PHIL 3531: Topics in Chinese Philosophy: Huanglao Daoism Term 2, 2019
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Emptying the Mind and Stilling the Body Syncretism in the Concept of Self-Regulation in Chapter 22 of the Chunqiu Fanlu
Original Paper UDC 111:159.9.016.1(315) Received April 24th, 2014 Ivana Buljan University of Zagreb, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Ivana Lučića 3, HR–10000 Zagreb [email protected] Emptying the Mind and Stilling the Body Syncretism in the Concept of Self-Regulation in Chapter 22 of the Chunqiu fanlu Abstract The concept of shen 身, meaning a person in all his or her physiological, psychological, and sociological aspects, is an important concept in Chinese philosophy. What the nature of shen is, and consequently how to maintain, regulate, and cultivate one’s own body/self/ person, has been a prominent philosophical issue in China. This article examines how this issue was comprehended in Chapter 22, the “Tong guo shen” 通 國身 (“Linking the State and the Body”) chapter, of the important Chinese philosophical compendium the Chunqiu fanlu 春秋繁露, traditionally ascribed to Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒 (c. 179 to 104 BCE). This article follows and expands upon research conducted by Sarah Queen, who suggested that some of the chapters of the unit to which the “Tong guo shen” belongs are character ised by a syncretic approach and suggest familiarity with inner-cultivation techniques. This article particularly focuses on syncretism in the notion of selfregulation in the “Tong guo shen” chapter. It examines the core principles, values, concepts, and ideas of self-regulation in the context of the Chunqiu fanlu’s earlier sources. Through an examination of texts and documents produced from the Spring and Autumn period to the end of the Eastern Han dy nasty, this paper reconstructs the idea of self-regulation through a mutually corroborative philological and philosophical analysis. -
Mirror, Death, and Rhetoric: Reading Later Han Chinese Bronze Artifacts Author(S): Eugene Yuejin Wang Source: the Art Bulletin, Vol
Mirror, Death, and Rhetoric: Reading Later Han Chinese Bronze Artifacts Author(s): Eugene Yuejin Wang Source: The Art Bulletin, Vol. 76, No. 3, (Sep., 1994), pp. 511-534 Published by: College Art Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3046042 Accessed: 17/04/2008 11:17 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=caa. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We enable the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. http://www.jstor.org Mirror, Death, and Rhetoric: Reading Later Han Chinese Bronze Artifacts Eugene Yuejin Wang a 1 Jian (looking/mirror), stages of development of ancient ideograph (adapted from Zhongwendazzdian [Encyclopedic dictionary of the Chinese language], Taipei, 1982, vi, 9853) History as Mirror: Trope and Artifact people. -
Economic Cycles in Ancient China
