If You Don't Push Them, They Will Push You"
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Diapositive 1
SALON INTERNATIONAL DE LA FINANCE ETHIQUE ET PARTICIPATIVE Du 26 au 28 janvier 2017 REVUE DE PRESSE RAPPEL DES FAITS Le 1er Salon International de la Finance Ethique et Participative a été organisé du 26 au 28 janvier 2017 au Centre de Conférences de l’Office des Changes à Casablanca sous le thème générique ‘’Finance Ethique et Participative: Une contribution à la croissance et à l’inclusion économique au Maroc’’. C’est la première manifestation du genre à se tenir à l’échelle nationale et entièrement consacré à la finance participative. Le SIFEP a réuni les établissements bancaires et les institutions concernés par ce mode de financement aujourd’hui conquérant partout dans le monde arabo-musulman et qui perce même l’espace financier européen. Cette 1ère édition organisé par URBACOM- sous l’égide des ministères de l’Enseignement Supérieur, de la Recherche et de la Formation des cadres ainsi que de l’Habitat et de la Politique de la ville - avait un double objectif : Faire connaître au large public l’offre multiple de ce nouveau mode de financement, ses modalités et la champs de sa couverture et, en même temps, de donner l’occasion aux experts (chercheurs, techniciens du financement, enseignants, étudiants…) d’interroger tous les aspects théoriques et pratiques de la finance éthique et participative. Toute la presse nationale a été convié à la séance d’inauguration en présence de M. Abdelilah Benkiran, Chef du Gouvernement., d’autres ministres et de plusieurs personnalités, nationales et internationales, du domaine de la finance et de la -
North Afr I CA M Iddle East
/ NorTh AFrica/ Middle eAsT observatory for the protection of human rights defenders annual report 2009 …439 / regIoNAl ANALYSIs NorTh AFrICA / mIDDLE eAsT observatory for the protection of human rights defenders annual report 2009 The entry into force in March 2008 of the Arab Charter on Human Rights, binding the States of North Africa and the Middle East that ratified it, contrasts with the persistent human rights violations and the many obstacles to the defence of human rights noted in this region in 2008. This text, in spite of some weak points, includes provisions that may help to advance the recognition of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the region and in addition provides for the creation of an Arab Human Rights Committee responsible for monitoring applica- tion of the Charter and whose work was due to begin in the first half of 2009. Nonetheless, apart from the fact that, at the end of 2008, only 27 of the Member States of the League of Arab States had ratified 1 the Arab Charter on Human Rights , several provisions remain not consistent with international human rights standards and instruments. As an example, the Charter stipulates that national legislation may take precedence over the provisions of the text, notably for security reasons. This provision, which calls into question the principle of the legal superiority of international and regional instruments over national legislation, risks restricting implementation of the Charter, especially in countries where massive human rights violations under the pretext of national security are witnessed. Human rights defenders were not spared in the persistent and resur- gent internal conflicts in certain countries of the region: they were subjected to assassinations (Iraq), arbitrary detentions (Yemen) and obstacles to their freedom of movement (Israel/Occupied Palestinian Territories) throughout the year in these countries. -
Definitional Struggles, Field Assemblages, and Capital Flows: A
博士学位論文(東京外国語大学) Doctoral Thesis (Tokyo University of Foreign Studies) 氏 名 カリール ダフビー 学位の種類 博士(学術) 学位記番号 博甲第 301 号 学位授与の日付 2020 年 9 月 15 日 学位授与大学 東京外国語大学 博士学位論文題目 定義を巡る闘争、界群、および資本の流れ―独立後のモロッコとチュニ ジアの国家の比較社会生成分析― Name Dahbi, Khalil Name of Degree Doctor of Philosophy (Humanities) Degree Number Ko-no. 301 Date September 15, 2020 Grantor Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, JAPAN Title of Doctoral Definitional Struggles, Field Assemblages, and Capital Flows: Thesis A Comparative Sociogenesis of Post-Independence States in Morocco and Tunisia Definitional Struggles, Field Assemblages, and Capital Flows: A Comparative Sociogenesis of Post-Independence States in Morocco and Tunisia A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Khalil Dahbi June 2020 Tokyo University of Foreign Studies © Khalil Dahbi All Right Reserved, 2020 Table of Contents Acknowledgments ............................................................. i Abstract ............................................................................ ii Note on Transliteration and Translation: ....................... iii Key Abbreviations: ......................................................... iv Part I: Introduction ............................................................... 1 1. Aims and Goals: ....................................................... 6 2. Literature Review: .................................................. 15 a) Approaches to the State and Authoritarianism…15 b) Bourdieusian Field Theory and the State………19 -
Morocco: Freedom on the Net 2017
