacon Manuel Dishypatos, who was later Nelson and John Lowden,“The Palaeologina Group: metropolitan of Thessalonike, from 1258 to 1261,it Additional Manuscripts and New Questions,” DOP was overpainted in order to be presented by Manuel 45 (1991), pp. 59–68; Lowden,“Manuscript Illu- to Duke Giangaleazzo Visconti of Milan sometime mination,”in Byzantium: Faith and Power, p. 260. about 1399–1402; see Maria Vassilaki,“Praying for 22.Georgios Galavaris, Hiera Mon∑ Iv∑røn: Eikono- the Salvation of the Empire?” in Images of the Mother graph∑mena cheirographa [The Holy Monastery of of God: Perceptions of the Theotokos in Byzantium, Iveron: Illustrated manuscripts] (Hagion Oros, 2000), ed. Maria Vassilaki (Aldershot, Hampshire, 2005), pp. 84–87, figs. 57–58; Lowden,“Manuscript Illumi- pp. 263–74. nation,”in Byzantium: Faith and Power, p. 260. 15. Petre Guran,“Jean VI Cantacuzène, l’hésychasme et 23.Katia Loverdou-Tsigarida, Th∑sauroi tou Agiou Orous l’empire: Les miniatures du codex Parisinus graecus [Treasures of the Holy Mountain], exh. cat., 2d ed. 1242,”in L’empereur hagiographe: Culte des saints et (Thessalonike, 1997), pp. 346–47,no.9.29. monarchie byzantine et post-byzantine, ed. Petre Guran 24.Angeliki E. Laiou,“The Byzantine Aristocracy (Bucharest, 2001), pp. 73–121; Byzantium: Faith and in the Palaeologan Period:A Story of Arrested Power, pp. 286–87,no.171. Development,” Viator 4 (1973), pp. 131–51, esp. p. 141, 16. On this group of manuscripts, see Erich Lamberz, reprinted in Angeliki E. Laiou, Gender, Society and “H∑ biblioth∑k∑ kai ta cheirographa t∑s,”in Hiera Economic Life in Byzantium (Hampshire and Megist∑ Mon∑ Vatopaidiou:Parados∑ – historia – techn∑ Brookfield,Vt., 1992), no.VI; Laiou,“Sto Byzantio [The library and its manuscripts, in the Holy Great tøn Palaiologøn” (as in note 1 above), pp. 283–94, Monastery of Vatopedi:Tradition – history – art], esp. pp. 289ff. For a study of Byzantine aristocracy 2 vols. (Hagion Oros, 1996), vol. 2,pp.562–74, from 1204 to 1347, see Demetrios S. Kyritses, The 672–77. On the codex Skeuophylakion 16, see ibid., Byzantine Aristocracy in the Thirteenth and Early p. 569, figs. 506, 513–14, and Sotiris Kadas,“Ta Fourteenth Centuries, Ph.D. diss., Cambridge Mass., eikonograph∑mena cheirographa” [The illustrated Harvard University, 1997. For the role of aristocrats manuscripts], in ibid., p. 597, fig. 544. at the time of Andronikos II, see Demetrios S. 17. See Macrides,“The New Constantine,”pp. 34–36, Kyritses,“Kratos kai aristokratia t∑n epoch∑ tou for descriptions of the peplos by the Byzantine ora- Andronikou II:To adiexodo t∑s stasimot∑tas” [State tor Manuel Holobolos; see also Helen C. Evans, and aristocracy in the time of Andronikos II:The “Byzantium: Faith and Power (1261–1557),”in stalemate of stagnation], in Manuel Panselinos and His Byzantium: Faith and Power, p. 14, fig. 1.13.Another Age, The National Hellenic Research Foundation. altar cloth was presented to Pope Gregory X by Institute for Byzantine Research. Byzantium Today, 3 Michael VIII in 1274, on the occasion of the Council (Athens, 1999), pp. 177–94. of Lyon; see Pauline Johnstone, The Byzantine Tradition 25. On Glabas, see Cyril Mango,“The Monument and in Church Embroidery (London, 1967), pp. 76–77. Its History,”in Hans Belting, Cyril Mango, and 18. Byzantium: Faith and Power, pp. 314–15,no.188. Most Doula Mouriki, The Mosaics and Frescoes of St. Mary probably the epitaphios dates from the time of the Pammakaristos (Fethiye Camii) at Istanbul, Dumbarton renovation of Saint Sophia by Archbishop Gregory Oaks Studies, 15 (Washington,D.C., 1978), pp. 11ff. (r. 1313–28). See also the superb epitaphios of Glabas is also known to have founded the monastery

