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DEMOCRATIC TRADITION OF THE CHINESE PEOPLE'S LIBERATION ARMY trtro l,tiNG

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POREIGN LAI,iGUAGES PRNSS PEI{ING 1O6J PUELISHER'S ]VO?E fundamental criterion for distinguishing a revolu- tior-rary army led by the proleiariat from alt This article LtuTg, Meml:er Politicai. by Ho o.[ the counter-t"evolutior-rary armies 1ed by the reactionary rul- Fluleau of the Centi'a1 Con:mittee of the Chin.ese Corn- ing classes, as far as internal relations ale concerned, is t:-runist Part;', Vice-Premier of the State Council and rvhether theie is democracy in liie arnry. is common Vice-Chairman of the National Delence Council of the It knorvledge that a1l alrnies are irrstluments dictator+ People's Republic of , r,vas published on Augusfl of 1, 1965" lire S8tli anniversary of the founcling

'!,2 these 61 Chinese characters as very simple. How easy contrast to all reactionary armies and are in ing it is to carry out these rules, they think. But in fact they most convincing. When junior officers and themselves fail to understand that these rules cannot be carried out members of any reactionary arrny come in rank-and-file at all unless there is the spirit of wholehearted service reality, the lying anti-Communist prop- contact with this to the people and a thoroughly revolutionary world they have been stuffed with is recognized for aganda outlook. No bourgeois army, no army which does not is and is quickly aroused in what it leally take Marxism-Leninism as its guide, rvill ever be' most of the ordinary soldiers of working people's origin' able to carry theiu otrt. The influence of our correct policy and democracy and III. The prerequisite and the basis of all dernocratic our education of the captives made millions of Kuomin- life and the movcment for dernocracy are the strengthen- tang soldiers turn their guns against Chiang Kai-shek, ing of political and ideological education, the raising of and resulted in many combat heroes coming forward from proletarian practice among those soldiers liberated during the revoluti'on- consciousncss and the of widespread ary civil wars. These also induced large groups of political demoeracy. eneiry troops to lay down their arms, so that officers The democratic movement in our arny has always and men of the enelrly forces, tl'ained by the imperialists started from the establishment oI equal political status and reactionaries, changed into forces opposing their and a democratic relationship between officers and men. policies of aggression and war; this happened during the This is seen in the fact that though there is a division War of Resistance Against Japan, during the War to of responsibility between the officers and men, respect Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea, and during our is shown for each o1,her's dignity. AI1 are class brothers counter-attack in self-defence along the Sino-Indian who have come to work for the revolution and who re- border. gard wholehearted service to the peopl,e as their sole aim, The "three main rules oI discipline and eight points In the interests of the revolution, everybody has the for attention" consist of only 61 Chinese characters a-nd right to learn, to investigate, and to carry out the mostly deal with the most ordinary and common things, Party's policies, the right to make positive proposals in such as speaking politely and paying fairly for what you accordance with them, and the right to combat any buy. Of course, all this is meaningless to people filled thinking or action which run counter to them. In the with the notions of the o1d army, and those whose heads interests of the people, officers and rnen rnay supcrvise see the use are cramrred full of foreign doctrines cannot and ci'iticize one another. Officers have obligations to bumpkin" They do not under- of such "country talk. think harder, to offer more ideas and to shoulder more these very cornmon rules shine with the stand that responsibility. But they have no privileges of any kind. of creative Marxism-Leninism and, in concrete brilliance They are duty-bound to welcome pr-oper criticism from terms, embody the essential idea in the buiiding of a the soldiers and have absolutely no right to reject it. proletarian revolutionary army. Some people regarC 15 L4 Naturaily, they are not allowed to srlppress criticism or the army in the fight for the emancipation of the ex- take revenge on account of it. This is the only way to tap ploited working masses, for nationwide land reform the masses' creative abillty and enhance their sense of and {or the destruction of the common enemy of the responsibility to the inaximum, so that they will boldly people, the Chiang Kai-shek bandit gang. It alsn and pose problems, a aptly express opinions and criticize greatly strengthened the firm unity of a1I commanders ghortcornings and, prompted by love and car-e