NBER WORKING PAPER SERIES ECONOMIC CYCLES IN ANCIENT CHINA Yaguang Zhang Guo Fan John Whalley Working Paper 21672 http://www.nber.org/papers/w21672 NATIONAL BUREAU OF ECONOMIC RESEARCH 1050 Massachusetts Avenue Cambridge, MA 02138 October 2015 This paper is the second of a planned series examining the Chinese history of ancient economic thought in light of later Western thought. The first paper is Monetary Theory and Policy from a Chinese Historical Perspective which has been published in China Economic Review (Volume 26, September 2013, Pages 89-104.) This work is of importance in better understanding the Chinese policy response to the global issues of the day; the financial crisis, global warming and climate change. We acknowledge financial support from the Ontario Research Fund (ORF-F3), IDRC, and the Centre for International Governance Innovation (CIGI), Waterloo Ontario. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Bureau of Economic Research. NBER working papers are circulated for discussion and comment purposes. They have not been peer- reviewed or been subject to the review by the NBER Board of Directors that accompanies official NBER publications. © 2015 by Yaguang Zhang, Guo Fan, and John Whalley. All rights reserved. Short sections of text, not to exceed two paragraphs, may be quoted without explicit permission provided that full credit, including © notice, is given to the source. Economic Cycles in Ancient China Yaguang Zhang, Guo Fan, and John Whalley NBER Working Paper No. 21672 October 2015 JEL No. N1,N15 ABSTRACT We discuss business cycles in ancient China. -
Early Chinese Diplomacy: Realpolitik Versus the So-Called Tributary System
realpolitik versus tributary system armin selbitschka Early Chinese Diplomacy: Realpolitik versus the So-called Tributary System SETTING THE STAGE: THE TRIBUTARY SYSTEM AND EARLY CHINESE DIPLOMACY hen dealing with early-imperial diplomacy in China, it is still next W to impossible to escape the concept of the so-called “tributary system,” a term coined in 1941 by John K. Fairbank and S. Y. Teng in their article “On the Ch’ing Tributary System.”1 One year later, John Fairbank elaborated on the subject in the much shorter paper “Tribu- tary Trade and China’s Relations with the West.”2 Although only the second work touches briefly upon China’s early dealings with foreign entities, both studies proved to be highly influential for Yü Ying-shih’s Trade and Expansion in Han China: A Study in the Structure of Sino-Barbarian Economic Relations published twenty-six years later.3 In particular the phrasing of the latter two titles suffices to demonstrate the three au- thors’ main points: foreigners were primarily motivated by economic I am grateful to Michael Loewe, Hans van Ess, Maria Khayutina, Kathrin Messing, John Kiesch nick, Howard L. Goodman, and two anonymous Asia Major reviewers for valuable suggestions to improve earlier drafts of this paper. Any remaining mistakes are, of course, my own responsibility. 1 J. K. Fairbank and S. Y. Teng, “On the Ch’ing Tributary System,” H JAS 6.2 (1941), pp. 135–246. 2 J. K. Fairbank in FEQ 1.2 (1942), pp. 129–49. 3 Yü Ying-shih, Trade and Expansion in Han China: A Study in the Structure of Sino-barbarian Economic Relations (Berkeley and Los Angeles: U. -
Inner Enterprise (Guanzi, Neiye 管子。內業)