Patronage and Artistic Production 93 of Theotokos Atheniotissa in Constantinople, Camii in Istanbul (London and Istanbul, 2002); A[lbert] Failler,“Pachymeriana altera,” Revue des Kidonopoulos, Bauten, pp. 19–25; Peter Weiss, Die études byzantines 46 (1988), pp. 80, 83; Kidonopoulos, Mosaiken des Chora-Klosters in Istanbul:Theologie in Bauten, pp. 67–68. Bildern aus spätbyzantinischer Zeit (Stuttgart and 26.On the architecture of the chapel, see Chryssanthi Zurich, 1997); Robert S. Nelson,“Taxation with Mauropoulou-Tsioumi,“To parekkl∑sio tou Hagiou Representation: Visual Narrative and the Political Euthymiou ston Hagio D∑metrio Thessalonik∑s,”in Field of the Kariye Camii,” Art History 22,no.1 Manuel Pansel∑nos: Ek tou hierou naou tou Prøtatou (March 1999), pp. 56–82; Robert S. Nelson,“The [The parekklesion of Saint Euthymios in Thessalonike’s Chora and the Great Church: Intervisuality in church of Saint Demetrios, in Manuel Panselinos: Fourteenth-Century Constantinople,” Byzantine and From the Holy Church of the Protaton], exh. cat. Modern Greek Studies 23 (1999), pp. 67–101; Holger (Thessalonike, 2003), pp. 89–95 (with previous A. Klein, ed., in collaboration with Robert G. bibliography). On the frescoes, see Geørgios A. and Ousterhout, Restoring Byzantium:The Kariye Camii Marias G. Søt∑riou, H∑ basilik∑ tou Hagiou D∑m∑triou in Istanbul and the Byzantine Institute Restoration Thessalonik∑s [The basilica of Saint Demetrios (New York, 2004); Øystein Hjort,“‘Oddities’ and in Thessalonike], Biblioth∑k∑ t∑s en Ath∑nais ‘Refinements’:Aspects of Architecture, Space and Archaiologik∑s hetaireias, 34 (Athens, 1952), vol. 1, Narrative in the Mosaics of Kariye Camii,”in pp. 213–20, vol. 2, pls. 82–93; Thalia Gouma-Peterson, Interaction and Isolation in Late Byzantine Culture, ed. “The Parecclesion of St. Euthymios in Thessalonica: Jan Olof Rosenqvist, Swedish Research Institute in Art and Monastic Policy under Andronicos II,” Istanbul,Transactions, 13 (Istanbul, 2004), pp. 27–43. The Art Bulletin 58,no.2 (June 1976), pp. 168–83; 32. Talbot,“Restoration,”pp. 255–57;Talbot,“Building Thalia Gouma-Peterson,“Christ as Ministrant and Activity,”pp. 332–36, 338–40; Kidonopoulos, Bauten, the Priest as Ministrant of Christ in a Palaeologan pp. 5–8, 74–76, 33–36, 51–52, 9–10, 69–74. On a Program of 1303,” DOP 32 (1978), pp. 199–205; church commissioned by Alexios Apokaukos at Thalia Gouma-Peterson,“The Frescoes of the Selymbria (modern Silivri) in Thrace between 1321 Parekklesion of St. Euthymios in : and 1328, as recorded by his monograms on two Patrons,Workshops and Style,”in The Twilight marble capitals, see Byzantium: Faith and Power, of Byzantium:Aspects of Cultural and Religious History p. 111, nos. 56A, B (with previous bibliography). in the Late Byzantine Empire, ed. Slobodan C´urçic´ 33. Laiou,“Sto Byzantio tøn Palaiologøn” (as in note 1 and Doula Mouriki (Princeton, N.J., 1991), above), pp. 285–86. pp. 111–59. 34. Denis A. Zakythinos, Le despotat grec de Morée, ed. and 27.Sharon E. J. Gerstel,“Civic and Monastic Influences on rev. Chryssa Maltézou, 2 vols. (London, 1975), vol. 2, Church Decoration in Late Byzantine Thessalonike,” pp. 211–12. DOP 57 (2003), pp. 228–30. 