Ancestral Ritual Food of Korean Jongka: Historical Changes of the Table Setting

Journal of Ethnic Foods 5 (2018) 121e132

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Journal of Ethnic Foods

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Original Article Ancestral ritual food of Korean jongka: Historical changes of the table setting

* Chang Hyeon Lee, Young Kim , Yang Suk Kim, Young Yun

National Institute of Agricultural Sciences, Rural Development Administration, Wanju, South Korea article info abstract

Article history: Background: In the agrarian society of historical Korea, jesa (祭祀, traditional rite from ancestors), rituals Received 30 May 2018 practiced for praying to the gods for a rich harvest, was one of the most important rites. Since its Accepted 5 June 2018 founding, Chosun adopted Korean Confucianism and Neo-Confucianism as its governing principles, and Available online 8 June 2018 karye (家禮, family rites of Zhu Xi), the customary formalities of the family, was perceived as an obligatory guideline to practice with the Confucian rites. This study aims to examine periodic changes in how Keywords: the ritual table was set up in Korea's traditional head families, or jongka (宗家, the traditional Korean Ancestral rites family), from the Chosun Dynasty (1392e1910) to the present time. Ancestral ritual food Historical changes Methods: We compared the varieties of food and their positioning in a diagram illustrating the place- Jongka ment of ritual food or jinseoldo (diagram illustrating the placement of ritual foods for ancestral rites), Table setting from karye, and three guides about family rites published during the Chosun era. We also analyzed the food arrangement style for ancestral rites from the ritual standards of the Japanese colonial era and the Simpliﬁed Family Ritual Standards issued by the Korean government. In addition, we visited eight head families to observe the varieties and positioning of fruits on the ritual table. Results: During the Japanese rule (1910e1945), the Japanese Government General of Korea declared the ritual standards for the purpose of simplifying the ritual practices of Chosun, but with an ulterior motive to disintegrate Korea's traditional rites and put the nation under its control. After independence from Japanese rule, the Korean government insisted on a new set of family ritual standards. However, the standards imposed from the outside rarely affected the rites practiced by families. Conclusion: The examination of historical records revealed that kakarye (家家禮, different rituals by each family) was being practiced among families, which causes only formalities to remain and sincerity to disappear. This is unfortunate as sincerity matters more than formalities. (The “Supplementary File” provides further explanations of each term mentioned in this article.) © 2018 Korea Food Research Institute. Published by Elsevier B.V. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/).