“Early Chinese Thought” Course Readings (R. Eno) The Inner Enterprise (Guanzi, Neiye 管子。內業) Towards the close of the fourth century BCE the new ruling house of the state of Qi 齊 decided to strengthen its prestige by establishing an academy at its capital city of Linzi. This academy, which was located near a gate in the city wall known as the Jixia 稷下 Gate, was intended to serve as a magnet for intellectual talent that would both redound to the credit of the Qi rulers and also provide it with a promising group of young men from which to recruit government talent. This institution became known as the Jixia Academy, and it became the intellectual center of early third century China. Jixia was attractive to learned men of every variety. We do not know precisely how men came to receive appointments there, but it seems likely that all that was needed was for a master and his disciples to find a patron among the patricians of Qi to recommend an appointment to the ruler. If the Qi court deemed such a master worthy of installment among the wise men of Jixia, then he would receive from the ruling house a stipend sufficient for his needs – including his need to house and feed his disciples – and in return he would simply be expected to remain at Jixia, accepting disciples and participating in the ceremonial events of the Academy. Once the most famous masters of China were assembled at Jixia, young men came there in numbers to select a master and be trained in some tradition that would provide them with a path to employment, fame, or simply intellectual fulfillment. -
Guanzi Yu Qi Wenhua [Guanzi and the Culture of Qi], Eds
ࡊጯኢᕍƟௐ 76 ഇƟϔ઼ 107 ѐ 6 ͡Ɵࢱ 31-60ڼ߆ ჯĈޥĮგ̄įາ઼छநኢ۞ચ၁ *ᝋ˧ะ֭̚ࢦۤົώវ ోᑕࣰ** ၡࢋ ώ͛ဘྏआથҌߋࡌጼ઼઼छඕၹ۞ႊតůӈଂѣ઼छ̝ ᖐĂᖼڼຽଂྵᗫ۞߆هछ۞ໄ઼ځĂ֭ᄲטᎩ۞ֽޢᗖݭҌ Вᝋ˧ࡍ࣎ˠϠ߿۞າ઼छĄ҃Įგ̄į̳ڱࠎໂࠎૻ̂۞ะ̚Ъ நăаᑕ࣎វᄃ઼छ۞ღૺၗ๕Ąߏ߇ĂٺૺĶЯķĂѣӄڼ߆۞ Ăତᜈኢ̈́Įგ̄į३۞͛ώᛳّăځώ͛А၆઼छඕၹ۞ᖼតซҖᄲ ڍ၆઼̚ѝഇ઼छ۞።Ϋࡁտјـ࿅ٺĂ࠹ણޢؠҜᄃ̰टౘĄ̝ Ă၆Įგ̄į۞઼छநኢү˘ӔޘຐΫķĶ၆ྖķ۞֎ޥ৭дĶ֭ ώǕۤົᄃ࣎វბώд˟ٺĄТॡώ͛൴னĂĮგ̄į઼छநኢಧૄځ ĶЯึķăĶЯೈķ۞Ķࠎٺ۰ĞӖğბώڼϔଐˠّ̝Ӏच ᄃĮგ̄įซҖ၆ྖĄهĂ࠽ਕᖣώវኢĞOntologyğ̝ໄޢķĄڼ̝ ᙯᔣෟĈĮგ̄įă઼छăᝋ˧ăۤົώវ ᛉĂֹώ͛ഴ͌εĄޙDOI:10.6166/TJPS.201806_(76).0002ĄຏᔁઠЩᆶߤˠ೩̝ * րઘିĂE-mail: [email protected]Ąڼঔ̂ጯ߆ڌ ** ќቇ͟ഇĈ106 ѐ 10 ͡ 3 ͟ć఼࿅͟ഇĈ107 ѐ 3 ͡ 14 ͟ ჯĈ ోᑕࣰޥĮგ̄įາ઼छநኢ۞ચ၁ 32 ᝋ˧ะ֭̚ࢦۤົώវ ಥă݈֏ ႙ͽֽĂ֞ϔ઼ 10ă20 ѐĂͽĮΟΫᏰįࠎ८͕۞ႷΟጯఙڌҘጯ Ϋ˯ኢĞᜪܫಶڱજĂ၆઼̚˯ΟΫ೩ᚑᆖ߄ጼĂ઼̚˯ΟΫೀͼྻ ѐጯࢲͶតĂ̙ΪഅజĮΟΫᏰįٙԽᑝ۞ಜܕዯࣣĂ1987Ĉ59-66ğĄ1 ଘ జ።Ϋّ۞ኢĄــ˵ĂޓเܮࡈĂӈ ༊࠹༊ֶᏥ˞˯͵ࡔͽֽ̙ᕝ˿۞г˭҂Οྤफ़ĂͽྤҥĄ ΟΫࡁտ۰Ă̂к้ШͽາϮጡॡͽࢫ̝г˭҂Οྤफ़ᄃ˯ΟثপҾ ć2 পҾߏआഈͽֽĂ̏ˬޓ۞็ᚱ࠹̢ОĂ҃ҿᕝ̣ˬޓ̣ ˘ؠВТপᇈĄ3 ಶˠᙷጯ۞֎ځౌΞͽߏ።Ϋְ၁Ă֭ͷˬ۞͛ छĂҋߏ˘࣎ࢦࢋ۞ኝᗟĄˠᙷ͇Ϡҋົ઼זϔՅརႊซܐĂтңଂޘ ֏Ą҃Ķ઼छķ۞ԛјޞኢ۰ࠤкĂҋֽ̙̫ـϠ߿ĂΟ۞ົۤڼ࿅߆ Ϡ߿ໂĂ༊ໂࣃࡁտĄಶځˠᙷ͛זᄃតࢭĂᇆᜩטߏໂࠎॲώ۞౹ आĂࡗர઼छ۞ᗖԛ႙֞ޓາϮጡॡẶٺ༊ޓΟΫ҃֏Ăเ˯઼̚ གྷᑻࠎົۤڼĂᏉ߆ޘטࠎჩᅳטϣ̡ڱ؟ޙދથҌҘĂͽ̈́ޞј˞Ą Вᝋ˧ࠎࢋপᇈů̳ڱĂͽลᆸล৺̶ϲᄃЪޘטޙދߏ˯ڼᚤĂ4 ߆˘ ΊĄϤᜪዯࣣበᏭĂࢋჟৠߏ၆ 7 ۍௐ 1 ΊؕâВۍĮΟΫᏰįҋϔ઼ 15 ѐ 1 ΟΫ۞ĶંΫķăĶં३ķΐͽᏰĂтᜪͩѣЩ۞ĶᆸౄјᄲķĂ઼̚Ο˯઼̚ ΫĂӮᛳৠྖ็ᄲĂ˜ߏĶંΫķĂ҃˫ѣధкĶંܫܧᚱ۞ᏜĶΟΫķĂ၁ౌ ĂឰႷۍĄĮΟΫᏰį̝ܫ३ķĂ࠹̢ࠎধĄтĂ̂ࡈߏ˘୧̂ᖪĂಜϺ̙Ξ Ϋ៍Ă឵ј˘ͯࢲሗĂԛТ˘࣎ጯఙྻજĄ̈́ޘጯၗڼΟ۞ ķĂᙉրѣ̙ٙТĂ̫̂кͽΦޓĶ̣ٺٙᏜĶˬķĂआથĂШࠎ఼ᄲćҌ 2 ㏩ůಜůĄޓůᗡůޓώࡔįٙЕࠎĂӈเޓዏĮΫĆ̣ ጯࢲĂ̈́ڍҋĮΟΫᏰį̫֞ĂপҾг˭҂Οྤफ़̂ณ˿Ăᇆᜩ˞઼̚ΟΫ۞ࡁտј 3 ͞ࢬ۞ኢΞણ҂Նϒ౼Ğ1992Ĉ3-26ğĄ ˢኢĂ̷҃ޘ֎۞ځᅚጡᄃԒఙ͛ܦѣᙯआથˬۤົВТপᇈĂૺЍۡഅଂ 4 ϡᚑ˘බ۞ྖඕԍĂᚑ˘බ̠ĈĶტ៍ˬ̼͛ĂѣளТ̝ĂϏ⻇ຫৈ࠹ЯĂವ͔ ܕኳྫ˯࠻ֽĂˬ۞̼͛ߏ࠹ۏؠĶଂۺώ˘ਔ࠹ٚĂϏဘѣតķĄૺЍۡ ณ۞ֽ˧ڼԛјᄃعĂᓂ̙ߏТ˘ϔĂҌ͌ߏТ˘ᙷ۞ϔķĄĶˬ۞߆۞ ࠎᇾ۞ኢĂ̙࿅ĂՆϒ౼ݒטϣ̡ڱ؟ޙދߏ࠹Ҭ۞ķĄ༊ĂૺЍ֭ۡϏۡତͽ˵ -
A Study of Shen Dao