35. On the monograms, see Gabriel Millet,“Inscriptions 28.Euthymios Tsigaridas,“Erga apodidomena ston byzantines de Mistra,” Bulletin de Correspondance Manou∑l Pansel∑no kai to ergast∑rio tou,”in Manuel Hellénique 23 (1899), pp. 142–43; Høres Byzantiou: H∑ Pansel∑nos: Ek tou hierou naou tou Prøtatou [Works Politeia tou Mystra [Byzantine hours:The city of attributed to Manuel Panselinos and his atelier, in Mistra], exh. cat. (Athens, 2001), p. 71, fig. 72.The Manuel Panselinos: From the Holy Church of the identification with the church dedicated to Christ Protaton], pp. 51–56. Recently restored frescoes in Zoodotes was based on a patriarchal sigillion of the the Vatopedi Monastery (1312) have also been attrib- year 1365; F[ranciscus] Miklosich and J[osephus] uted to the same master; Euthymios Tsigaridas,“Ta Müller, eds., Acta patriarchatus Constantinopolitani ps∑phidøta kai hoi byzantines toichographies [The MCCXV–MCCCII ...,Acta et diplomata graeca mosaics and the Byzantine frescoes],”in Hiera Megist∑ medii aevi sacra et profana, 1 (Vienna, 1860), Mon∑ Vatopaidiou, vol. 1,pp.259–79. pp. 472–74; Zakythinos, Le Despotat grec de Morée, 29.Belting, Mango, and Mouriki, The Mosaics. See also vol. 1,pp.105, 106, 114, vol. 2,pp.197, 298; Manolis Kidonopoulos, Bauten, pp. 80–86. Chatzidakis, :The Medieval City and the Castle 30. Belting, Mango, and Mouriki, The Mosaics, p. 22. (Athens, 1985), pp. 69–71. On the iconographic 31. Paul A. Underwood, The Kariye Djami, vols. 1–3, layout, see Suzy Dufrenne, Les programmes icono- Historical Introduction and Description of the Mosaics graphiques des églises byzantines de Mistra (Paris, 1970), and Frescoes (New York and Princeton, N.J., 1966); pp. 13, 16–17. On the northeast chapel (1348–54), see Underwood, ed., The Kariye Djami, vol. 4 (as in note Nikolaos B. Drandak∑s,“Hoi toichographies tou BA 5 above); Robert G. Ousterhout, The Architecture of parekkl∑siou t∑s Hagias Sophias Mystra [The frescoes the Kariye Camii in Istanbul, Dumbarton Oaks Studies, of the northeast parekklesion of Mistra’s Saint 25 (Washington,D.C., 1987); Robert G. Ousterhout, Sophia],” Epist∑monik∑ Epet∑ris Philosophik∑s Schol∑s “The Virgin of the Chora:An Image and Its Contents,” Panepistemious Athenøn 28 (1979–85), pp. 469–90; in The Sacred Image East and West, ed. Robert on the southeast chapel (after 1366), see Melita Ousterhout and Leslie Brubaker (Urbana, 1995), Emmanuel,“H∑ Hagia Sophia tou Mystra: Para- pp. 91–109; Robert Ousterhout, The Art of the Kariye t∑r∑seis stis toichographies kai sto eikonographiko

94 Byzantium: Faith and Power (1261–1557): Perspectives programma,”in Miltos Garid∑s (1926–1996) Aphierøma figs. 265–69. Only John’s portrait is preserved on the [Saint Sophia of Mistra: Observations on the frescoes margin of the icon. and the iconographic program, in Miltos Garides 43.Maria Theochar∑,“Panagia h∑ Artøkosta: La beata (1926–1996):A tribute] (Ioannina, 2003), pp. 153–86. Vergine delle Grazie” [The Virgin Artokosta:The 36. Gabriel Millet et al., Monuments byzantins de Mistra: Blessed Virgin of Grace], Archaiologik∑ Eph∑meris Máteriaux pour l’étude de l’architecture et de la peinture (1953–54), vol. 3,pp.232–52. en Grèce aux XIVe et XVe siècles, Monuments de l’art 44.Katia Loverdou-Tsigarida,“Byzantin∑ Mikrotechnia” byzantin, 2 (Paris, 1910), pls. 108–31; Chatzidakis, [Byzantine minor arts], in Hiera Megist∑ Mon∑ Mystras, pp. 73–89. On the layout, see Dufrenne, Les Vatopaidiou, vol. 2,pp.487–88, and vol. 1, figs. 29–31. programmes, pp. 14–16; on the iconography,see Doula On the icon, and on other precious objects attributed Mouriki,“Tessares m∑ melet∑theisai sk∑nai tou biou to workshops in Thessalonike, see Katia Loverdou- t∑s Panagias eis Periblepton tou Mystra” [Four