Retracing the New Left: the SDS Outcasts Adam Mikhail
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Veterans, Supporters March on the White House
July 03, 2009 | Volume VII, Issue 14 | LGBT Life in Maryland Veterans, Supporters March on the White House WASHINGTON—Several hundred en- thusiastic military veterans and sup- porters, marched on the White House on Saturday, June 27 to protest the discriminatory “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” (DADT) policy. President Obama and Congress were targeted in the dem- onstration for not acting to repeal the policy that has led to 13,000 individu- als discharged from the Armed Forces since 1993 when the policy went into effect. Many Arabic linguists and other high-skill service members—critical to the war on terrorism and national se- curity—were discharged as a result of the policy. The Servicemembers Legal Net- By Steve Charing work (SLDN) and allies organized the event to help commemorate the 40th On Saturday, June 20, the clouds were still hanging pretty low anniversary of Stonewall. A total of overhead just a couple of hours before the Baltimore Pride Pa- 265 veterans led the march to corre- rade up Charles Street. Earlier in the morning a deluge swept spond to the number of service mem- through the area that concerned potential pride-goers and orga- Photo: Bruce Garrett bers discharged under DADT since nizers alike. It conjured up the lyrics to the iconic Funny Girl song, the President took the oath of office on “Don’t Rain on My Parade.” January 20. Signs and buttons with the Paul Liller (AKA “Dimitria” when doing drag), making his de- number 265 were widely displayed in but as the 2009 Pride Coordinator for the weekend’s festivities, the demonstration. -
The Port Huron Statement of the Students for a Democratic Society
THE PORT HURON STATEMENT OF THE STUDENTS FOR A DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY Port Huron Statement of the Students for a Democratic Society, 1962 Courtesy Office of Sen. Tom Hayden. INTRODUCTORY NOTE This document represents the results of several months of writing and discussion among the membership, a draft paper, and revision by the Students for a Democratic Society national convention meeting in Port Huron, Michigan, June 11-15, 1962. It is represented as a document with which SDS officially identifies, but also as a living document open to change with our times and experiences. It is a beginning: in our own debate and education, in our dialogue with society. published and distributed by Students for a Democratic Society 112 East 19 Street New York 3, New York, GRamercy 3-2181 INTRODUCTION: AGENDA FOR A GENERATION We are people of this generation, bred in at least modest comfort, housed now in universities, looking uncomfortably to the world we inherit. When we were kids the United States was the wealthiest and strongest country in the world: the only one with the atom bomb, the least scarred by modern war, an initiator of the United Nations that we thought would distribute Western influence throughout the world. Freedom and equality for each individual, government of, by, and for the people – these American values we found good, principles by which we could live as men. Many of us began maturing in complacency. As we grew, however, our comfort was penetrated by events too troubling to dismiss. First, the permeating and victimizing fact of human degradation, symbolized by the Southern struggle against racial bigotry, compelled most of us from silence to activism. -
STANDING COMMITTEES of the HOUSE Agriculture
STANDING COMMITTEES OF THE HOUSE [Democrats in roman; Republicans in italic; Resident Commissioner and Delegates in boldface] [Room numbers beginning with H are in the Capitol, with CHOB in the Cannon House Office Building, with LHOB in the Longworth House Office Building, with RHOB in the Rayburn House Office Building, with H1 in O’Neill House Office Building, and with H2 in the Ford House Office Building] Agriculture 1301 Longworth House Office Building, phone 225–2171, fax 225–8510 http://agriculture.house.gov meets first Wednesday of each month Collin C. Peterson, of Minnesota, Chair Tim Holden, of Pennsylvania. Bob Goodlatte, of Virginia. Mike McIntyre, of North Carolina. Terry Everett, of Alabama. Bob Etheridge, of