1. Introduction history of Korean food. Each social stratum of the Chosun period was defined by a distinct pattern of life and culture that involved Jongka (宗家) is the traditional Korean family system preserved their food as well. During a strong monarchy, the food served to and passed down to the eldest son of each generation for over 400 the king in the royal court was prepared in large quantities. Each years since the mid-Chosun period. It gives that son full control time a courtly banquet ended, the abundant leftover royal foods, as and management of the family [1]. Although jongka has been well as the recipes of these dishes, were passed down to the royal under the influence of Chinese culture for a long period, it vassals and formed the basis for the dishes unique to the yangban nevertheless has become a unique part of Korean history and (gentry) class. culture. The food culture of jongka underwent an especially unique These recipes were passed down to the yangban households that development [2]. Jongka food comprises an important part of the were given the hereditary right to conduct the ancestral rites by the king. These form the jongka of today, and the passed down recipes that comprise the jongka food. Jongka food shares the history of its * Corresponding author. National Institute of Agricultural Sciences, Rural Devel- development with the royal food even though each of them opment Administration, 166 Nongsaengmyeong-ro, Iseo-myeon, Wanju-gun, Jeol- fi labuk-do 55365, South Korea. belonged to different social stratum [1]. We introduced the de - E-mail address: [email protected] (Y. Kim). nition of jongka and the characteristics of its daily food and ritual https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jef.2018.06.001 2352-6181/© 2018 Korea Food Research Institute. Published by Elsevier B.V. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/ licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/). 122 C.H. Lee et al / Journal of Ethnic Foods 5 (2018) 121e132 food for ancestral rites in an article published in the March 2018 performed annually and was designated as a UNESCO World issue of Journal of Ethnic Foods [1]. This article examines the jongka Cultural Heritage in 2001. Family ancestral rituals are divided into ritual food for ancestral rites in detail. kije (忌祭, household rites, also called kijesa), ceremonies held The food culture of jongka developed over the course of con- once a year on the anniversary of the death of the person being ducting dozens of ancestral rites annually and serving guests. The honored; sije (時祭, seasonal rites), ceremonies held once a year in ancestral rites form an important ritual of jongka, and the food that the clan; and charye (茶禮, tea rites held four times a year on major is placed on the ritual table represents the defining characteristics holidays), held on major holidays such as chuseok (秋夕, the great of the family. The Korean ancestral rites have a long history, going middle of autumn festival, August 15th in the lunar calendar) and back to the myth of Dankun (檀君) that describes the anniversary of seollal (元旦, Korean New Year, January 1st in the lunar calendar). Korea's founding. The myth of Dankun was recorded in Samkuk Yusa Jongka (宗家, the traditional Korean Family) additionally per- (三國遺事, Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms), a collection of formed bulcheonwi (不遷位), the ceremony for their founding an- legends, folktales, and historical accounts pertaining to the three cestors [1]. kingdoms of Korea (Kokuryeo [高句麗], Baekje [百濟], and Silla [新 The bulcheonwi ceremony maintained its original form of th 羅]) compiled in the 13 century AD by the Buddhist monk Il-Yeon Confucian ancestral rituals. For example, during the Chosun Dy- (一然, 1206e1289) [3]. Hwanung (桓雄), the son of Hwanin (桓因), nasty, kije was performed differently according to the class and the “Lord of Heaven,” descended to earth to govern a human so- status of the family. Kyeongkukdaejeon (經國大典, a complete code ciety. When a bear and a tiger came to Hwanung asking to be made of law) and kukjo-oryeui (國朝五禮儀, national five rites) prescribed human, he gave them each a bundle of sacred food (a bundle of the number of generations of ancestors who will be served in the mugwort and 20 cloves of garlic) to eat and told them to stay in a rituals. Nevertheless, sarim (士林, forest of scholars) insisted on cave for 100 days, after which time they would become human. honoring all ancestors of four generations back in an attempt to While the tiger gave up, the bear persisted for 21 days and was practice karye, which they believed laid the basis for all formalities turned into a human woman named Ungnyeo (熊女, bear-woman). and rites, in Chosun. The ritual standards (儀禮準則, Uiryejunchik) Ungnyeo mated with Hwanung and gave birth to Dankun.Hewas under Japanese rule and the family rite standards of the Korean Dankunwangkeom (檀君王儉, the mythological origins of Korea), government both suggested two generations for ancestral rituals, the founder of Kochosun (Ancient Chosun, 2333 B.C.