慎到 A STUDY OF SHEN DAO John Emerson Copyright 2012 John Emerson [email protected] SHEN DAO: MYSTIC AND BUREAUCRAT I Shen Dao was a member of the Jixia Academy in Qi during the Hundred Schools era, sometime between 350 BC and 275 BC. Xunzi criticized him, Xunzi’s student Han Feizi acknowledged him as one of three masters of Legalism (along with Shang Yang and Shen Buhai), and the author of the Tianxia chapter of Zhuangzi discussed him at some length. Details about his life are scanty and uncertain, but at least we can be sure that he existed and was not purely legendary. The Hundred Schools era was perhaps the most fertile period in the history of Chinese philosophy, but because of censorship and the destruction of war, few of its texts survive, usually in heavily-edited late versions, and many figures are known only as names attached to anecdotes. In the case of Shen Dao, the available material consists of a late text called the Shenzi, the three discussions mentioned above, and scattered quotations and anecdotes of widely differing value. Thompson has carefully edited the materials that remain and I have used his text. Shen Dao is classified sometimes as a Daoist, sometimes as a Legalist, and sometimes as a follower of Huanglao, but these late retrospective classifications are not very helpful. There were no organized Daoist, Legalist, or Huanglao schools comparable to the Mohist and Confucian schools, and in effect, these classifications merely serve to lump tendencies. Insofar as these three labels mean anything, they are probably all applicable to Shen Dao.1 Given the decimation of the sources, it’s hard to discuss the history of Chinese philosophy during that era without the help of speculative assumptions. -
Persistent Misconceptions About Chinese “Legalism” Paul R
Persistent Misconceptions about Chinese “Legalism” Paul R. Goldin The reasons for avoiding the term “legalism” in the study of classical Chinese philosophy were summarized years ago by Herrlee G. Creel, 1 and most scholars would probably agree, if pressed, that the term is flawed, and yet one continues to find it deployed in published books and articles—almost as though no one is prepared to admit that it has to be abandoned. 2 I believe that “legalism” is virtually useless as a hermeneutic lens; indeed, in many contexts it obscures more than it clarifies. Even as a bibliographical category, as it was frequently used in imperial times, its value is questionable. In the following pages, I shall first review the weaknesses of the term “legalism,” then ask why scholars persist in adopting it even though they can hardly be unaware of its defects, and finally suggest a better approach to the material that is conventionally categorized as “legalist.” * * * “Legalism” is an imprecise Sinological translation of the Chinese term fajia 法家 . 1 “The fa-chia : ‘Legalists’ or ‘Administrators’?” (1961), reprinted in Creel’s What Is Taoism? and Other Studies in Chinese Cultural History (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1970), 92-120. It should be noted that in his earlier publications, such as Chinese Thought from Confucius to Mao Tse-tung (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1953), Creel seemed comfortable with the term. 2 Lest readers suppose that I am arguing against a straw man, consider the following titles, published just since 2000, using the term “Legalism” (or some cognate): Roger Boesche, “Han Feizi’s Legalism versus Kautilya’s Arthashastra ,” Asian Philosophy 15.2 (2005), 157-72; idem , “Kautilya’s Arthashastra and the Legalism of Lord Shang,” Journal of Asian History 42.1 (2008), 64-90; Hans van Ess, “Éducation classique, éducation légiste sous les Han,” in Education et instruction en Chine , ed. -
