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TIMBER AND TIN: Church Design and Construction in the James Bay Mission, 1850-1890 EMILY TURNER is a PhD candidate in architecture >EMILY TURNER at the University of Edinburgh, Scotland. Her research focuses on the development of physical infrastructures in Christian mission stations in Northern in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. ince the early French presence in SNorth America, missions to Canada’s indigenous peoples have been a key aspect of European expansion into the territory. The second half of the nine- teenth century, in particular, was of note for the Church Missionary Society (CMS), the evangelical branch of the Church of ’s missionary programme, which focussed its efforts on Canada’s North and West, as part of their larger evangel- istic enterprise across the British Empire. Although focussed primarily on preach- ing and conversion, the presence of mis- sionaries was most effectively denoted through the construction and growth of churches and mission stations. Five of these stations were located on the shores of James Bay, with the specific focus of evangelizing the James Bay .1 The churches erected at these stations, in particular those at , which became the seat of the newly created Diocese of Moosonee in 1872, and at Fort George, demonstrate two key approaches to church design and construction, which, when examined in light of the CMS’s policy on ecclesiastical infrastructure development, clarify the important lim- itations and conditions faced by these remote stations as regards their approach to architecture.

The five mission stations in this region were located at the Hudson Bay Company posts of Moose Factory in the south; Rupert House, Eastmain and Fort George on the eastern shore of the Bay; and Fort Albany on the western shore. Churches were erected at all of these stations, but very limited information about them can be found; only one, St. Thomas’, Moose FIG. 1. ST THOMAS’ CHURCH, MOOSE FACTORY, 1856-1864; 1884, EXTERIOR. | ALGOMA UNIVERSITY SPECIAL COLLECTIONS, SHINGWAUK RESIDENTIAL SCHOOLS CENTRE, JOHN EDMONDS FONDS, 2011-060-001.

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Factory (1856-1864, 1884), survives in a agency policy advocated the transmission Of all the churches on the James Bay complete and recognizable form. A lack of “ in its essential truths sev- coast from the original CMS’s mission, of documentation as well as relatively few ered from all the incidentals,”4 in order to St. Thomas’ Church, Moose Factory, which extant structures are central limitations in promote “the formation of a national and became the diocesan seat in 1872, has the the examination of many CMS churches independent church, possessed of that best documented history and survives in in the Canadian North; as such, assump- freedom and elasticity which will enable the most complete form, as has previously tions must be made based on the surviv- it to adapt itself to the exigencies and been noted (fig. 1). It was constructed ing structures and the written material circumstances of the new people amongst between 1856 and 1864, with the chancel available. With those limitations in mind, whom it has grown.”5 Most importantly added in 1884, under the supervision of the two churches that will be primarily for the CMS, the native agency policy was John Horden (1828-1893), the missionary examined in this paper highlight key to be applied to two specific fields: the at Moose Factory who became the dio- approaches to construction and style, translation of Scripture and other reli- cese’s first , to replace an older drawing conclusions which can most likely gious texts into local languages, and the church on the same site, established by a be applied to the other three, despite the training and education of native clergy previous Methodist mission in the 1840s.9 limited information available that can be and lay leaders in the hope of building a Incorporating a steeply-pitched roof, with used for concrete analysis. local episcopal hierarchy manned primar- lancet windows and an entrance tower, ily by non-Europeans.6 this structure is a basic example of timber In order to effectively examine the archi- Gothic construction—in line with contem- tecture of the James Bay churches, it is Within the broader application of this porary trends for church building in North necessary to briefly look at the central strategy, church architecture fell firmly America for both settler and mission organization’s policy on construction pro- into the category of “incidentals” because churches.10 This design is not architectur- jects for mission stations. Contrary to stan- of its intimate connections to English ally innovative, nor does it seek to incor- dard Anglican practice in the second half culture, a fact recognized by the CMS.7 porate indigenous design methodologies of the nineteenth century as regards the As the Church Missionary Intelligencer in any way. It has clearly been drawn dir- erection of churches abroad, the CMS was reported in 1869: “Christianity clothed ectly from the English parish tradition actually opposed to the prevalent Gothic with a form so rigidly, and unalter- exemplified in the early Gothic Revival, Revival style for churches in its stations. ably Anglican . . . can never thoroughly a trend adapted to timber construction Instead, the organization advocated the adapt itself to the requirements of a throughout North America.11 However, it use of vernacular forms, often modified, new country.”8 In theory, this approach should be noted that within most CMS for worship space. This policy was specific- dictated the use of local architectural stations, the vast majority of clergy were ally discussed at the 1860 Conference on forms in place of more familiar English not architecturally trained, nor did they Missions in Liverpool, a conference that and European ones in order to make the have access to the centres of architec- set the tone for their evangelical mission church as a representation of faith more tural knowledge present in the univer- strategy over the next thirty years.2 The relatable and more appropriate to both sity societies of Oxford and Cambridge, Gothic church, it was deemed, was “out of new and would-be converts. The actual attributable to the high recruitment rate, place”3 in the global mission field. application of this scheme, however, was especially in the North American field, of consistently uneven. Taking the James clergy and lay workers without a univer- The reasons behind such stance, so diver- Bay churches as primary examples, it is sity degree. Horden, for example, had not gent from standard Anglican practice, glaringly obvious that this policy was completed any higher education studies were larger CMS policies regarding the not followed. Nevertheless, the lack whatsoever.12 As a result, many designs ultimate outcomes of the evangelistic of adherence to corporate directives for church projects were not original, but enterprise. At its heart was a policy known reflects a more complicated set of cir- rather drawn from elsewhere; however, as “native agency,” which aimed to pro- cumstances than perhaps realized by the from Horden’s written records, it is not mote Christianity not as an imported Home Committee when constructing entirely clear what exactly inspired the English cultural institution, but rather worship spaces in remote environments, church’s design. as a universal profession of faith that rather than ignorance or lack of interest could operate within pre-Christian cul- in larger goals central to the mandate of The most likely source for this design, tural paradigms. In particular, the native the Society. and others like it, are the pattern books.