~676 AD), the but jongka and some ordinary families stuck to the four-generation first kingdom of Korea. The “Dankun (檀君)” in Dankunwangkeom ancestor worship, even until now. refers to his religious authority, while the “Wangkeom (王儉)” title For hundreds of years, Korea has been through a process during indicates that he was also a political leader. Therefore, the myth which the ritual standards are introduced, discarded, and newly implies that Kochosun was a society where religious rituals and introduced and established repeatedly with the rise and fall of the politics were united. As seen from this example, the rituals in Korea ruling classes for effective control of the nation. The ruling class has have a long history as their beginning coincides with the birth of sometimes encouraged good practices but forced bad practices as the nation. well during this process. Korean ritual practices lasted in spite of In traditional Korea's agrarian society, the celestial god worship going through a lot of changes [6]. ritual was one of the most important practices. The unity of reli- Confucian ritual practices underwent drastic changes as the gious rituals and politics was passed down to ancient nations rule of the Chosun Dynasty came to an end and the government where harvest rituals centered around praying to heavenly gods published standards for family rituals after the country's liberation were developed including Yeongko (迎鼓) of Bu-yeo (夫餘), Dong- from Japanese colonial rule. External changes, which occurred maeng (東盟) of Kokuryeo (高句麗), Mucheon (舞天) of Dong-ye (東 with the introduction of Western culture and rapid industrializa- 濊), and Surit-nal (수릿날) and seasonal rites of Samhan (三韓, tion beginning in the 19th century, also influenced the ritual Mahan, Byeonhan, and Jinhan). practices. The bulcheonwi ceremony table setting at jongka and its In the late Koryeo Dynasty (高麗,918e1392), a new social class changes over time have been at the center of attention for many called sadaebu (士大夫, scholar-officials) adopted karye (家禮, also researchers. This study examines the changes in the table setting called jujakarye or munkongkarye), the family rites of Zhu Xi (朱熹, of jongka ritual foods in Korea over the course of history. First, we 1130e1200), a Confucian philosopher of the Southern Song Dy- will examine the table setting during the Chosun period through nasty (南宋) in China. As the Chosun Dynasty (1392e1910) was ritual books written by Chosun scholars. Then, we will also founded, Confucianism became the governing principle of the investigate the significant changes that were brought about by nation, and karye was considered an obligatory set of standards to political powers under the pretext of eliminating the empty for- follow to set the beginning of the Confucian-style rituals in Korea. malities and vanity of ritual during Japanese colonial rule and after Jesa (祭祀, traditional rite from ancestors) is a form of ritual to independence. worship god, which involves making an offering of food prepared Around major holidays such as chuseok and seollal every year, with sincerity and prayer [4]. For nations and families, the di- people are exposed to the information about the ritual through rections are different in performing ancestral rites even though media, including how to set up the table and on what historical the purposes are basically the same. Nations prayed for their background, how much it costs to prepare ritual foods, or in what comfort and the stability of the royal authority serving natural order the ceremony should be conducted. However, although much deities such as the heavenly and earthly deities. On the other of the information about the table setting for the ancestral rites is hand, familial rituals aimed to remember and pay tribute to their presented as the established method, none has a reasonable his- ancestors [4]. There are two national memorial rites remaining: torical basis. Such information seems to have influenced and Jongmyo Jerye (宗廟祭禮), royal ancestral ritual in the Jongmyo (宗 changed the way the rituals are performed today. 廟) shrine; and Seokjeondaeje (釋奠大祭), a memorial ceremony for Therefore, from the information on the table setting provided by Confucius at local Hyangkyo (鄕校, local academy), educational the media, the joyulisi (棗栗梨枾) and joyulsii (조栗枾梨) that institutions during the late Koryeo and Chosun Dynasties [5]. imbue the placement of fruits with symbolic significance will be Jongmyo Jerye was a memorial to the kings of the Chosun Dynasty examined. This may contribute to educating people about the his- and their ancestors. Although it lost its symbolic status as a na- torical change in the table setting of the foods for the ancestral ritual tional ceremony because it was prohibited during the Japanese and may prevent the incorrect interpretation of the placement of rule, the Royal Ancestral Rite of Jongmyo Jerye continues to be fruits in the table setting. C.H. Lee et al / Journal of Ethnic Foods 5 (2018) 121e132 123