UC San Diego Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UC San Diego UC San Diego Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Internalizing the West : Qing envoys and ministers in Europe, 1866-1893 Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7wt3n65p Authors Huangfu, Zhengzheng Huangfu, Zhengzheng Publication Date 2012 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Internalizing the West: Qing Envoys and Ministers in Europe, 1866-1893 A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirments for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in History by Zhengzheng Huangfu Committee in charge: Professor Joseph Esherick, Co-Chair Professor Paul Pickowicz, Co-Chair Professor Weijing Lu Professor Richard Madsen Professor Sarah Schneewind Professor Cynthia Truant 2012 Copyright Zhengzheng Huangfu, 2012 All rights reserved. Signature page The Dissertation of Zhengzheng Huangfu is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: Co-Chair Co-Chair University of California, San Diego 2012 iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature page .................................................................................................................... iii Table of Contents ............................................................................................................... iv List of Tables ..................................................................................................................... vi Vita ................................................................................................................................... -
Tales of the Hegemons of the Spring and Autumn Period from C
History and Fiction: Tales of the Hegemons of the Spring and Autumn Period from c. 300 BC to AD 220 This dissertation is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Olivia Milburn School of Oriental and African Studies University of London ProQuest Number: 10731298 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10731298 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 p Abstract This thesis focusses on historical and fictional accounts of the hegemons of the Spring and Autumn period: Lord Huan of Qi, Lord Wen of Jin, Lord Mu of Qin, King Zhuang of Chu, King Helu of Wu and King Goujian of Yue. Chapter One describes the methodological basis. Many ancient Chinese texts underwent periods of oral transmission, but the effect on their form and content has been little researched. Theme and formula are important for understanding the development of these texts. The hegemons are also investigated for the degree to which they conform to greater patterns: the Indo-European models of the hero and good ruler. -
The Key Personalities of the Yanzi Chunqiu