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Well circulated throughout nineteenth- century North America, pattern books formed a solid backbone in church design because they allowed communities, espe- cially remote ones, to build Gothic-style churches, even when there was no one in the immediate area with such archi- tectural expertise.13 These books provided detailed images, and often also plans, for a range of structures that could be easily adapted, as necessary, to the local conditions. The most likely source for St. Thomas’, based on visual evidence, is a pattern for a wooden church by American architect Richard Upjohn (1802-1878), published in 1852 in his book Upjohn’s Rural Architecture14 (fig. 2). Although there are some clear visual differences, the massing of forms, specifically in the use of the southern entrance tower, FIG. 2. RICHARD UPJOHN, “DESIGN FOR A WOODEN CHURCH,” UPJOHN’S RURAL ARCHITECTURE, 1852. | IMAGE COURTESY OF makes this pattern a plausible source for DIVISION OF RARE AND MANUSCRIPT COLLECTIONS, CORNELL UNIVERSITY. Horden’s design. Whether this book was used specifically or if Horden saw a church of weatherboard for board and batten, the church’s Englishness. For example, in like this elsewhere is entirely unknown, deemphasizing the verticality of the an 1884 letter, he wrote: “it now appears but the clear visual correlations between structure; and the somewhat ambiguous like a fair English Church, while its [MS the two structures point to a link. windows in the nave, tending toward a illegible] is as well crafted for worship wider Georgian profile, especially when both as regards to [right?] theory as The differences between Upjohn’s pat- compared directly to the more recogniz- any church I am acquainted with.”16 He tern and St. Thomas’, however, highlight able lancets in the chancel. These chan- even, at times, compared the structure a very important aspect of the approach ges most likely arose from the practical to similar churches in England, admit- to architecture taken in this region and, concerns faced by a remote mission with ting very directly the stylistic source of indeed, by the CMS in general when limited resources; for example, weather- the church, and the English ecclesiastical employing Gothic design elements in board, a fairly consistent feature in tradition.17 Furthermore, it was widely their mission churches. In particular, the churches not only in the James Bay basin acknowledged throughout that period CMS, and its agents, were generally not but in many of the CMS’s North American that “English” as a term applied to archi- concerned with the rigorous application missions, was cheaper, easier to erect, and tecture essentially meant “Gothic,” but of the Gothic principles as espoused by significantly more durable in unfavour- without the nomenclature associating such Gothic thinkers as Augustus Welby able weather conditions. A policy of econ- it with the High Church branch of the Northmore Pugin and the Cambridge omy, therefore, seems to have dictated style.18 That being said, whatever termin- Camden Society, eschewing the so-called the design process. ology he used, Horden was well aware “ecclesiologically-correct” principles of that his church drew from an English design in favour of practicality.15 There It is important to note that Horden never tradition and consistently emphasized are several key deviations that must be explicitly discussed his church, nor any that fact, the major difference he underlined here in relation to St. Thomas’, other in his diocese, within the para- acknowledged, most obviously, being namely: the slightly lowered pitch of the digm of the larger Gothic Revival. In its construction medium. roof away from the ubiquitous sixty- fact, he never used the word “Gothic” degree pitch seen in the ecclesiologically- to describe the building. What he did As demonstrated through St. Thomas’, correct Upjohn model; the substitution consistently emphasize, however, was timber construction was actively employed