Tsigarida,“Thessalonique, centre de production unstudied scenes of the in the d’objets d’arts au XIVe siècle,” DOP 57 (2003), church of the Peribleptos in Mistra], Archaiologik∑ pp. 241–54, esp. pp. 249–50, fig. 12. Eph∑meris (1968), Chronika, pp. 1–6; Doula Mouriki, 45. Loverdou-Tsigarida,“Byzantin∑ Mikrotechnia,” “Hai biblikai proeikoniseis t∑s Panagias eis ton vol. 2,pp.475–77, figs. 420–25, and vol. 1, fig. 26; troullon t∑s Peribleptou tou Mystra” [The biblical Loverdou-Tsigarida, Th∑sauroi tou Agiou Orous, prefigurations of the Virgin in the dome of the pp. 334–35,no.9.14 (as in note 23 above). church of the Peribleptos in Mistra], Archaiologikon 46.Gabriel Millet and A[natole] Frolow, La peinture Deltion 25 (1970), Meletai, pp. 217–51; on the patrons du Moyen Âge en Yougoslavie (Serbie, Macédoine, et and the date of the church of the Peribleptos, see Monténégro), vol. 3 (Paris, 1962), pls. 1–18; Horst Aspasia Louvi-Kizi,“Hoi kt∑tores t∑s Peribleptou Hallensleben, Die Malerschule des Königs Milutin tou Mystra” [The ktetors of the Peribleptos Church (Giessen, 1963), pp. 26–29, 51–53, 128–33, and passim; in Mistra],” DChAE 24 (2003), pp. 101–18. Richard Hamann-MacLean and Horst Hallensleben, 37. Millet,“Inscriptions,”pp. 134–38. On the frescoes, Die Monumentalmalerei in Serbien und Makedonien vom see Millet, Monuments byzantins de Mistra, pls. 137–51; 11. bis zum frühen 14. Jahrhundert, 3 vols. (Giessen, Dufrenne, Les programmes, pp. 10–13; Chatzidakis, 1963–76), vol. 1,pp.28–29, figs. 160–81; Petar Mystras, pp. 134–38; Doula Mouriki,“The Wall Miljkovic´-Pepek, Deloto na zografite Mihailo i Eutihij Paintings of the Pantanassa at Mistra: Models of a [The work of the painters Michael and Eutychios] Painters’Workshop in the Fifteenth Century,”in The (Skopje, 1967), pp. 43–51, 203–17, and passim; Twilight of Byzantium, pp. 217–50; Mary Aspra- Branislav Todic´, Serbian Medieval Painting:The Age of Vardavak ∑ and Melita Emmanuel, H∑ Mon∑ t∑s King Milutin (Belgrade, 1999), passim. Pantanassas ston Mystra: Hoi toichographies tou 15ou 47. The most recent work on the subject is Branislav aiøna [The Pantanassa Monastery in Mistra:The Todic´,“‘Signatures’ des peintres Michel Astrapas et fifteenth-century wall paintings] (Athens, 2005). Eutychios: Fonction et signification,” Aphierøma st∑ 38. Mouriki,“The Wall Paintings of the Pantanassa,” mn∑m∑ tou Søt∑r∑ Kissa [A tribute to the memory of p. 231. Sotiris Kissas] (Thessalonike, 2001), pp. 643–62 (with 39. Byzantium: Faith and Power, pp. 26–27,no.2 (with complete previous bibliography). previous bibliography). 48.Stylianos Pelekanidis, Kallierg∑s, Hol∑s Thettalias aristos 40.Iohannis Spatharakis, The Portrait in Byzantine zøgraphos [Kallierges, the finest painter in all of Illuminated Manuscripts (Leiden, 1976), pp. 190–206; Thessaly], Biblioth∑k∑ t∑s en Ath∑nais Archaiologik∑s Anthony Cutler and Paul Magdalino,“Some Precisions Hetaireias, 75 (Athens, 1973); Thanass∑s Papazøtos, on the Lincoln College Typikon,” Cahiers Archéologiques H∑ Veroia kai hoi naoi t∑s (11os–18os ai.): Historik∑ kai 27 (1978), pp. 179–98; Irmgard Hutter,“Die Geschichte archaiologik∑ spoud∑ tøn mn∑meiøn t∑s pol∑s [Veroia and des Lincoln College Typikons,” Jahrbuch der Österreich- its churches (11th–18th centuries):A historical and ischen Byzantinistik 45 (1995), pp. 79–114; Irmgard archaeological study of the city’s monuments] Hutter, Corpus der byzantinischen Miniaturenhandschriften, (Athens, 1994), pp. 253–60;Anna Tsitouridou-Turbié, Denkmäler der Buchkunst, 5 vols. (Stuttgart, 1977– ), “Remarques sur le programme iconographique de vol. 5 (1997), pp. 56–62, figs. 201–21, pls. 6–18.For l’église du Christ Sauveur à Veroia,” Byzantinische the text of the typikon, see Hippolyte Delehaye, Malerei: Bildprogramme – Ikonographie – Stil; Symposion Deux typika byzantins de l’époque des Paléologues in Marburg vom 25.