for the and fighters under the leader:ship of the Communist leading organizations and leading members, they will Party. On this basis, the army achieved greater purity play the role of supervisers over them. This is the only in its ranks, strengtfrened discipline, unfolded a lllass way to heighten the enthusiasm of the broad masses of movement for training, and further developed its polit- commanders and soldiers and strengthen the army's democracy in a completely combat ability. ical, economic and military and orderly way.r The raising of the proletarian political consciousness well-led of the officers and men is the ideological basis for exer- Democracy in the three main fields must be and can only cising democracy in the three main fields, As early as be established on the basis of political and ideological 1.929, in the resolution "On Corlecting Mistaken Ideas in education, with class education as the core, and on the the Party", written for the Ninth Party Congress of the basis of political democracy. This is most clearly iinus- Fourth Army of the Red Army, Cornrade Mao Tse-tung trated in the above-quoted passage. stressed the need to intensify the political training of Experience has repeatedly proved that democracy as a both oflicers and men, raise their political level through whole cannot be practised in a healthy manner if it devi- education, bring democracy into full play and organize ates from the basis of class educatiotl and political democ- collective life correctly in accordance with democrati,c racy. Just consider, if there were no common political centralism. This was necessary, he said, in order to op- goa1, no equal political status and no common class feeling pose and correct all unfavourable tendencies. In su-m- between ollicers and men, how could economic and mili- ming up the experience of the nerv type of ideological tary democracy be carried out? Horv could soldiers take education movement in the army during the period of part in uranaging the mess and superintending e,xpendi- thd Third Revolutionary Civil War, tre pointed out: tures? How could officers and men, in military training, The correct unfolding of the movement for pour:ing coach one another and evaluate each other's teaching and out grievances (the wrongs done to the laboui.ing peo- study? As for having democratic discussion of combat ple by the old society and by the reactionaries) and the three check-ups (on class origin, performance of 1"On the Great Victory in the Northwest and on the Neu'Typr: duty and will to fight) greatly heightened the political of Ideological Education lVlovement in the Liberation Army", Selected, Worles of Mao Tse-tung, Voi. IV, Eng' ed., F.L.P., Fe- consciousness of commanders and fighters throughout king, 1961, pp. ?14-15.

18 17 plans during battle, letting everybody air problems and Though their intention is to find ingenious rvays of raising find solutions, and evaluating the cominander's skill and the morale and fighting strength of their soldiers, they ai"c more tactics after a battle, such things would be even out bound to fail pitifully over and over again and repeatedl;, of the question. a rnake a lar-rghing stock of themsetrves. is deterrriined by its Political democracy in our army IV. Economie dernocracy, attention to the well-being are no class antagonisms in the class character. There of the soldiers and the sharing oI weal ancl woe by officexs officers and men being class broth- ranks of our arn'Iy! the and men embody the political principle of the unity of class character of all counter- els. But the reactionary officers and men in daily life, and form the star{ing point revolutionary armies makes it irnpossible {or them to have for uniting the rnasses and bringing their initiative into genuine even more impossible political democracy, and play. for them to employ the revolutionary poiitical work and In all the old-type armies, the solciiers are not only pr-,1i1- the strategy and tactics rvhich only proletarian troops can oppressed but economically exploited. It was a use. Just consider, did not Chiang Kai-shek long ago ically common thing, an open secret, that part of the soldiers' make a serious study of our ten major military principles? pay those armies was pccketed and the soldiers Did he not give orders for the adoption of our campaign of in "blcd From earliest stages in the building of oui' emulation of meritorious service? Has he not, since last white". the army, Comrade Mao Tse-tung buili a system which en- year, studied and "popularized" the method of teaching sured unity between o-lficers and men and abolished the troops devised by Kuo Hsing-fu, one of our company com- and At the same time, hc: manders? Have not the U.S. imperialists long studied practice of bullying beating. nameJ.y, the practice i.rI our tactics of guerrilla warfare? Has not the group of introduced economic democracy, a1l and of soldiers U.S. "military advisers" in