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process. These churches were particularly popular in England, however, where they were often used as temporary churches for poor congregations.20

Of the eight churches known to be sent out by the CMS, three were exported to Western Africa and the Niger Delta to be erected at interior villages under the jurisdiction of Bishop Samuel Crowther.21 The other five were sent to Horden’s dio- cese, between 1876 and 1891, primarily for stations directly on the Hudson Bay coast, with the key exception being the Fort George structure. The primary reason that these churches were exported was to respond to a lack of material resour- ces and manpower in this stations, which would have made it otherwise difficult to erect a suitable structure. Horden wrote of the church for the northern station of Little Whale River: FIG. 3. FORT GEORGE MISSION CHURCH, EXTERIOR, DRAWING BY EDMUND PECK. | CHURCH MISSIONARY SOCIETY ARCHIVES, CADBURY SPECIAL COLLECTIONS, UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAM, CMSA G1/C1/O1896. I should be very glad if some good Christian friend would undertake to collect money for in this region to adapt English forms to Fort George church in particular and in an Iron Church for Mr. Peck at L.W.R.; it the North American context; it was the relation to their use in the CMS’s mission is quite indispensible. No wood grow near most common church building medium field as a whole. there at all fit for buildings, and he cannot used in both James Bay and CMS stations preach to or teach his people in the open in the Canadian Northwest. However, the It is not known how many prefabri- air with the thermometer at 40 degrees most northeasterly station on the Bay cated churches were sent across the below zero.22 broke away from that trend and toward a globe throughout the second half of the less commonly used method of construc- nineteenth century. There are at least Presumably, the church at Fort George tion. The church erected at Fort George eight such recorded incidents specific- was ordered for similar reasons, despite (fig. 3) under the charge of missionary ally under the CMS’s jurisdiction, as well the fact that the timber for the interior Edmund Peck, in the early 1880s, was in as several under the auspices of differ- fittings was harvested and processed fact a prefabricated iron structure sent ent branches of the on site. These iron structures were cer- from England as a kit with instructions to abroad. The most well known, and the tainly more weatherproof than many be assembled by the local congregation. best documented of these churches are of their timber counterparts, especially When examining this structure from the the six structures sent to Australia in the when compared to the poor quality tim- point of view of the CMS’s policy on ver- 1850s, although these were not associ- ber available along much of the James nacular construction, there are some cen- ated with CMS’s missions as they were Bay coast. Although there is no specific trally obvious issues with this approach. intended as settler churches.19 Similar attestation to this for the Fort George However, in order to more fully examine churches were sent to other regions church, examples elsewhere exhorting the rationale behind the use of this build- of the British Empire, including one to the warmth and the ability to withstand ing at the station, it is useful to briefly Victoria, British Columbia, a church which, harsh weather conditions of these types look at prefabricated ecclesiastical struc- although much grander than that at Fort tures in general, both in regard to the George, followed the same construction

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of buildings, especially in winter condi- tions, suggest this may have been a factor at play.23

In fact, very little is actually known about this structure; it is primarily enigmatic in its origins because Peck, the missionary in charge of the station, was based to the north in Little Whale River during its erection and wrote very little about it. Primarily described in very brief notes during a visit to the station in 1882, Peck’s depictions were so limited that he never explicitly identified the fact that the church was a prefabricated kit.24 His dis- cussion centred primarily on the collection and processing of timber for the interior skeleton and sheathing, never mentioning the inclusion of any metal elements, pre- sumably due to the fact that the majority of the building was completed while he was away. The only indication that the church was an iron kit comes from a précis of missionary activity in North America in the Proceedings of the Church Missionary Society for 1883, which reported that “another iron church, provided (like the one at Little Whale River) by the efforts of Mrs. Agnes Wright has been received by him [Peck], and put up at Fort George for the use of the Indians there.”25