2. Ancestral ritual food and table setting recorded by the succeeded to the tradition of the Kiho School from Yi I and Kim confucian scholars in the Chosun Dynasty Jang-Saeng. He tried to stick to the basic principles by including Zhu Xi's karye in the book. At the same time, he complemented the part In the 12th century, Zhu Xi (朱熹,1130e1200), a Confucian not in agreement with Chosun society based on the opinion of philosopher of the Southern Song Dynasty (南宋), wrote karye Chosun's Confucian scholars, including his own. (Family Rites of Zhu Xi), a guideline for etiquette related to the four Confucianists believed that things could get out of order unless ceremonial occasions marking coming of age, wedding, funeral, and controlled by rules of courtesy as the ancestral rites vary depending ancestral rites. It is estimated that karye [7] was introduced to the on the family. For this reason, scholars of the time wrote karyeseo late Koryeo Dynasty by sadaebu (士大夫) along with Confucianism books with illustrations of ritual foods and their proper positioning [8,9]. The Chosun Dynasty preferred Confucianism over Buddhism on the table. Comparing the kinds of food and their arrangement on as the nation's set of governing principles. In its early years, the the ritual table in karyeseo books with those of jongka today is an Chosun Dynasty enforced the practice of family rites, which was important research theme because it serves as a standard by which taken for granted by sadaebu, the “scholar-officials” of the new the changes in ritual food can be measured. nation [10]. Leading Confucian scholars of the day commented on the original Chinese text of karye and introduced the book to 2.1. Introduction and illustration of the ritual foods in the Karyeseo Chosun society. However, there were discrepancies with the reality of Chosun life as it was written to fit the cultural environment and The four kinds of illustration mentioned previously [16],were social norms of the Southern Song Dynasty of China. In the end, referenced to examine the foods and the table setting for ancestral different interpretations between scholars over the same matter rites as presented in karyeseo books, including Zhu Xi's maewi- often turned into full-scale political strife (禮訟, Yesong dispute) seolchanjido (每位設饌之圖)inKarye (Fig. 1) [7], Yi I's maewi- [1,11]. After that, Chosun scholars started publishing a book named seolchanjido (每位設饌之圖)inKyeokmongyokyeol (Fig. 2) [13], Kim karyeseo (家禮書, ritual books), or the guidelines for family rites for Jang-Saeng's sijemaewiseolchanjido (時祭每位設饌圖)inKaryejiplam the society and people of the nation. In other words, when being (Fig. 3) [14], and Lee Jae's sijejinchanjido (時祭陳饌之圖)inSar- introduced to Chosun society, karye was expanded by being inte- yepyeonlam (Fig. 4) [15]. Table 1 shows the result of comparing the grated with people, their way of thinking and living, and their social four kinds of jinseoldo and rearranging the contents by rows. customs. Also, karye developed and changed differently depending Only Kyeokmongyokyeol, out of the four karyeso books, mentions on the community or academic propensity of the scholars [12]. Tang (湯, soup) at the third row, whereas the third rows of the other More than a hundred kinds of karyeseo books exist, including karyeso books are marked as the fourth and the fourth rows as the those pertaining to the four ceremonial occasions from the 17th to fifth. Jinseoldo is described based on the following principles: (1) the early 20th century. This number increases further when Four cardinal points, north, south, east, and west, were used for considering the personal collection of works by scholars writing directions; (2) Shinwi (神位, ancestral tablet), or the “spiritual body” about their opinions on ye (禮, manners or etiquette) [11]. Repre- of the ancestors, is directed to the north, whereas the participants sentative karyeseo books of the Chosun era include Kyeokmongyo- are directed to the south. Naturally, the left part of the table faces kyeol (擊蒙要訣, 1577) by Yi I [13], Karyejiplam (家禮輯覽, 1685) by west and the right faces east; (3) The rows are counted from the Kim Jang-Saeng [14], and Saryepyeonlam (四禮便覽, 1884) by Lee Jae position of shinwi. When describing the foods on the table arranged [15]. Published by Yi I (李珥, 1536e1584), a prominent Confucian by the three standards, they are counted from the first row from scholar and politician, Kyeokmongyokyeol was designed as a guid- shinwi to the fifth row, and from west to east [1]. ance manual for young scholars to cultivate their characters and The first row is represented by ban (飯, steamed rice). It behaviors. Karyejiplam is a karyeseo written by Kim Jang-Saeng (金 contains the main staples of the table: rice (飯), soup (羹), spoon 長生, 1548e1631), a scholar from the mid-Chosun Dynasty, to (匙), chopsticks (筯), and cups (盞). From the viewpoint of shinwi, elaborate on the original text of karye and add an interpretation of rice is set to the right (west) and soup to the left (east), which is ye (禮) by the contemporary Confucian scholars. This book intended the opposite of the table setting for the living. This appears as to correct the insufficient, wrong, and ambiguous contents of the normal positioning from the viewpoint of the participants. Rice original text from a critical point of view [16]. It was Lee Jae (李縡, and soup should be placed in pairs and in the same position 1680e1746), an official from the late Chosun Dynasty, who according to all four karyeseo books. Food arrangement can be