North Carolina. Frank D. Lucas, of Oklahoma. Leonard L. Boswell, of Iowa. Jerry Moran, of Kansas. Joe Baca, of California. Robin Hayes, of North Carolina. Dennis A. Cardoza, of California. Timothy V. Johnson, of Illinois. David Scott, of Georgia. Sam Graves, of Missouri. Jim Marshall, of Georgia. Jo Bonner, of Alabama. Stephanie Herseth Sandlin, of South Dakota. Mike Rogers, of Alabama. Henry Cuellar, of Texas. Steve King, of Iowa. Jim Costa, of California. Marilyn N. Musgrave, of Colorado. John T. Salazar, of Colorado. Randy Neugebauer, of Texas. Brad Ellsworth, of Indiana. Charles W. Boustany, Jr., of Louisiana. Nancy E. Boyda, of Kansas. John R. ‘‘Randy’’ Kuhl, Jr., of New York. Zachary T. Space, of Ohio. Virginia Foxx, of North Carolina. Timothy J. Walz, of Minnesota. K. Michael Conaway, of Texas. Kirsten E. Gillibrand, of New York. Jeff Fortenberry, of Nebraska. Steve Kagen, of Wisconsin. Jean Schmidt, of Ohio. -
Implementation of the Helsinki Accords Hearings
BASKET III: IMPLEMENTATION OF THE HELSINKI ACCORDS HEARINGS BEFORE THE COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE NINETY-SEVENTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION THE CRISIS IN POLAND AND ITS EFFECTS ON THE HELSINKI PROCESS DECEMBER 28, 1981 Printed for the use of the - Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 9-952 0 'WASHINGTON: 1982 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Washington, D.C. 20402 COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE DANTE B. FASCELL, Florida, Chairman ROBERT DOLE, Kansas, Cochairman ORRIN G. HATCH, Utah SIDNEY R. YATES, Illinois JOHN HEINZ, Pennsylvania JONATHAN B. BINGHAM, New York ALFONSE M. D'AMATO, New York TIMOTHY E. WIRTH, Colorado CLAIBORNE PELL, Rhode Island MILLICENT FENWICK, New Jersey PATRICK J. LEAHY, Vermont DON RITTER, Pennsylvania EXECUTIVE BRANCH The Honorable STEPHEN E. PALMER, Jr., Department of State The Honorable RICHARD NORMAN PERLE, Department of Defense The Honorable WILLIAM H. MORRIS, Jr., Department of Commerce R. SPENCER OLIVER, Staff Director LYNNE DAVIDSON, Staff Assistant BARBARA BLACKBURN, Administrative Assistant DEBORAH BURNS, Coordinator (II) ] CONTENTS IMPLEMENTATION. OF THE HELSINKI ACCORDS The Crisis In Poland And Its Effects On The Helsinki Process, December 28, 1981 WITNESSES Page Rurarz, Ambassador Zdzislaw, former Polish Ambassador to Japan .................... 10 Kampelman, Ambassador Max M., Chairman, U.S. Delegation to the CSCE Review Meeting in Madrid ............................................................ 31 Baranczak, Stanislaw, founder of KOR, the Committee for the Defense of Workers.......................................................................................................................... 47 Scanlan, John D., Deputy Assistant Secretary for European Affairs, Depart- ment of State ............................................................ 53 Kahn, Tom, assistant to the president of the AFL-CIO .......................................... -
They Hate US for Our War Crimes: an Argument for US Ratification of the Rome Statute in Light of the Post-Human Rights
UIC Law Review Volume 52 Issue 4 Article 4 2019 They Hate U.S. for Our War Crimes: An Argument for U.S. Ratification of the Rome Statute in Light of the ost-HumanP Rights Era, 53 UIC J. MARSHALL. L. REV. 1011 (2019) Michael Drake Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.uic.edu/lawreview Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, International Humanitarian Law Commons, and the Military, War, and Peace Commons Recommended Citation Michael Drake, They Hate U.S. for Our War Crimes: An Argument for U.S. Ratification of the Rome Statute in Light of the Post-Human Rights Era, 53 UIC J. MARSHALL. L. REV. 1011 (2019) https://repository.law.uic.edu/lawreview/vol52/iss4/4 This Comments is brought to you for free and open access by UIC Law Open Access Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in UIC Law Review by an authorized administrator of UIC Law Open Access Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THEY HATE U.S. FOR OUR WAR CRIMES: AN ARGUMENT FOR U.S. RATIFICATION OF THE ROME STATUTE IN LIGHT OF THE POST-HUMAN RIGHTS ERA MICHAEL DRAKE* I. INTRODUCTION ......................................................... 