–29.6.1977, ed. Guntram Koch (Brussels, 1921), pp. 18–105; Byzantine Monastic (Wiesbaden, 2000), pp. 337–44, pl. 45; see also Doula Foundation Documents (as in note 6 above), vol. 4, Mouriki,“Stylistic Trends in Monumental Painting pp. 1512–78 (trans.Alice-Mary Talbot). of Greece at the Beginning of the Fourteenth 41. Donald M. Nicol,“Constantine Akropolites:A Pro- Century,”in L’art byzantin du début du XIVe siècle: sopographical Note,” DOP 19 (1965), pp. 249–56; Symposium de Graçanica 1973 (Belgrade, 1978), Byzantium: Faith and Power, pp. 28–30,no.4. pp. 66–68;Todic´, Serbian Medieval Painting, pp. 264–76. 42.A[lisa] V[ladimirovna] Bank, Byzantine Art in the 49.Doula Mouriki, Hoi toichographies tou Hagiou Nikolaou Collections of the U.S.S.R. (Leningrad, 1966), p. 377, st∑n Platsa t∑s Man∑s [The frescoes of Hagios

Patronage and Artistic Production 95 Nikolaos in Platsa in the Mani] (Athens, 1975). explained by reference to different commissions— Another tzaousios is mentioned as a donor, in collab- aristocratic in Constantinople and clerical in Thessa- oration with a priest, in the dedicatory inscription lonike; see “Tales of Two Cities: The Patronage of of the church of Saint George at Longanikos in Early Palaeologan Art and Architecture in Constan- Laconia (1374–75). On the inscription, see Denis tinople and Thessaloniki,”in Manuel Panselinos and Feissel and Anne Philippidis-Braat,“III. Inscriptions His Age, pp. 127–45. du Péloponnèse (à l’exception de Mistra),” Inventaires 55. Andreas Xyngopoulos, H∑ ps∑phidøt∑ diakosm∑sis en vue d’un recueil des inscriptions historiques de Byzance, tou Naou tøn Hagiøn Apostoløn Thessalonik∑s [The Travaux et Mémoires 9 (1989), pp. 339–40; on the church, mosaic decoration of the church of Holy Apostles see Olympia Chassoura, Les peintures murales byzan- at Thessalonike] (Thessalonike, 1953);Andreas tines des églises de Longanikos, Laconie (Athens, 2002). Xyngopoulos,“Les fresques de l’église des Saints- 50.Byzantium: Faith and Power, pp. 316–17,no.190. Apôtres à Thessalonique,”in Art et société à Byzance 51. Jenny Albani,“Byzantinische Freskomalerei in der sous les Paléologues:Actes du colloque organisé par Kirche Panagia Chrysaphitissa: Retrospektive l’Association Internationale des Études Byzantines à Tendenzen eines lakonischen Monuments,” Jahrbuch Venise en Septembre 1968 (Venice, 1971), pp. 83–89; der Österreichischen Byzantinistik 38 (1988), pp. 363–88; Christine Stephan, Ein byzantinisches Bildensemble: Jenny Albani, Die byzantinischen Wandmalereien der Die Mosaiken und die Fresken der Apostelkirche zu Panagia Chrysaphitissa-Kirche in Chrysapha / Lakonien, Thessaloniki (Worms, 1986); Sotirios Kisas,“O vre- Hefte zur byzantinischen Archäologie und Kunst, 6 menu nastanka fresaka u ckvi Svetih Apostola u (Athens, 2000); Jenny Albani,“Zu einem Patriarchen- Solunu” [The date of the frescoes of the Holy bildnis in der Kirche der Panagia Chrysaphitissa in Apostles in Thessalonike], Zograf 7 (1977), Chrysapha auf der Peloponnes,”in Byzantinische pp. 52–57; Mouriki,“Stylistic Trends,”pp. 62–63; Malerei, pp. 9–23;Anastasia Kontogiannopoulou,“To Maria Panayotidi,“Les tendances de la peinture de portreto tou Patriarch∑ Arseniou Autøreianou st∑n Thessalonique en comparaison avec celles de Panagia Chrysaphitissa t∑s Lacønias (1289/90): Mia Constantinople, comme expression de la situation prospatheia istorik∑s herm∑neias” [The portrait of the politico-économique de ces villes pendant le XIVe Patriarch Arsenios Autoreianos in the church of the siècle,”in Byzantium and Serbia in the 14th Century Panagia Chrysaphitissa in Laconia:An attempt at histor- (Athens, 1996), pp. 354–55. ical interpretation], Byzantiaka 19 (1999), pp. 223–38. 