FREEDOM ON THE NET 2017 Morocco 2016 2017 Population: 35.3 million Partly Partly Internet Freedom Status Internet Penetration 2016 (ITU): 58.3 percent Free Free Social Media/ICT Apps Blocked: Yes Obstacles to Access (0-25) 12 11 Political/Social Content Blocked: No Limits on Content (0-35) 9 10 Bloggers/ICT Users Arrested: Yes Violations of User Rights (0-40) 23 24 TOTAL* (0-100) 44 45 Press Freedom 2017 Status: Not Free * 0=most free, 100=least free Key Developments: June 2016 – May 2017 • The telecommunications regulator ordered ISPs to lift restrictions on VoIP services imposed last year (see Restrictions on Connectivity). • Provisions in the new press code passed in June 2016 removed jail sentences for journalistic crimes, except in cases when journalists fail to pay fines, which remai steep. The code also mandates the registration of online journalists in a move that may further stifle free reporting (se Legal Environment). • Digital activism surrounding the death of a fish salesman in the coastal city of al Hoceima led to a national protest movement against social and economic conditions (see Digital Activism). • Hamid al-Mahdaoui, editor-in-chief of the news site Badil, received a suspended sentence for investigative reporting and was later arrested and imprisoned for covering the protests (see Prosecutions and Detentions for Online Activities). • Five prominent activists and online journalists face up to five years in prison fo “threatening the security of the state,” while two additional journalists could be fine for receiving foreign funding without permission. All seven individuals are implicated in a troubling court case that has been repeatedly postponed (see Prosecutions and Detentions for Online Activities). -
Conflict Trends, Issue 1 (2012)
IS S U E 1 , 2 0 1 2 20 YEARS OF CONTRIBUTING TO PEACE ct1|2012 contents EDITORIAL 2 by Vasu Gounden FEATURES 3 Assessing the African Union’s Response to the Libyan Crisis by Sadiki Koko and Martha Bakwesegha-Osula 11 Emergent Conflict Resolution at Sea off Africa by Francois Vreÿ 19 Morocco’s Equity and Reconciliation Commission: A New Paradigm for Transitional Justice by Catherine Skroch 27 Crowdsourcing as a Tool in Conflict Prevention by Anne Kahl, Christy McConnell and William Tsuma 35 The Boko Haram Uprising and Insecurity in Nigeria: Intelligence Failure or Bad Governance? by Odomovo S. Afeno 42 Unclear Criteria for Statehood and its Implications for Peace and Stability In Africa by Abebe Aynete 49 A Critical Analysis of Cultural Explanations for the Violence in Jonglei State, South Sudan by Øystein H. Rolandsen and Ingrid Marie Breidlid conflict trends I 1 editorial By vasu gounden The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of their respective peace negotiations as well as several of Disputes (ACCORD) was established in 1992. In that year the government delegations which have participated in we set as our mission: “ACCORD seeks to encourage and the peace negotiations. We have assisted mediators and promote the constructive resolution of disputes by the facilitators with mediation process strategies and thematic peoples of Africa and so assist in achieving political stability, knowledge, trained election observers in conflict resolution economic recovery and peaceful co-existence within just and skills, prepared peacekeepers in the civilian dimensions democratic societies”. To achieve this mission, over the 20 of peacekeeping, and established and implemented years of its existence ACCORD has employed some 200 full- reconciliation and post-conflict reconstruction initiatives. -
CASABLANCA, Morocco Hmed Reda Benchemsi, the 33-Year-Old
Posted July 3, 2007 CASABLANCA, Morocco A hmed Reda Benchemsi, the 33-year-old publisher of the independent Moroccan weekly TelQuel, sensed someone was trying to send him a message. In a matter of months, two judges had ordered him to pay extraordinarily high damages in a pair of otherwise unremarkable defamation lawsuits. It started in August 2005, when a court convicted Benchemsi of defaming pro- government member of parliament Hlima Assali, who complained about a short article that made light of her alleged experience as a chiekha, or popular dancer. At trial, Benchemsi and his lawyer never put up a defense—because they weren’t in court. The judge had reconvened the trial 15 minutes before scheduled and, with no one representing the defense, promptly issued a verdict: two-month suspended jail terms for Benchemsi and another colleague and damages of 1 million dirhams (US$120,000). Two months later, another court convicted Benchemsi of defamation, this time after the head of a children’s assistance organization sued TelQuel and three other Moroccan newspapers for erroneously reporting that she was under investigation for suspected embezzlement. TelQuel, which had already issued a correction and apology, was ordered to pay 900,000 dirhams (US$108,000)—several times the amounts ordered against the other three publications. At the time, the damages were among the highest ever awarded in a defamation case in Morocco—and more than nine times what Moroccan lawyers and journalists say is the national norm in such cases. A puzzled Benchemsi said he learned from a palace source several months later what had triggered the judicial onslaught. -