1012 II. BACKGROUND ............................................................ 1014 A. Continental Disparities ......................................... 1014 1. The International Process in Africa ............... 1014 2. The National Process in the United States of America ............................................................ 1016 B. The Rome Statute, the ICC, and the United States ................................................................................. 1020 1. An International Court to Hold National Leaders Accountable ...................................................... 1020 2. The Aims and Objectives of the Rome Statute .......................................................................... 1021 3. African Bias and U.S. -
The Student Voice, SNCC Newsletter, 1962-1963
- THE STUDE Vol. 3, No. NT 1 Issued by the Student VOI Nonviolent Coordinating CE Committee,197 1/2 Auburn Ave., Atlanta 3, Ga.April, 1962 TALLADEGA PROTESTS I Student Group Moves After Negotiations Fail TALLADEGA, ALA. - Be By Bob Zellner ginning with a march of 400 students and faculty mem TALLADEGA, ALABAMA - bers, Talladega Collegetook The stimulus for leadership a giant step toward freeing and effective social change their city of segregation. at Talladega College is found The march followed fruit in the Social Action Com less negotiation with Talla mittee (SAC) a group found dega Mayor J . L. Hardwick within the framework of the TALLADEGA STUDENTS PROTEST - Talladega College on April 5. The students ask college's Student Govern s tudents s taged a protest march against segregation on ed the Mayor to present plans ment. As the movement at April 6. Joined by some teachers from the school, the stu- 1 for integration of public faci Talladega has grown, the dents paraded around the Talladega Courthouse bearing lities in the city, and when concept that every student signs reading "We Want Open Libraries" - We Want Equal no plan was forthcoming, the at the college is a member Opportunity." Social Action Committee Chairman Dorothy group marched in protest. of SAC has grown also, and Vails is on the right, above, being inte rviewed by a re- The march was peaceful, and the original smaller com porter. Photo by Zellner. Mayor Hardwick praised the mittee is thought of a plan students and the Talledega ning group. SNCC Con-ference Slated I community for their c alm- Dorothy Vails, a native of J ness. -
From Participatory Democracy to Digital Democracy
Fast Capitalism ISSN 1930-014X Volume 1 • Issue 2 • 2005 doi:10.32855/fcapital.200502.003 From Participatory Democracy to Digital Democracy Mark Kann Tom Hayden posted on his website, http://www.tomhayden.com, an article he coauthored with Dick Flacks to commemorate the fortieth anniversary of the Port Huron Statement. The two SDS founders concluded, “Perhaps the most important legacy of the Port Huron Statement is the fact that it introduced the concept of participatory democracy to popular discourse and practice.” The concept of participatory democracy encompassed values such as equality, decentralization, and consensus decision-making. It provided direction for “all those trying to create a world where each person has a voice in the decisions affecting his or her life.” [1] In this article, I suggest that Port Huron’s concept of participatory democracy included some ideas that were potentially antithetical to democracy and that potential, unfortunately, is being fulfilled in contemporary theories of digital democracy. The Port Huron Statement Revisited The Port Huron Statement contained two underlying themes that potentially subverted democratic equality. One was the notion that the American people were fundamentally flawed, most apparently, by their apathy. The other was that the best means to eliminate this flaw was to follow the lead of rational, deliberative activists. Both themes could be (and would be) used to justify political inequalities. Port Huron’s student-authors expressed a dim view of American citizens. The American people had closed minds. They exhibited a foolish confidence that the nation could muddle through its problems. They harbored a false sense of contentment, “a glaze above deeply felt anxieties,” arising out of loneliness, isolation, and estrangement. -
Working Class