The construction process and material composition of that structure can be extrapolated both from the very brief FIG. 4. ST. EDMUND’S CHURCH, LITTLE WHALE RIVER, 1879. | PRINCE OF WALES NORTHERN HERITAGE CENTRE, ARCHIBALD FLEMING FONDS, descriptions provided by Peck during N-1979-050; 0298. visits to Fort George and from the analo- gous erection of another iron church in case of the church for Little Whale River, the use of local timber for the interior his charge, at the northern station of at Fort George, only the external shell was primarily a cost-saving measure to Little Whale River on Hudson Bay, in 1879 was imported.27 In his 1882 annual let- avoid importing from England a material (fig. 4). The kit itself contained only the ter to the CMS Home Committee, Peck that was fairly readily available at the exterior iron shell and fittings, includ- discussed at length the harvesting and station. ing windows and doors. The skeleton processing of timber at Fort George and interior sheathing of both structures specifically for the church, as well as The import of a church directly from were made of wood, which was standard the initial erection of its interior skel- England was certainly a direct infusion of practice in these buildings (fig. 5).26 eton.28 Clearly, the material resources at English culture into the James Bay ecclesi- Although interior fittings appeared to Fort George were not so limited that no astical environment. The surviving images have been sent from England in the labour could be done onsite; presumably, of this structure from the early twentieth

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most likely were of timber construction as the import of iron structures generally was noted in CMS’s records, as it was in the case of the Fort George church and the other four imported to Horden’s dio- cese. That being said, there is very little documentary evidence that can be used to discuss their stylistic adherence and construction process, specifically in the case of Rupert House and Eastmain, as neither had resident missionaries for significant periods of time during the late nineteenth century and considering that their churches were extensively modified and reconstructed in the early twentieth century.

Fort Albany, however, was under the direct jurisdiction of Thomas Vincent, a Métis man who became archdeacon of the diocese in 1883 and was a fairly prolific church builder in the outstations around the fort.31 With limited access to English architectural trends, whether or not he would choose to erect a church in FIG. 5. FORT GEORGE MISSION CHURCH, INTERIOR, DRAWING BY EDMUND PECK. | CHURCH MISSIONARY SOCIETY ARCHIVES, CADBURY SPECIAL COLLECTIONS, UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAM, CMSA G1/C1/O1896. a clear Gothic style is less clear. The church at Fort Albany under his supervision was century show that it clearly conformed to these building manufacturer’s customers, described as “one of the prettiest little Gothic design principles, incorporating primarily wanted buildings that reflected churches in James Bay.”32 It was par- double lancet windows on the long nave, the prevalent ecclesiastical trends of the tially destroyed by floodwaters in 1880, a steeply-pitched roof and frontal tower. day, specifically the neo-Gothic style, resulting in a major rebuilding project; The original building also had an architec- and the choices available for order dir- the reports of the flood, however, con- turally separate chancel, another factor ectly reflected that clientele’s tastes. For firm that the church was originally con- that emphasized the overarching Gothic the CMS, the advantage of these struc- structed with a steeple, a fairly standard theme through its stylistic details and tures was that they were easy to erect Gothic feature, and it can be assumed massing of forms.29 From a stylistic point and highly utilitarian. The fact that their that the rest of the structure conformed of view, this structure, like its contempor- stylistic adherence was not in line with to a European mould. Vincent, in any ary in Moose Factory, was very overtly in corporate policy was of secondary import- case, consistently built in a European contravention of the CMS’s policy. ance, especially given the presence of style; several churches constructed under other Gothic-style churches within this his supervision in northwestern However, the use of prefabricated local mission. were consistently described as “English,” structures naturally dictated the use of which, as at St. Thomas’, remains a good European forms. Due to the fact that It is likely that the other churches con- indicator of a broad adherence to the these buildings were industrially manu- structed in the other three stations along Gothic stylistic umbrella.33 factured and could be ordered from the coast followed the stylistic pattern catalogues, there was little room in the laid out by the churches at both Moose When looking at the James Bay mission, process for cultural nuance.30 Buyers in Factory and Fort George, although none it is clear that the use of English forms England, who comprised the majority of survive to confirm this assumption. They for non-English congregations, despite