south Viet Nam repeatedly having accounts open to inspection by has always attached advocated that efforts should be made to learn frotn our hai-rclling rness arrangements. He improving the life of the soldiers,'' "three main rules of discipline and eight points for atten- great importance to officers and men sharir-rg tion"? But has all this been of any help to them? emphasized the importance of tenden- Military matters cannot be isolated from politics. Pro- the bitter and the sweet, and opposed bureaucratic letarian military matters can arise only out of proletarian cies to ignore the soldiers' welfare" As early as 192[i, politics. However fully we disclose our methods and re- Comrade Mao Tse-tung emphasized how important eco- frain from keeping them secret, however fully Chiang nomic dernocracy, integrated r'vith polibical democracy, w-as ils Kai-shek and his U.S. masters study our material, they was for the Red Army, which at that time still in He lvrote: can never understand the essence, and still less can they infancy and engaged in arduous fighting. errploy these methods among their troops. This is deter- Apart from the role played by the Party, the reason mined by the ::eactionary class character of their troops. why the Red Army has beeu able to carry on in spile

1B 19 o{ such poor material conditions and such frequent en- maintained all through the protracted revolutionary wars gagements is its practice of democracy.l and the period of peaceful construction following the triumph of the revolution. This has ensured selfless striv- Over the decades, this tradition has played a tremendous ing for the common goal on the part of the officers and role in uniting our own ranks, in encouraging the initiative men, who are bound together by class feeling and class and in raising the combat effectiveness of of the masses brotherhood. army. the The importance of practising economic democracy and warlord and bureaucratic habits of Ihose tainted with paying attention to the life of the masses also lies in the they the old-type army are reluctant to undertake what fact that, more often than not, the soldiers come to under- disdainfully regard as "trifles", such as economic democ- stand the nature of the revolutionary army, and the revo- racy. In their vierv, having the accounts open to inspec' lutionary principles such as who is the revolution for, tion by all and running the mess better are trivialities' and whose interests the army is fighting for, in very They simply do not know that only by attending to the concrete and practical ways through those "trifles of needs of the masses can they unite and lead them. This everyday life" which directly -involve their vital interests. has been explained by Comrade Mao Tse-tung on more In a soldier's eyes, a leading cadre who leads a privileged than one occasion. He said: life and does not care about the well-being of the masses just about revolution Do we want to win the support of the masses? Do is a chatterer and a bureaucrat bossing the masses, however skilful he may be we lvant them to devote their strength to the front? in argu- ment. If such a bureaucrat is in command of men in If so, we rnust be with them, arouse their enthusiasm action, he will surely corne a cropper. and initiative, be concerned with their well-being, work V. Military democracy is an important rneasure for earnestly and sincerely in their interests. .2 raising the tactical and technical level, for winning vic- 'If r,ve do so, "the masses rvill surely support us and regard tories and for bringing forward men of ability. The of- the revolution as their most glorious banner, as their very ficers teach the rnen, the men teach the rnen, and the men life."3 It is in cornpliance with Comrade Mao Tse-tung's teaeh the officers, and all difficulties are brought up at instructions that the tradition of officers and men eating, "Chukeh Liang meetings"l where ways and means are living, workit-tg, drilling and retraxing together has been suggested for overcouring them; this is the basie method of carrying out military democracy. 1 "The Struggle in the Chingkang Mountains", Selected Wotks p. 83. of NIao Tse-tung, Voi. tr, Eng. ed., I-.L.P., Peking, 1965, l Chuheh Liang, 181-234 A.D., the famous Chinese statesman 2 "Be Concerned with the Well-Being of the Masses, Fay Atten- and strategist whose name became a synonym among the Chinese tion to Methods 9f Work", Selected Warks of Mao Tse-tuni, people for "a rvise man''. A "Chukeh l-iang meeting" in the Feo- Voi. I, Eng. ed., F.L.P., Peking, 1965, p. 149. hle's Liberatiorr Almy is one in ',vhich the soldiers pool their I lbid., pp. 149-50. wisdom to solve difficult problems. - Tr. 20 Our experience has long proved that a revolutionary ways and means of solving technical and tactical problems; army can practise not only political and economic democ. after a battle, they came together to "evaluate the battle", racy but also