A NEW WORKING CLASS Students for a Democratic Society and the United Auto Workers in the Sixties Amanda L. Bullock A NEW WORKING CLASS: Students for a Democratic Society and the United Auto Workers in the Sixties by Amanda Leigh Bullock A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelors of the Arts with Honors Department of History University of Michigan March 27, 2006 Advised by: Professor Matthew D. Lassiter © 2006 Amanda Leigh Bullock TABLE OF C ONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS II INTRODUCTION: STUDENTS, MIDDLE AMERICANS, AND CLASS CONSCIOUSNESS 1 DEMOCRATIC DISSENT 4 HISTORIOGRAPHY 7 CHAPTER ONE: NATURAL ALLIES? 15 THE LEAGUE FOR INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY 17 THE PORT HURON STATEMENT: “AN AGENDA FOR A GENERATION” 19 THE “OLD” LEFT 23 THE NEW LEFT: THE NATURAL ALLIANCE OF THE LABOR AND CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENTS? 27 STUDENTS AND LABOR 30 AUTONOMY 36 CHAPTER TWO: THE WAR ON POVERTY AND THE NEW INSURGENCY 42 THE CITIZENS’ CRUSADE AGAINST POVERTY 46 INSURGENCY TO THE WAR ON POVERTY 53 FROM FAYETTE COUNTY TO THE GHETTO 56 “AN INTERRACIAL MOVEMENT OF THE POOR” 60 THE FAILURE OF ERAP 67 FAILURE: THE CAMPUS VERSUS THE COMMUNITY 67 FAILURE: THE IMPOSSIBILITY OF AN EXPERIMENTAL PROJECT 71 FAILURE: THE ESCALATION OF THE VIETNAM WAR 73 THE LEGACY OF THE ECONOMIC RESEARCH AND ACTION PROJECT 75 CHAPTER THREE: IMPLOSION 79 THE ANTI-WAR MOVEMENT: SDS OUTGROWS ITSELF 81 STUDENTS FOR A DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY’S 1968 WORK-IN 90 THE 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 94 THE DEATH OF SDS 101 THE TROUBLED AMERICANS 106 PRIMARY SOURCES 113 BIBLIOGRAPHY 115 ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First, I am indebted to Professor Matt Lassiter, without whose guidance and patience I never could have accomplished this. -
Teaching the March on Washington
Nearly a quarter-million people descended on the nation’s capital for the 1963 March on Washington. As the signs on the opposite page remind us, the march was not only for civil rights but also for jobs and freedom. Bottom left: Martin Luther King Jr., who delivered his famous “I Have a Dream” speech during the historic event, stands with marchers. Bottom right: A. Philip Randolph, the architect of the march, links arms with Walter Reuther, president of the United Auto Workers and the most prominent white labor leader to endorse the march. Teaching the March on Washington O n August 28, 1963, the March on Washington captivated the nation’s attention. Nearly a quarter-million people—African Americans and whites, Christians and Jews, along with those of other races and creeds— gathered in the nation’s capital. They came from across the country to demand equal rights and civil rights, social justice and economic justice, and an end to exploitation and discrimination. After all, the “March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom” was the march’s official name, though with the passage of time, “for Jobs and Freedom” has tended to fade. ; The march was the brainchild of longtime labor leader A. PhilipR andolph, and was organized by Bayard RINGER Rustin, a charismatic civil rights activist. Together, they orchestrated the largest nonviolent, mass protest T in American history. It was a day full of songs and speeches, the most famous of which Martin Luther King : AFP/S Jr. delivered in the shadow of the Lincoln Memorial. top 23, 23, GE Last month marked the 50th anniversary of the march. -
From Civil Rights to Women's Liberation: Women's Rights in SDS
From Civil Rights to Women’s Liberation: Women’s Rights in SDS and SNCC, 1960-1969 Anna Manogue History 4997: Honors Thesis Seminar 6 May 2019 2 “I had heard there was some infighting in the Women’s March between Jewish women and Black women, and I’m a Native American woman and I think it’s ridiculous that we’re dividing ourselves like this. We’re all women,” proclaimed Barbara McIlvaine Smith as she prepared to attend the third annual Women’s March in January of 2019.1 Smith’s comments succinctly summarized the ideological controversy over the intersection of race and gender— known since 1991 as intersectionality or intersectional feminism—that has plagued feminist activism since the emergence of the Women’s Liberation Movement