Fig. 1. (A) Zhu Xi's (朱熹,1130e1200) maewiseolchanjido (每位設饌之圖)inKarye (家禮) [7]. The ritual table constitutes four rows: the ﬁrst row contains ban (飯), janban (盞盤), sijeo (匙筯), cho (醋), and kaeng (羹); the second row, myeonsik (麵食), yuk (肉), jeokkan (炙肝), eo (魚), and misik (米食); the third row, pohae (脯醢), sochae (蔬菜), pohae (脯醢), sochae (蔬菜), pohae (脯醢), and sochae (蔬菜); and the fourth row, six kinds of kwa (果). Jangseokak, Academy of Korean Studies (published in 1759). (B) Diagram of the ritual table setting described in Karye. 124 C.H. Lee et al / Journal of Ethnic Foods 5 (2018) 121e132

Fig. 2. (A) Yi I's (李珥, 1536e1584) maewiseolchanjido (每位設饌之圖)inKyeokmongyokyeol (擊蒙要訣) [13]. The ritual table constitutes five rows: the first row contains sijeop (匙楪), ban (飯), janban (盞盤), kaeng (羹), and chochae (醋菜); the second row, myeon (麵), yuk (肉), jeok (炙), eo (魚), and byeong (餠); the third row, five kinds of tang (湯); the fourth row, po (浦), sukchae (熟菜), cheongjang (淸醬), hae (醢), and chimchae (沈菜); and the fifth row, five kinds of kwa (果). Jangseokak, Academy of Korean Studies. (B) Jinseoldo diagram of the ritual table setting described in Kyeokmongyokyeol.

Fig. 3. (A) Kim Jang-Saeng's (金長生, 1548e1631) sijemaewiseolchanjido (時祭每位設饌圖)inKaryejiplam (家禮輯覽) [14]. The ritual table constitutes four rows: the ﬁrst row contains ban (飯), janban (盞盤), sijeo (匙箸), chojeop (醋楪), and kaeng (羹); the second row, myeon (麵), yuk (肉), jeok (炙), eo (魚), and byeong (餠); the third row, po (浦), sukchae (熟菜), cheongjang (淸醬), hae (醢), and chimchae (沈菜); and the fourth row, six kinds of kwa (果). Jangseokak, Academy of Korean Studies. (B) Jinseoldo diagram of the ritual table setting described in Karyejiplam.