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corporate policy, was the norm in the region; it was, however, also the norm in the vast majority of the CMS’s mis- sions across the British Empire, where Gothic churches were consistently being erected. That being said, it must be noted that the CMS did not police architecture within its missions; missionaries, like Horden and Peck, were effectively oper- ating independently and were able to address the particular concerns of their area, as well as build in a style they were comfortable pursuing, given the resour- ces at their disposal. It appears that the Society saw vernacular construction and design practice as desirable in church con- struction projects, but certainly not the most important aspect of evangelism. Their lack of reaction to the use of the Gothic style can be seen in the pages of their two major periodicals, the Church Missionary Intelligencer and Church Missionary Gleaner, which regularly discussed Gothic construction projects throughout the global mission field and FIG. 6. SKIN-TENT FRAME, BAFFIN ISLAND, SIMILAR TO THE SKIN-TENT CHURCH. ILLUSTRATION FROM THE CHURCH MISSIONARY 34 portrayed them in a positive light. The GLEANER, JANUARY 1900. | IMAGE COURTESY OF CHURCH MISSIONARY SOCIETY ARCHIVES, CADBURY SPECIAL COLLECTIONS, UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAM. James Bay churches were not as out of place within the global context as corpor- of flexible day schooling options for their As for Peck, he was highly committed to ate policy might suggest. Nevertheless, children, and was invested in the train- the native agency principles, particularly they appear to indicate a stance on the ing and ordination of both Cree and in the growth of a native pastorate; his idea of native agency not entirely in line Métis men to expand the church using later missions to Baffin Island in the 1890s with CMS’s goals. local manpower.35 Yet at the same time, and early 1900s attest to such commit- Horden displayed tendencies toward ment.38 Although not evident at his mis- The stance on “native agency” by what church historian Brian Stanley has sions under Horden, his approach actually the two missionaries involved in the called “soft racism,”36 that is the making translated into a vernacular approach to erection of the above example, John of a casual connection between exposure architectural practice on a limited scale. Horden and Edmund Peck, provides a to Christianity and the level of civiliza- An interesting development coming out key backdrop to the discussion of these tion in a given racial group. For example, of the Baffin Island mission, centred on structures and outlines the ambiguous as his mission progressed, Horden had Blacklead Island in Cumberland Sound, place of architecture within this strat- questions about the ability of the Cree was the use of Inuit construction methods egy. Horden’s commitment to the policy and Métis members of his congrega- to erect clearly defined worship spaces, was both incomplete and highly typical tion to carry the weight of the Christian although these were explicitly recognized of missionaries in the field. He avidly establishment without English assist- as being temporary. The most well known promoted the use of the Cree language ance, because of their limited exposure of these structures was the so-called “tab- among his staff, made sure that the Cree to the faith as a cultural group, and he ernacle in the wilderness,” a sealskin tent lifestyle was not overly interrupted by consistently took a paternalistic stance built on a whalebone frame that evolved their adherence to the Christian liturgical on their welfare, a widespread view directly from Inuit construction methods year, specifically through the promotion among Anglicans abroad.37 (fig. 6).39 Nevertheless, the consolidation