AFFAIRE BEN BARKA : LE POINT DE VUE DES SERVICES DE RENSEIGNEMENT Gérald Arboit
AFFAIRE BEN BARKA : LE POINT DE VUE DES SERVICES DE RENSEIGNEMENT Gérald Arboit To cite this version: Gérald Arboit. AFFAIRE BEN BARKA : LE POINT DE VUE DES SERVICES DE RENSEIGNE- MENT. 2015. hal-01152723 HAL Id: hal-01152723 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01152723 Submitted on 18 May 2015 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution - NonCommercial - NoDerivatives| 4.0 International License Centre Français de Recherche sur le Renseignement NOTE HISTORIQUE N°43 AFFAIRE BEN BARKA : LE POINT DE VUE DES SERVICES DE RENSEIGNEMENT Gérald Arboit Aborder l’Affaire Ben Barka du point de vue des services de renseignement revient à délaisser les interrogations et les suspicions de la querelle politicienne, dans laquelle l’Affaire s’est enferrée depuis la pantalonnade des deux procès de 1966 et 1967. De cette analyse, reposant sur l’abondante bibliographie publiée1 et quelques documents d’archives provenant des services français2 et américains3, le mystère politique ne sera certainement pas levé. Toutefois, l’Affaire sera rétablie dans son double contexte géopolitique. La disparition du dirigeant révolutionnaire internationaliste El Medhi Ben Barka doit en effet être replacée dans son époque, à savoir le Maroc des lendemains de l’indépendance et de l’accession d’Hassan II au trône. -
SUSTAINABILITY INDEPENDENT MEDIA in the Middle East INDEX and North Africa 2009 MEDIA SUSTAINABILITY INDEX 2009
algeria egypt iraq jordan bahrain kuwait lebanon morocco libya oman palestine united arab emirates saudi arabia syria iraq-kurdistan tunisia iran qatar yemen DEVELOPMENT MEDIA OF SUSTAINABLE SUSTAINABILITY INDEPENDENT MEDIA IN THE MIDDLE EAST INDEX AND NORTH AFRICA 2009 MEDIA SUSTAINABILITY INDEX 2009 The Development of Sustainable Independent Media in the Middle East and North Africa MEDIA SUSTAINABILITY INDEX 2009 The Development of Sustainable Independent Media in the Middle East and North Africa www.irex.org/msi Copyright © 2011 by IREX IREX 2121 K Street, NW, Suite 700 Washington, DC 20037 E-mail: [email protected] Phone: (202) 628-8188 Fax: (202) 628-8189 www.irex.org Project manager: Leon Morse Assistant editor: Dayna Kerecman Myers Copyeditors: Carolyn Feola de Rugamas, Carolyn.Ink; Kelly Kramer, WORDtoWORD Editorial Services; OmniStudio Design and layout: OmniStudio Printer: Westland Enterprises, Inc. Notice of Rights: Permission is granted to display, copy, and distribute the MSI in whole or in part, provided that: (a) the materials are used with the acknowledgement “The Media Sustainability Index (MSI) is a product of IREX with funding from USAID.”; (b) the MSI is used solely for personal, noncommercial, or informational use; and (c) no modifications of the MSI are made. Acknowledgment: This publication was made possible through support provided by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) under Cooperative Agreement No. #DFD-A-00-05-00243 (MSI-MENA) via a Task Order by the Academy for Educational Development. Disclaimer: The opinions expressed herein are those of the panelists and other project researchers and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or IREX. -
Scientific Paper
“The life span of alternative media in a hybrid configuration” Fadma Aït Mous & Driss Ksikes Scientific Paper The life span of alternative media in a hybrid configuration. The cases of Lakome and Mamfakinch in Morocco Fadma Aït Mous Université Hassan II, Associate Researcher (EGE) Driss Ksikes Director of Cesem, HEM research centree 1 “The life span of alternative media in a hybrid configuration” Fadma Aït Mous & Driss Ksikes Introduction When the SAHWA Survey was launched in 2015, major transformations had already occurred in “alternative media” in Morocco. This didn’t prevent young people from developing alternative uses of social media and different political strategies than the dominant ones. But a melancholic attitude emerges from our research, showing that the youth were very sceptical about the media’s capacity to mirror their aspirations, and when connected (10.5%), they were more likely to surf on foreign websites.1 But if youth defiance towards political representations and mainstream media is obvious, the weak capacity of the alternative media to survive, while supposed to partly fulfil these youth expectations in terms of freedom of expression and access to information, needs to be fully understood. There is a need for a theoretical framework to encompass this paradox. Political hybridity looks like a convenient one.2 Actually, the fact that political regimes such as the Moroccan one shift arbitrarily from liberalism to repression depending on the rulers’ mood or the political and economic forces at stake has raised a lot of questions in political science literature about the advent of full-fledged public spheres.3 Press freedom and practice is at the heart of this dilemma. -
2013 Zaid Moroccan Media in Democratic Transition ANG