Fig. 4. (A) Lee Jae's (李縡,1680e1746) sijejinchanjido (時祭陳饌之圖)inSaryepyeonlam (四禮便覽) [15]. The ritual table constitutes four rows; the ﬁrst row contains ban (飯), janban (盞盤), sijeo (匙箸), chojeop (醋楪), and kaeng (羹); the second row, myeon (麵), yuk (肉), jeok (炙), eo (魚), and byeong (餠); the third row, po (浦), so (蔬), jang (醬), chimchae (沈菜), hae (醢), and sikhae (食醢); and the fourth row, four kinds of kwa (果). Korean Translation: Saryepyeonlam (The Ubong Lee Family General Association). (B) Jinseoldo diagram of the ritual table setting described in Saryepyeonlam. summarized with several principles: Banseokaengdong (飯西羹東), The second row is represented by jeok (炙, pan-fried food). The meaning “put rice on the west and soup on the east;” janseo- arrangement method for the second row is agreed by all four kar- jeopdong (盞西楪東), meaning “put leftover rice on the west and yeseo books. Placed from west to east are myeon (麵, noodle), yuk new rice on the east;” jeokeojung (筯居中), meaning “put the (肉, meat), jeok, eo (魚, ﬁsh), and byeong (餠, rice cake). Myeonsik (麵 spoon and chopsticks at the center;” and place rice, wine cup, and 食, noodle) and misik (米食, rice cake) are represented as myeon and soup from west to east. byeong in Chosun era karyeseo books. Arrangement rules are as C.H. Lee et al / Journal of Ethnic Foods 5 (2018) 121e132 125

Table 1 The kinds and positioning of the ritual foods described in the four karyeseo books are recreated below.

Rowa Directionsa Karyeb (12C) Kyeokmongyokyeolc Karyejiplamd (1685) Saryepyeonlame (1884) Main food Arranging rules (1577)

First West (西) Ban (飯) Sijeop (匙楪) Ban (飯) Ban (飯) Ban (飯) Banseokaengdong (盤西羹東) Y Janban (盞盤) Ban (飯) Janban (盞盤) Janban (盞盤) Janseojeopdong (盞西楪東) Sijeo (匙筯) Janban (盞盤) Sijeo (匙筯) Sijeo (匙筯) Jeokeojung (筯居中) Cho (醋) Kaeng (羹) Chojeop (醋楪) Chojeop (醋楪) East (東) Kaeng (羹) Chochae (醋菜) Kaeng (羹) Kaeng (羹) Rule Ban/Jan /Kaeng Ban/Jan /Kaeng Ban/Jan /Kaeng Ban/Jan /Kaeng Second West (西) Myeonsik (麵食) Myeon (麵) Myeon (麵) Myeon (麵) Jeok (炙) Myeonseobyeongdong (麵西餠東) Y Yuk (肉) Yuk (肉) Yuk (肉) Yuk (肉) Jeokkeojung (炙居中) Jeokkan (炙肝) Jeok (炙) Jeok (炙) Jeok (炙) Yukseoeodong (肉西魚東) Eo (漁) Eo (漁) Eo (漁) Eo (漁) East (東) Misik (米食) Byeong (餠) Byeong (餠) Byeong (餠) Third West (西) e Tang (湯) eeTang (湯) e Y e Tang (湯) ee e Tang (湯) ee e Tang (湯) ee East (東) e Tang (湯) ee Fourth West (西) Pohae (脯醢) Po (脯) Po (脯) Po (脯) Chae (菜) Poseohaedong (脯西醢東) Y Sochae (蔬菜) Sukchae (熟菜) Sukchae (熟菜) So (蔬) Pohae (脯醢) Cheongjang (淸醬) Cheongjang (淸醬) Jang (醬) Sochae (蔬菜) Hae (醢) Hae (醢) Chimchae (沈菜) Pohae (脯醢) Chimchae (沈菜) Chimchae (沈菜) Hae (醢) East (東) Sochae (蔬菜) ee Sikhae (食醢) Fifth West (西) Kwa (果) Kwa (果) Kwa (果) Kwa (果) Kwa (果) e Y Kwa (果) Kwa (果) Kwa (果) Kwa (果) Kwa (果) Kwa (果) Kwa (果) Kwa (果) Kwa (果) Kwa (果) Kwa (果) Kwa (果) Kwa (果) Kwa (果) Kwa (果) e East (東) Kwa (果) e Kwa (果) e No. of items 22 25 21 20