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of the Baffin mission was marked, like missionaries working amongst cultures that could be achieved due to their faith at Fort George, with the erection of a with clearly identifiable permanent in, and obedience to God.48 As a result, European-type building, albeit a very architectural traditions were not avail- the idea of architectural permanence rudimentary one, imported from Scotland able given the primarily mobile lifestyle for mission worship spaces was seen to on a whaling ship.40 of the James Bay Cree. The western idea transcend culture, in this case standard of architectural permanence, especially English settlements patterns, and become Evidently, commitment to native agency within the context of Christian missions, a key aspect of the acceptance of God and and the erection of churches using vernacu- was a deeply ingrained in the British psy- the growth of Christian communities as lar design principles did not directly correl- che in North America, and one that did exemplified through scriptural examples ate. That being said, churches employing not correlate to using semi-permanent vernacular design elements and construc- or moveable forms.44 Certainly, mission- It should be noted that not all regions tion methods, although not widespread, aries in the region performed services, with a tradition of permanent construc- did exist in the mission field. The two main and even sacraments, in the bush or in tion in which the CMS operated pursued areas where these types of churches were Cree camps, as demonstrated by the a vernacular approach to ecclesiastical erected were in Pakistan and on New published account of Horden’s successor, design. In particular, the mission sta- Zealand’s North Island. While these two Bishop Jervois Newnham, performing a tions in British Columbia tended toward fields were startlingly different in many baptism on his way to Fort Albany “by Gothic-style design to the detriment of respects, they both could rely on a factor the light of the candle in the open air.”45 the powerful long house building tech- that allowed a vernacular style to be eas- Peck used Inuit tent structures for wor- niques employed by the local Tsimshian, ily utilized by missionaries: an established ship in the early years of the Baffin mis- Tlingit, and Haida communities where tradition of permanent construction and sion, as mentioned above, but he also the missionaries worked.49 Yet, as a rule, local expertise involved in their erection. used snow structures, demonstrating a these missions operated under a differ- In Pakistan, the tradition employed and clear willingness to adapt to architectural ent ideological framework, one which adapted into Christian ecclesiastical design conditions outside of European norms.46 actively suppressed native culture, as most was drawn from Mughal-era mosque con- Nevertheless, the church as a permanent infamously demonstrated by the con- struction and was generally put in place structure was, for the CMS, a centrally structed settlement at Metlakatla under by local, and not necessarily Christian, important element of the growth of William Duncan, where European archi- architects with a specific understanding of Christianity in a given region as a key indi- tectural forms were explicitly employed in local design and construction techniques.41 cator of the consolidation of the mission.47 order to separate his converts from their In New Zealand, conversely, the domestic For Horden, a man with no architectural pre-Christian past and “the miasma of whare, or meeting house, forms were training and with no access to someone heathen life.”50 The express rejection of adapted and modified by local congrega- with professional expertise, designing a vernacular forms, in this particular region, tions to build spaces for Christian worship culturally-sensitive yet permanent church was directly associated with a rejection throughout the 1840s, 1850s, and 1860s from two disparate approaches to human of the value of any aspects of indigenous in large-scale projects driven primarily by space was outside of what was reason- culture. This is opposed to the significant local Maori congregations.42 While the able in such circumstances. This idea of practical concerns and the overarching, structures erected under these schemes permanence is highlighted when look- but not intentionally destructive, racial presented very specific problems in regard ing at Peck’s mission in Blacklead and attitudes and cultural assumptions of to liturgy and their ability to be identified the eventual erection of a permanent Horden and his contemporaries in the as churches, and were often criticized on structure to replace the vernacular tent- James Bay region. the basis of their non-Christian design ele- church with a western-style building. To ments, they exemplified the growth of ver- further stress this point, the importance The difficultly in adapting Cree build- nacular expressions of Christian worship at of permanence was also emphasized ing techniques to thoughtful permanent least within limited segments of the CMS’s through scriptural interpretation. Central worship spaces by individuals with little mission field.43 to this idea was the Old Testament tran- experience in nuanced architectural plan- sition of the Israelites from a nomadic ning led directly to the use of the two Obviously, on the James Bay coast, the people in the desert to a settled agricul- strategies outlined in the Moose Factory options presented abroad to CMS’s tural civilization in Canaan, a transition and Fort George churches: pattern books