military democracy. It can apply military that is, to disctrss bravery, technique, tactics, discipline demoeracy in fighting as tvell as in training. Such military and command, and to sum up their experience in actual democracy r,vas practised as early as the period of the warfare. They made progress alter each battle, In this Woi'kers' and Peasants' Red Army when political meet- way, all the diJficulties encountered in training and ings ar-rd briefings r,vere held among the men before each fighting were easily solved once the masses were encour- battle. Afterwards they analysed the battle and summed aged to carry out fuII military democracy. During the up experience. This .rvas indeed military democracy in whole period of the Third Revolutionary Civil War, mili- practice. Military democracy \ras one of the factors, and tary democracy played a very great role in raising the an extremely important one, in the young Red Army's army's combat effectiveness and in ensuring that even rapiil development of high combat effectiveness and. in with such inferior equipment as "mi1let plus rifles", it the mature development of large numbers of intelligent could defeat the Chiang Kai-shek troops equipped by the and courageous military commanders peasant U.S. rvith aircraft and artillery. - men of imperialists origin, "country bumpkins" who had never attended a Comrade Mao Tse-tung made a timely summation oI military acadeury. the additional experience gained in perfecting military de- l"he military democracy practised in the Red Army mocracy. He said: period v.,as developed in the War of Resistance Against With regard to military democracy, in periods of Japan. During the Third Revolutionary Civil War, it training there must be mutual instruction as between Ieaped forward to a new stage, and a complete set of officers and soldiers and among the soldiers themselves; methods or" applying miiitary democracy both in training and in periods of fighting the companies at the front and in fighting came into existence. In training, the of- hold big and small meetings of various kinds, ficers and men instructed each other, to the benefit of both must direction the cornpany leadership, the the teachers and the students, and eval,uations were made Under the of of both teaching and studying. They were organized into masses of soldiers should be roused to discuss how to mutual-aid groups for training in which veterans helped attack and capture enemy positions and how to fulfil new recruits, the stronger helped the weaker and each other combat tasks, When the fighting lasts several overcame his own weaknesses by acquiring the strong days, several such meetings should be he1d.l points of others. They taught and learned from. one an- By practising such military democracy, it is possibie to other and pledged themselves to teach well and study concentrate the wisdom of the masses, heighten the mo- diligently. In fighting, so long as conditions permitted, the officers and men were encouraged to discuss the l "The Democratic Movement in the Army", Selected' Worlcs oJ fighting tasks and plans and offer their ideas, and to devise Mao Tse-tuttg, Yol. IV, Eng. ed., F.L.P., Peking, 1961, p. 191. ,, 23 rale of the soldiers, overcome difficulties and defeat the War is a life-and-death struggle between ourselves and enemy. the enemy. Above all, it demands concerted action, strict Comrade Mao Tse-tung's, instructions stimulated a discipiine, authoritative cornmand and prompt decision at more extensive and conscious development of military the right moment. In a word, it calls for a high degree democracy throughout the army. The greater the num. of centralization. Since it calls for high centralization, ber of battles fought, the more resourceful the army grew, how can democracy be widely practised? Indeed, to the the cleverer the soldiers and the more capable the officers bourgeois militarists this is utterly incomprehensible. It became. Many foreigners, and even some Chinese, were is completely irnpossible in a reactionary army, but com- never able to understand how the People's Liberation pletely possible in our army. The practice of military Army could knock out tanks with hand-grenades, defeat democracy in a revolutionary army does not contradict warships with wooden junks and blow up fortified city these requirements of battle; on the contrary, it strength- walls and reinforced concrete strongholds without artil- ens them. lery. To them, feats of this kind seemed incomprehen- Experience shows that the more democracy is brought play, greater sible. In reality, apart from its high political conscious- into the is the mutual understandlng and trust between the higher and lower levels be- ness and its bravery, the army was able to create all these the and tween officers and men, thus eliminating apprehensions miracles mainly by relying on military democracy where and misgivings. Those commanders who give correct "everyone contributes his ideas and offers his ways"" leadership and promptly rectify mistakes enjoy greater That was our "secret", prestige and issue orders with greater confidence, and VI. The object of democracy in the army con- is to the lower oflicers and the soldiers observe discipline, solidate discipline and strengthen combat etfectiveness. carry out orders and obey commands with greater con- The correct key to its development is the bold arousing of sciousness of what they are doing. Ai the same time, the the masses and the strengthening of centralizetl leadership. morb battle plans are discussed democratically and Far from weakening discipline and combat effective- amended, with each man clearly understanding his place ness, democracy in the army aims at consolidating and and role during the whole operation, the more initiative strengthening them. This result is attained by units that the soldiers show in fighting and the more consciously correctly apply democracy under leadership in the thr:ee they strengthen their unity and co-ordination in battle. main fields. Experience proves that there are lfo grounds The effect of democratic discussion on military affairs for the fear that the practice of democracy, especially before battle is that the fighters are to a certain extent democracy in military affairs, will weaken discipline, im. acquainted rvith the plan of combat. In case the com- pede the w,ork of the command, affect the prestige of the r:rander and his appointed deputy are killed or wounded officers, cause delays and lead to the missing of good ln succession, the eommand will not be broken, For mem- combat opportunities. bers of the Cornmunist Farty and the Communist Youth

2B League who come forward and take up the command will should be said that this is not democracy but an utter not possess a sense political only of responsibility but also distortion of it. Nothing could be done well that way a knowledge of the concrete steps that need to be taken. and battl6s would be badly fought. It would only en- Does this not provide a clear answer to the question of courage unhealthy tendencies and thwart the true initia- v'rhether democracy impedes or strengthens centralization? tive of the masses. The point can also be clearly illustrated from our daily How then can one give correct leadership to develop. life and When preparing carrying work. or out a task, ing democracy in the three fields? our officers and say, o'Let's men have a talk about it," Basing himself on the experience of the Red Army, chew over" "Let's it or "Let's collect opinions." When Comrade N{ao Tse-tung supplied us with a clear-cut there are differences of view say, they "Let's lay the dif- answer as early as 1929. He pointed out that to practise ferent opinions on the table," or as "Let's discuss." And democracy under centralized leadership, "the leading to those who hold wrong opinions propose, they "Let's bodies of the Party must give a correct line of guidance help them get things straight" or "Let's try and win and find solutions when problems atise, in order to estab- them over persuasion." by Again, after completiirg a Iish themselves as ceutres of lead.ership."l "The higher job, they sorne comments", "make "check-up" and "sum bodies must be familiar with the life of the masses and AII all, this does not cause up". in any trouble, waste with the situation in the lower bodies so as to have an any time or increase the differences but on the contrary objective basis for correct guiclance."z makes for understanding, better strengthens nriity, crys- In advoeating democracy it is obviously wrong to think tallizes people's and unifies wiII action at all levels, so leaders need have no responsibilities and no opinions of every task is that fulfiiled better. their own but can instead merely drilt with the stream. It is wrong to be endlessly worried, timid and hesitant It is equally mistaken to think they need make no about democracy, to be afraid of arousing the masses analysis of the opinions of the masses, no distinction be- fully, and to hamper democracy by various prohibitions. tween suggestions that can be put into practice and those It is wrong if democracy is lacking in the daiiy life and which for the moment cannot, and that thev can get work of the army in ordinary times, if no attention is along simply by trailing behind the masses. Such ideas given people's to other opinions, or if democracy is re- and actions would be entirely wrong. For democracy to duced to a formal procedure, while in actual fact one's be practised under their guidance, the leaders must con- own words alone are decisive. But it is likewise wrong duct serious investigations and studies and gain an to assume that when democracy is developed, the respon- understanding of the situation so that they can offer cor- sibilities of the cadres are lighter and that they can do rect opinions and practical solutions when