56. Millet, Monuments byzantins de Mistra, pls. 64–87; 52.Sophia Kalopissi-Verti, Dedicatory Inscriptions and Dufrenne, Les programmes, pp. 5–8; Chatzidakis, Donor Portraits in Thirteenth-Century Churches of Mystras, pp. 35–43; Manolis Chatzidakis,“Neøtera Greece,Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für gia t∑n historia kai t∑n techn∑ t∑s M∑tropol∑s tou die Tabula Imperii Byzantini, 5 (Vienna, 1992), Mystra” [New findings on the history and art of pp. 101–2, figs. 95–97. the church of the Metropolis of Mistra], DChAE 9 53. A similar example of patronage is represented by the (1976–79), pp. 143–79; Georgia Marinou, Hagios mid-thirteenth-century church of Saint Demetrios D∑metrios: He M∑tropol∑ tou Mystra [Saint Demetrios: at Kampianika on the island of Kythera, in which an The Metropolis of Mistra] (Athens, 2002), pp. 87–102, anonymous couple is depicted in the apse kneeling pls. 1–13; Hjalmar Torp,“A Consideration of the Wall- on both sides of the figure of Saint Demetrios.Their Paintings of the Metropolis at Mistra,”in Interaction precious garments identify them as members of the and Isolation in Late Byzantine Culture, pp. 70–88. local aristocracy,while the naive artistic approach of 57. Millet,“Inscriptions,”pp. 121–31; Manousos Manou- the wall paintings indicates the provincial character sakas,“He Chronologia t∑s kt∑torik∑s epigraph∑s tou of both patrons and artists. Manolis Chatzidakis and Hagiou D∑metriou tou Mystra” [The dating of the Ioanna Bitha, Corpus of the Byzantine Wall-Paintings founder’s inscription in Saint Demetrios at Mistra], of Greece:The Island of Kythera (Athens, 2003), DChAE 1 (1959), pp. 72–79. pp. 147–48, figs. 6–8. 58. Millet, Monuments byzantins de Mistra, pls. 92–103; 54.Marcus L. Rautman,“Patrons and Buildings in Late Dufrenne, Les programmes, pp. 8–12; Chatzidakis, Byzantine Thessaloniki,” Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Mystras, pp. 59–66. On the iconography of the Byzantinistik 39 (1989), pp. 306–8; Marcus L. Rautman, narthex, see recently Rhodoniki Etzeoglou,“The “Aspects of Monastic Patronage in Palaeologan Cult of the Virgin Zoodochos Pege at Mistra,”in Macedonia,”in The Twilight of Byzantium, pp. 53–74; Images of the Mother of God: Perceptions of the Theotokos Kidonopoulos, Bauten, pp. 232–42. See also Angeliki in Byzantium, pp. 239–49. Pachomios is also men- E. Laiou-Thomadakis,“Saints and Society in the tioned in the dedicatory inscription of the church of Late Byzantine Empire,”in Charanis Studies: Essays in the Saints Theodore in Mistra (shortly before 1296); Honor of Peter Charanis, ed.Angeliki E. Laiou- see Byzantium: Faith and Power, pp. 81–82,no.37. Thomadakis (New Brunswick, N.J., 1980), pp. 84–114. 59.Millet,“Inscriptions,”pp. 100–118; see also Sophia Robert Nelson in a recent study has argued that Kalopissi-Verti,“Church Inscriptions as Documents: stylistic differences in the Early Palaiologan art of the Chrysobulls – Ecclesiastical Acts – Inventories – two major Byzantine cities may,to some extent, be Donations – Wills,” DChAE 24 (2003), pp. 100–118.