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and prefabrication. Both of these strat- they were also not seen as being the most 12. Buckland, A.R., 1895, John Horden, Missionary egies allowed missionaries with lim- important area to implement a policy of Bishop: Life on the Shores of Hudson Bay, , Musson Book Company, p. 17-19. ited knowledge and resources to erect native agency, but rather a utilitarian permanent, functional structures in necessity for which there was a straight- 13. Magrill, Barry, 2012, A Commerce of Taste: Church Architecture in Canada, 1867-1914, their missions with relatively little effort, forward English solution. Montreal, McGill Queen’s University Press, especially in regard to design. However, 130-131. they naturally dictated how the struc- 14. Upjohn, Richard, 1852, Upjohn’s Rural ture would proceed stylistically as both Architecture, New York. of these resources were directed primar- NOTES 15. Bremner : 244-245. ily at home and settler audiences. These 16. John Horden to Christopher Fenn [fall 1884], 1. Horden, John, 1889 “Christian Work Among solutions were intended to be accessible John Horden Letterbooks (hereafter Horden the Cree Indians,” The Quiver, no. 61, p. 166. to a much larger audience than the small MSS), Box 1 M61-3 p483, Moosonee Collection, mission field in northeastern Ontario 2. Williams, Peter, 2000, “‘Not Transplanting’: General Synod Archives, Toronto. Henry Venn’s Strategic Vision,” in Kevin and, as such, consistently presented 17. Horden to unknown, February 28, 1885, Ward and Brian Stanley (eds.), The Church Horden MSS, Box 1 M61-3 p633. structures based on European, gener- Missionary Society and World Christianity, ally Gothic, principles. The strategy was 1799-1999, Grand Rapids, MI, W.B. Eerdmans, 18. Bradley, Simon, 2002, “The Englishness of utilitarian, to the detriment of commit- p. 147. Gothic: Theories and Interpretations from William Gilpin to J.H. Parker,” Architectural 3. 1860, Conference on Missions Held in 1860 ment to policy and to “arraying the truths History, vol. 45, p. 331. of Christianity in the vernacular of the at Liverpool, London, James Nisbet and Co., p. 285-87. 19. Bremner : 164. people,”51 as expressed through material 20. Smith, Ian, 2004, Tin Tabernacles: Corrugated form. Nevertheless, it allowed the mission 4. 1869, “The Organization of Native Churches,” Church Missionary Intelligence, vol. 5, p. 99. Iron Mission Halls, Churches and Chapels in stations in the region to erect useable Britain, Salisbury, Camrose, p. 3-17. churches without significant time being 5. Id. : 315. 21. 1888, “The Mission Field – West Africa,” 6. Venn, Henry, 1899, “Minute Upon the allotted to the planning process. Church Missionary Gleaner, no. 177, p. 177. Employment and Ordination of Native Teachers,” in Eugene Stock (ed.), A History 22. Horden to CMS, November 7, 1876, CMSA Commitment to policies on paper did of the Church Missionary Society: Its CC1/02D/18. not necessarily work on the ground, Environment, Its Men and Its Work, vol. 2, 23. 1857, “Notes of the Month,” The Civil Engineer especially when that policy did not dir- London, Church Missionary Society, p. 415. and Architect’s Journal, vol. 20, p. 236; ectly affect immediate evangelism. While 7. Bishop of Ossory [William Pakenham Walsh], Edmund Peck to Henry Wright, December 23, speaking the Cree language had direct 1888, “Brief Sketches of Church Missionary 1880, CMSA 4/81 30. Labourers,” Church Missionary Gleaner, consequences on how evangelism was 24. Peck, Edmund, 1883, “Extracts from Annual no. 179, p. 163. conducted, church construction, viewed Letters: North West America,” Church 8. “The Organization of Native Churches” : Missionary Intelligencer, vol. 13, p. 438. from a utilitarian perspective, did not, 315-316. 25. 1884, Proceedings of the Church Missionary as long as some sort of building was 9. John Horden, Description of Moose Factory Society for 1883-84, London, Church present and available for worship servi- Island (1852), Church Missionary Society Missionary Society, p. 230. ces. The churches of the James Bay mis- Archives (hereafter CMSA) CC1/033/29, 26. Smith : 75. sion approached faith-based architectural University of Birmingham Special Collections; 27. Peck to Wright, December 20, 1879, CMSA planning in an area where incompatible Long, John S., 1985, “The Reverend George Barnley, Wesleyan Methodism and the Fur CC1/049/14. ideas of architecture collided by taking Trade Company Families of James Bay,” 28. Peck, “Extracts from Annual Letters…” : 438. the easy route, not the culturally nuanced Ontario History, vol. 77, p. 43-44. one, an approach taken very frequently 29. Peck to unnamed friends, n.d. [1896], CMSA 10. See for example Bremner, G.A., 2013, CC1/049/54. through CMS’s missions abroad. This Imperial Gothic: Religious Architecture and 30. Smith : 30-33. was certainly unfortunate in light of the High Anglican Culture in the British Empire Society’s mandate, especially given how, c. 1840-1870, New Haven, Yale University 31. 1899, Proceedings of the Church Missionary Press, p. 145-150. Society for 1898-99, London, Church in some regions, vernacular forms had 11. Richardson, Douglas, 1972, “Hyperborean Missionary Society, p. 420. been actively and successfully integrated Gothic: or Wilderness Ecclesiology and 32. Heaney, Bertal, 1920, Leaders of the Canadian into ecclesiastical design. The James Bay the Wood Churches of Edward Medley,” Church, vol. 2, Toronto, Musson, p. 89. churches were consciously foreign, but Architectura, vol. 1, p. 49-50.