problems arise. everything simply in accordauce with other people's ideas, with themselves trailing behind the masses and t "On Correcting Nlistakeir Ideas in the Party", Selecteil Wotlcs Tse-tung, Vol. I, Eng. ed., F.L.P., Peking, 1965, p. 109. abandoning necessary leadership and centralism, of Mda It 2 tbid. 26 Therefore, if the movement for democracy is to unfold decided by discussion in the Party committee, except in correctly, the leading ot:gans and leading cadres must not an emer"gency'*,hen a leader has to make a quick decision. only have a firm belief in the masses and a correct demo- In discussion, there must be full democracy, with differing cratic attitude but must be highly pr.incipled and skilied opinions debated and efforts made to see that decisions in giving leadership It cannot be otherwise. are taken on the basis of agreed ideas. Experience shows Though there has been great progress in both the form that this lystem can bring all positive factors into p1ay, and content of the at'my's democracy in the three fields concentrate the experience and wisdom of the masses, during the past few decades, the basic experience and. pr-event any individual from monopolizing all activity and methods in practising democracy under the guidance ot taking decisions on important problems by himself, and a leadership remain the same as outlined by Comrade avoid narowness and one-sidedness in the handling of Mao Tse-tung. Experience shows that democracy is sure problems. At the same time, the leader concerned can to develop in a healthy fashion when these are followed, play hi.s role to the fuli, make prompt decisions on his and when one first conducts serious investigations and own in the process of exercising his powers as a leader, studies, thus acquainting oneself with the situation, and and fulfil his tasks independently uncler the unified then leads the masses to pay serious attention to inr colleciive leadership of the Party comrnittee' This is the vestigation and study so that they clearly understand the most essential and the best system of leadership, and has actual situation. ln such circumstances, cr.iticism and stood the test of time. seif-criticism, and bringing difficult problems to the sur- The army's history over the decades pl'oves that face and finding ways of solving them, will get to the whenever any unit undermined or weakened the Party heart of things and achieve the best results. committee system, it inevitably developed a trend of VU. The ftrndanoental guarantee of consistently warlordism characterized by individual arbitrariness, practising dernocracy and following the rnass line in the undermined inner-Party democracy in the army and the army is adherence to the system of divlsion of responsi- Party's leadership over the army' disintegrated the unity bility among the leatlers under the unified collective and solidarity of the unit, and weakened its fighting leadership of the Party cornmittee. capacity. During the period when the line of "Left" From the very outset of buitding the arrny, Comrade opportunism pt'edominated for the third time, this time Mao Tse-tung worked hard to establish the army party represented by Wang Ming, the Party committee system committee system, and to improve and consolidate it. in the Red Almy was abolished, r,vith grave adverse effects And in the years of practice that followed, he steadily on its combat activities and on army building. After the perfected this sysl.em and gradually derzelopc.d it into Party committee system was restored in the form of the the system of division of responsibility anrong the leaders military and political cornmil,tees during the period of the under the unified collective leader.ship of the party War of Resistance Against Japan, and especially after it committee. All questions of rnajor importance must be was completely restored and improved at all levels in

28 29 -

the army during the period of the Third Revolutionary into during Civil Democracy in the three fields came being War, the unity of the whole army under the plus rifles" period of our army. This provided Ieadership of the Party greatly the "millet was strengthened, those who held bourgeois views on miiitary affairs with democracy within the army was greaily invigorated and. a "r:eason" for arguing that democracy in the three {ie1ds the movements for democracy and the new type of and the mass line were simply makeshifts or "indigenous ideological education in the army were conducted in a methods" that had to be adopted in view of the inferior guided, orderly This way. addecl tremendonsiy to the equipment of our army and the lack of military training combat effectiveness of the army and ensured linal To their mind, these "indigenous methods" victory in of the officers. the war. were very inferior and. unscientific. They lvere held Historical experience shorvs that the party,s leadership to be utterly useless once modern equipment