12C, 12th century. a Display of the ritual foods in karyeseo books is described based on the following principles. (1) Four cardinal points, north, south, east, and west, are used for directions. (2) Shinwi (神位, ancestral tablet), or the “spiritual body” of the ancestors, is directed to the north while the participants are directed to the south. Naturally, the left part of the table faces west and the right faces east. (3) The rows are counted from the position of shinwi. When describing the foods on the table arranged by the three standards, they are counted from the ﬁrst row from shinwi to the ﬁfth row facing the participants, and from west to east. b Published by Zhu Xi (朱熹, 1130e1200), a Chinese philosopher, politician, and writer of the Southern Song Dynasty [7]. c Published by Yi I (李珥, 1536e1584), a prominent Confucian scholar and politician [13]. d Published by Kim Jang-Saeng (金長生, 1548e1631), a scholar from the mid-Chosun Dynasty [14]. e Published by Lee Jae (李縡, 1680e1746), a scholar from the late Chosun Dynasty [15].

follows: Myeonseobyeongdong (麵西餠東), meaning “put noodle on The fifth row is represented by kwa (果, fruits). Karye and the west and rice cake on the east;” yukseoeodong (肉西魚東), Karyejiplam mention the placement of six items, whereas Kyeok- meaning “put meat on the west and fish on the east;” and jeok- mongyokyeol and Saryepyeonlam refer to only five and four items, keojung (炙居中), meaning “put pan-fried food at the center.” respectively. Placed in the last row in all four of the karyeseo books, The third row is represented by tang (湯). Only Kyeokmongyo- kwa is not consistent in quantities, and there are no specific names kyeol, out of the four karyeseo books, contains tang in the drawing. mentioned. Choi [17] interprets it as a result of reflection of the dietary pattern The influence of karye is evident in Yi I's Kyeokmongyokyeol, Kim of the Chosun Dynasty. However, the interpretation does not seem Jang-Saeng's Karyejiplam, Lee Jae's Saryepyeonlam, and other kar- accurate as there is no mention of tang in karyeseo books written by yeseo of the kiho School as they all show similar arrangement the disciples of Yi I and other contemporary Confucianists. patterns for the ritual table. Basically, the ritual food is placed in the The fourth row is represented by chae (菜, cooked vegetable), following order from the first row on the north to the fifth row on including both namul (seasoned vegetable) and po (脯, dried meat). the south; ban, jeok, tang, chae, and kwa. For the details of food According to Kyeokmongyokyeol and Karyejiplam, placed beginning arrangement, Lee Jae's Saryepyeonlam is referenced, as it continues from the west are po, sukchae (熟菜, steamed vegetable), cheongjang to be the most influential out of the four karyeseo books compared (淸醬, fermented soy sauce), hae (醢, fermented fish), and chimchae above [4]. (沈菜, fermented vegetable). Both books used the same terms but did not mention the kinds of food in detail. Po is a Chinese combination 2.2. Placement of the ritual foods on the table as described in the character, formed with 月 (wol, moon), which represents the text of Saryepyeonlam meaning, and 甫 (bo), which represents the sound. 月 is also used to mean 肉 (yuk, meat), so it is estimated that 脯 (po) is made of meat. Lee Jae pointed out that the karyeseo books of the day were Sukchae is a cooked vegetable, cheongjang is soy sauce, and chimchae either too complicated or too simple. He quoted from the text of is a fermented vegetable, which appear first in Kyeokmongyokyeol karye in big letters to set the principles and added comments in but is not found in other karyeseo. Hae means fermented fish, and smaller letters, based on what he and other Confucian scholars of Saryepyeonlam mentions sikhae (食醢, salted fermented food pre- the time thought about the family rites. pared with fish and grains), which cannot be found in other books. The ritual foods are set on the table in a given order according The arrangement rule is poseohaedong (脯西醢東), meaning “put to the type of food. Before the ceremony begins, kwa (果) is placed dried meat on the west and fermented fish on the east.” at the fourth row, at the southern end of the table (設果楪於逐位