Moroccan Media in Democratic Transition Bouziane Zaid Al Akhawayn University in Ifrane, Morocco Abstract A core assumption of much of the literature on media in developing countries is that a more independent press with greater freedom will make a positive contribution to political change. In Morocco, a democratic transition started in 1997, when the opposition socialist party came to power and led the government. The new government’s mission was to enact political reforms that aimed at promoting human rights, civil liberties, an open and pluralist media, and at establishing the rule of law. This paper examines the interplay between media policy, media institutions, and the government. To evaluate the nature of the political role of media in democratic transitions requires close scrutiny of three major factors: the legal, the economic, and the political environments. One important outcome of this research is that it will help determine whether Morocco's democratic reforms are meaningful reforms, or just empty attempts to pacify domestic and international public opinion. 1. Introduction The relationship between media and democracy has been widely researched. Classical liberal theorists from Milton through Locke and Madison to John Stuart Mill have argued that free and independent media can play a critical role in the process of democratization. Edmund Burke’s concept of the ‘fourth estate’ has traditionally been regarded as one of the most efficient mechanisms of checks and balances. In the Arab world, this interplay among mass media, politics and society did not lead to political change. It is a common belief among communication scholars that Arab mass media were inefficient in promoting democratization in the Arab societies in which they operated (Rugh, 1987). -
Freedom on the Net 2014
FREEDOM ON THE NET 2014 Morocco 2013 2014 Population: 33 million Partly Partly Internet Freedom Status Internet Penetration 2013: 55 percent Free Free Social Media/ICT Apps Blocked: No Obstacles to Access (0-25) 11 11 Political/Social Content Blocked: Yes Limits on Content (0-35) 7 10 Bloggers/ICT Users Arrested: Yes Violations of User Rights (0-40) 24 23 TOTAL* (0-100) 42 44 Press Freedom 2014 Status: Not Free * 0=most free, 100=least free Key Developments: May 2013 – May 2014 • Access to Lakome, an independent and investigative news site, was blocked on October 17, 2013, sparking local and international outrage over one of the first instances of state censorship in recent years (see Limits on Content). • The blocking of Lakome, which came shortly after it had published controversial stories chronicling the royal pardoning of a convicted pedophile and extremists’ threats against the monarchy, has contributed to a slight increase in self-censorship among independent journalists (see Limits on Content). • Ali Anouzla, editor-in-chief of the French-language version of Lakome, was arrested in September 2013 on charges of supporting and advocating terrorism in the context of an article had written on jihadist threats in Morocco. He was apparently charged for providing a link to a Spanish news site, which in turn had embedded the jihadist YouTube video in question. He was released on bail in October and his trial has been repeatedly postponed (see Violations of User Rights). • Two high school students were detained by police for one week in October 2013 in the city of Nador after a friend posted a photograph on Facebook of them kissing in front of their high school. -
Media Landscape and the State of the Freedom of Media in Selected ENP and EU Countries
Media landscape and the state of the freedom of media in selected ENP and EU countries Media analysis Warsaw 2019 Media landscape and the state of the freedom of media in selected ENP and EU countries Dominik Cagara, Michał Kobosko, Ewa Stasiak-Jazukiewicz, Roxane Farmanfarmaian, Anatoliy Martsynkovskyi, Natalia Moghilda Editors Dominik Cagara, Michał Kobosko Technical editor Marcin Sobala Published by College of Europe Natolin Campus Nowoursynowska 84 02-797 Warsaw, Poland This publication has been produced with the assistance of the European Union. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the College of Europe, Natolin and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the European Union. Unless otherwise indicated, this publication and its contents are the property of the Natolin Campus of the College of Europe. All rights reserved. College of Europe Natolin Campus ul. Nowoursynowska 84 PL 02-797 Warsaw, Poland www.coleuropenatolin.eu 2 ENP SOUTH Dr. Roxane Farmanfarmaian Social and political dimension of journalism (popular topics, EU journalists about ENP and ENP journalists about EU, how well are the regions covered amongst each other, trends, gaps, cultural differences in information expectations, sources of information) Regional overview: The restricted environment for political and investigative journalism in the region is a key issue for EU journalism, which focuses generally on practices of self-censorship, government manipulation of media, constraints on reportage, and protection of journalists. National and economic developments receive good coverage; EU reportage is less nuanced and informed about local and less mainstream mass media such as radio. It is particularly unskilled at assessing Islamic media popularity, influences and impacts, including both locally produced and regionally produced programming.