in 1968.2 The concept of interactions between racial and sexual forms of oppression first emerged in the early 1960s, when women in the Civil Rights Movement began to identify similarities between the racial oppression they were fighting and the unequal treatment of women within their organizations. Many women asserted that their experiences as civil rights activists refined their understanding of gender inequality, improved their community organizing skills, and inspired their support of feminism.3 Historians have long acknowledged that women in the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) first contemplated the connection between women’s rights and civil rights in the early 1960s and ultimately inspired their fellow women in the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) to instigate the Women’s Liberation Movement in 1968.4 During the 1960s, SNCC and SDS both gained reputations as staunchly democratic organizations dedicated to empowering students and creating a more equal society. -
Echoes of Imperialism in LGBT Activism
354 Echoes of Empire generated a late nineteenth century politics of imperial Victorian feminism that saw the rescue of distant global sisters as a means towards improving the condition of women in the imperial metropolis. Both temporal contexts present a bewildering array of tendencies: contemporary Western LGBT activism is a deeply divided space, some of whose constituents are complicit in imperial ventures even as others are deeply antagonistic to them. The past is no less complicated a space, so full of Echoes of Imperialism in LGBT Activism contradictory tendencies that it is difficult to regard our ‘postcolonial’ age as self- evidently more progressive or reflexive than times gone by. Rahul Rao The construction of a global discourse of LGBT rights and a politics of LGBT solidarity6 has been empowering for many of its participants. But it has not been an entirely benign development, free from questions of power and hierarchy. Struggles against heteronormativity within Western societies have tended to be marked by a fundamental tension between what might be described as a liberal politics of inclusion or assimilation into the mainstream – marked by such priorities as the At least one early critical reaction to the emergence of the term ‘postcolonial’, right to marry or to serve in the military – and a more radical queer politics that expressed disquiet about its ‘premature1 celebration of the pastness of colonialism’.2 seeks to challenge the very basis of institutions that are seen as oppressive, rather Writing in 1992 and citing the -
Tom Kahn and the Fight for Democracy: a Political Portrait and Personal Recollection
Tom Kahn and the Fight for Democracy: A Political Portrait and Personal Recollection Rachelle Horowitz Editor’s Note: The names of Tom Kahn and Rachelle Horowitz should be better known than they are. Civil rights leader John Lewis certainly knew them. Recalling how the 1963 March on Washington was organised he said, ‘I remember this young lady, Rachelle Horowitz, who worked under Bayard [Rustin], and Rachelle, you could call her at three o'clock in the morning, and say, "Rachelle, how many buses are coming from New York? How many trains coming out of the south? How many buses coming from Philadelphia? How many planes coming from California?" and she could tell you because Rachelle Horowitz and Bayard Rustin worked so closely together. They put that thing together.’ There were compensations, though. Activist Joyce Ladner, who shared Rachelle Horowitz's one bedroom apartment that summer, recalled, ‘There were nights when I came in from the office exhausted and ready to sleep on the sofa, only to find that I had to wait until Bobby Dylan finished playing his guitar and trying out new songs he was working on before I could claim my bed.’ Tom Kahn also played a major role in organising the March on Washington, not least in writing (and rewriting) some of the speeches delivered that day, including A. Philip Randolph’s. When he died in 1992 Kahn was praised by the Social Democrats USA as ‘an incandescent writer, organizational Houdini, and guiding spirit of America's Social Democratic community for over 30 years.’ This account of his life was written by his comrade and friend in 2005.