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33. Proceedings of the Church Missionary Society 41. The three key examples of mosque-style for 1898-99 : 420-421. churches constructed under the CMS’s jurisdic- tion can be found at Peshawar, Narowal, and 34. For example, see: 1871, “A Nascent Bishopric,” Clarkabad. See: Clark, Robert, 1884, “Opening Church Missionary Intelligencer, vol. 7, p. 201; of the CMS Memorial Church at Peshawar,” [Sargent, Edward], 1885, “The Church at Church Missionary Intelligencer, vol. 9, p. 180; Megnanapuram,” Church Missionary Gleaner, Weitbrecht, H.U., 1885, “Excerpt from Annual no. 138, p. 63. Letters,” Church Missionary Intelligencer, 35. Long, John S., 1985, “John Horden, First vol. 10, p. 471; and 1876, “An Eastern Church Bishop of Moosonee: Diplomat and Man of for Eastern Christians,” Church Missionary Compromise,” Journal of the Canadian Church Gleaner, vol. 30, p. 71-72. Historical Society, vol. 2, p. 91; Long, John S., 42. Brown, Deirdre, 2000, “The Maori Response 1978, “Education in the James Bay Region to Gothic Architecture,” Architectural History, During the Horden Years,” Ontario History, vol. 43, p. 253; Sundt, Richard A., 2010, Whare vol. 70, p. 75-89. Karakia: Maori Church Building, Decoration 36. Stanley, Brian, 2010, “From ‘the Poor Heathen’ and Ritual in Aotearoa New Zealand 1834- to ‘the Glory and Honour of All Nations’: 1863, Auckland, Auckland University Press, Vocabulary of Race and Custom in Protestant p. 88-134. Missions, 1844-1928,” International Bulletin 43. Lloyd, J.F., 1850, “Letters and Journals from of Missionary Research, vol. 34, p. 4 Missionaries: the Otaki and Wanganui 37. The key example is his treatment of Vincent. Districts of New Zealand,” Church Missionary See Horden to Fenn, February 20, 1889, Intelligencer, vol. 1, p. 357; Clark, “CMS Horden MSS, Box 1 M61-3 p879; Long, Memorial Church…” : 180. John S., 1983, “Archdeacon Thomas Vincent 44. Den Otter, A.A., 2012, Civilizing the Wilderness: of Moosonee and the Handicap of ‘Métis’ Culture and Nature in Rupert’s Land and Pre- Racial Status,” The Canadian Journal of Confederation Canada, , University Native Studies, vol. 3, p. 98. In regard to this of Alberta Press, p. 114. paternalism in the larger Canadian missio- nary context, see for example: Hayes, Alan, 45. Jervois Newnham, quoted in Stock, History of 2004, Anglicans in Canada: Controversies and the Church Missionary Society…, vol. 3 : 627. Identity in Historical Perspective, Urbana, 46. 1900, Proceedings of the Church Missionary University of Illinois Press, p. 19; Coutts, Society for 1899-1900, London, Church Robert, 1991, “Anglican Missionaries as Agents Missionary Society, p. 463. of Acculturation: The Church Missionary Society at St. Andrew’s, Red River, 1830-1870,” 47. Anderson, David, “Speech at the 1855 Annual in Barry Ferguson (ed.), The Anglican Church Meeting of the Church Missionary Society,” and the World of Western Canada, Regina, in Stock, History of the Church Missionary University of Regina Press, p. 52. Society…, vol. 2 : 322.

38. Laugrand, Frédéric, Jarich Oosten and François 48. Den Otter : 120. Trudel, 2006, Apostle to the Inuit: The Journals 49. Veillette, John and Gary White, 1972, Early and Ethnographic Notes of Edmund James Indian Village Churches: Wooden Frontier Peck, The Baffin Years, 1894 -1905, Toronto, Architecture in British Columbia, Vancouver, University of Toronto Press, p. 9. University of British Columbia Press, p. 9. 39. Peck, Edmund, 1894, “The New Arctic 50. Duncan to D. David, May 1875, CMSA Mission: A Letter from Rev. E.J. Peck,” Church C2/08/63A. See also Weylan, Susan, 2003, The Missionary Intelligencer, vol. 20, p. 39. Heavens are Changing: Nineteenth-Century 40. Peck, Edmund, 1900, “Among the Eskimo Protestant Missions and Tsimshian Christianity, of the Greenland Seas,” Church Missionary Montreal, McGill-Queen’s University Press, Gleaner, no. 313, p. 8. p. 53-55. 51. “The Organization of Native Churches” : 99.

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