68 The Key PersonalitiesThe Key of Personalitiesthe Yanzi chunqiu of the Yanzi chunqiu The Key Personalities of the Yanzi chunqiu 1.2.1 Introduction The life of Yan Ying, the main protagonist of the Yanzi chunqiu, was defined by two facts. The first is the position of the family into which he was born. The Yan family was a long-established family holding a minor hereditary rank within the state of Qi, the major power on the Shandong peninsula. Although the ori- gins of the Yan family were lost in the mists of time, they seem to have been established as a ministerial clan since at least the time of Lord Huan of Qi.1 However, it was not until the time of Yan Ying’s father, Yan Ruo 晏弱 (d. 556 bce), that the family emerged into international prominence.2 By the time that Yan Ying took office, although his family still ranked far below such lumi- naries as the Guo 國 and Gao 高 clans who had held the highest ranks within the government as a hereditary prerogative for many centuries, they were undoubtedly firmly established within the ruling elite of the state of Qi. This long-standing hereditary rank within the state of Qi presented Yan Ying with life-long obligations: not only was he destined to hold ministerial office in his turn as the heir to his father, Yan Ruo, but he was also responsible for the well- being and security of his clan as a whole—a vast extended family with property and positions of their own in every corner of the country. -
Xunzi and Han Fei on Human Nature
Xunzi and Han Fei on Human Nature Alejandro Bárcenas ABSTRACT: It is commonly accepted that Han Fei studied under Xunzi sometime during the late third century BCE. However, there is surprisingly little dedicated to the in-depth study of the relationship between Xunzi’s ideas and one of his best-known followers. In this essay I argue that Han Fei’s notion of xing, commonly translated as human nature, was not only influenced by Xunzi but also that it is an important feature of his political philosophy. “Aus so krummem Holze, als woraus der Mensch gemacht ist, kann nichts ganz Gerades gezimmert werden.” —Immanuel Kant, Idee zu einer allgemeinen Geschichte in weltbürgerlicher Absicht. T FIRST SIGHT, IT DOES not seem far-fetched to suggest that a thorough Astudy of Han Fei’s notion of xing (性)—commonly translated as human na- ture—should include an analysis of the role played by his teacher Xunzi. However, suggesting the existence of such influence has proven to be a quite controversial topic. For the most part recent interpreters of the history of Chinese philosophy tend to briefly mention the existence of some sort of philosophical relationship between Xunzi and Han Fei.1 What scholars generally acknowledge is that a master-student relationship existed between the two, which typically indicates some kind of influ- ence (or rejection) of one by the other. However, there is surprisingly little dedicated to the in-depth study of the relationship between Xunzi’s ideas and one of his best- known followers. This absence of detailed analysis is even more puzzling when it is contrasted with the profuse amount of research during recent years, dedicated to comparing Xunzi with Mencius, his most famous counterpart.2 In the following 1See, Geng Wu, Die Staatslehre des Han Fei: ein Beitrag zur chinesischen Idee der Staatsräson (Vienna: Springer, 1978) p.