96 Byzantium: Faith and Power (1261–1557): Perspectives 60.Mouriki,“Stylistic Trends,”pp. 72–73. Mani], Biblioth∑k∑ t∑s en Ath∑nais Archaiologik∑s 61. Georgios D∑metrokall∑s, Geraki: Hoi toichographies tøn Hetaireias, 141 (Athens, 1995), pp. 307–39; on the naøn tou kastrou [Geraki:The frescoes of the churches inscription, see Kalopissi-Verti, Dedicatory Inscriptions, of the castle] (Athens, 2001), pp. 100–138. See also pp. 67–69 (with previous bibliography). the church of the Phaneromene at Phrangoulianika 66.The total cost for the construction and decoration of in the Mani, the wall decoration of which, in its the barrel-vaulted, single-nave church, which meas- second phase, was sponsored by a group of priests ures 3.95 by 2.43 meters (13 x 8 feet), amounted to in 1322–23; Chara Kønstantinid∑, Ho naos t∑s fourteen and a half gold coins. Phanerømen∑s sta Phrankoulianika t∑s Mesa Man∑s 67.Sophia Kalopissi-Verti,“Ho naos tou Archangelou [The Church of Phaneromene at Phrangoulianika in Micha∑l ston Polemita t∑s Mesa Man∑s (1278),” the Inner Mani] (Athens, 1998). in Antiphonon:Aphierøma ston Kath∑g∑t∑ N. B. 62.Byzantium: Faith and Power, pp. 343–44,no.202, Drandak∑ [The Church of the Archangel reprinted in Pilgrimage to Sinai:Treasures from the Michael at Polemitas in the Inner Mani (1278), in Holy Monastery of Saint Catherine, ed.Anastasia Antiphonon: Offering to Professor N. B. Drandak∑s] Drandaki, exh. cat., Benaki Museum (Athens, 2004), (Thessalonike, 1994), pp. 451–74; Kalopissi-Verti, pp. 176–77,no.34. Dedicatory Inscriptions, pp. 71–75 (with previous bibli- 63.On communal and cooperative patronage, see ography). Cutler,“Art in Byzantine Society” (as in note 2 68.The British Library,London,Add. Ms. 39627. above), pp. 760–63. Byzantium: Faith and Power, pp. 56–57,no.27 (with 64. Phan∑ Drosoyann∑, Scholia stis toichographies t∑s ekkle- previous bibliography). sias tou Hagiou Iøannou tou Prodromou st∑ Megal∑ 69.Gordana Babic´,“Nizovi portreta srpskih episkopa, Kastania Man∑s [Remarks on the frescoes of the arhiepiskopa i patrijaraha u zidnovu slikarstvu church of Saint John Prodromos at Megale Kastania (xiii–xvi v.),”in Sava Nemanjic´–Saint Sava: Histoire et in the Mani], Biblioth∑k∑ t∑s en Ath∑nais Archaio- tradition, décembre, 1976 (Belgrade, 1979), pp. 319–40; logik∑s hetaireias, 98 (Athens, 1982); on the inscrip- Svetozar Radojçic´, Portreti srpskih vladara u Srednjem tion, see also Kalopissi-Verti, Dedicatory Inscriptions, veku, 2d ed. (1934; Belgrade, 1996). See also Vojislav J. pp. 65–66 (with previous bibliography). -Duric´, Byzantinische Fresken in Jugoslawien (Belgrade, 65. Nikolaos B. Drandak∑s, Byzantines toichographies 1976), passim;Todic´, Serbian Medieval Painting (as in t∑s Mesa Man∑s [Byzantine frescoes of the Inner note 46 above), passim.

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