was adopted, over the army should mean unified collective leadership regular training initiated and modern warfare prosecuted; by the Party committees at all levels and never individual accordingly, only those cominanders and technical experts arbitrariness by any Party rnember or leader. The who had undergone strict professional training lvere to establishment of the Party committee systern under be depended on. For a time a few persons who clung to unified, central leadership levels at all in the army, the these bourgeois military views came to the fore again practice within the Party committee of ilre system of created trouble in the new l-ristorical period following division of responsibility and among the leaders under unified the founding of the People's Republic of China. In the collective leadership this is the fundarnental system name of builcling a modern, regttlar army, they advocated lvhereby the military- command placed is und.er the the abolition of the Party committee system in the army, leadership of the Party. At the same time, democracy in which in reality meant abolishing the Party's leadership the army can be satisfactorily practised only when the over the army, weakening political work and negating leaders first of all develop good, a democratic style of the democratic tradition and mass line of our army' This work under this system. Therefore, adherence to the represented a vain attempt to push the People's Liberation system of division responsibility of among the Ieaders Army on to the bourgeois road of army building. The under the unified party collective leadership of the question of whether to preserve the demo'cratic tradition committees has become a guarantee basic of consistently and mass line of our army and bring them into full play practising democracy and following the mass line in the an essential part of the struggle in the new historical army, and preventing is any warlord trends characterized period between the two different military lines. by individual arbitlariness. The facts of the past 15 years have entirely shattered VIII. Democracy in the thtee fields rvhich was their absurd arguments. The Kcrean war can be taken necessary under "nnillet plus rifles,, conditions is still as the biggest modern war since World War II. The needed, and needed all the more, and is entirely feasible, Chinese People's Volunteers together with the heroic under conditions of modern equipment and modern war. Korgan People's Army defeated the U.S. forces of 30 t1 l

aggression, even though the latter had naval, air and recent years how were our air defence units able agai.n artillery supe::iority. This was not because out. military and again to bring down U.S'-Chiang Kai-shek recol1- equipment and military technique were rnore modern than naissance planes of all types? Is it not to a very large those of the United States. The main reasons for our extent due to the democratic movement in which every- victory were the justness of our war, the al1-out support body offers his ideas and methods, due to the pliceless of the Korean and Chinese peoples, our corr.ect strategy, tradition of the integration ol the leaders and the masses? the high political consciousness and courage of our officers How was our national defence industry, breaking all and men, and, an extr.emely irnportant factor, Ihe healthy hourgeois rules and overcoming all difficulties imposed development of our democlatic tradition and the mass by the modern revisionists, able successfully to explode line. The world-famous tr.mnel fortifications, known as two atom bombs designed and manufactured in China in the underground Great Wall, and the tunnel offensive so very short a period? What is the reason? Is it not to and defensive tactics, the indestructible transport line a very large extent due to the democratic movement in rvhich was never interrupted despite continuous enemy which everybody offers his ideas and rnethods, due to bombing, the mass movement for bringing down the priceless tradition of the mass line, the pooling of planes which turned U.S. "air superiority', into"rru*y ,'air the efforts of the leaders, experts and workers? anxiety", and the sniping operations that caused the U.S. Experience has shown that the more modernized troops uneasiness on the 38th parallel wer.e not aII technical equipment becomes, the more that rnodern these the creation of the masses, the cadres- and fighters, equipment is used in war and the more we have to deal arising from the widespread practice of democracy i.n with an enemy using modern equipment, the less can which everybody put foru,ard his ideas? we afford to weaken the democratic tradition and the To say that modern equipment is too scicntific and too mass line in our methods of work' On the contrary, they complicated for the masses of soldiers to unclerstand and. have to be upheld and developed all the more. The reason therefore no democracy ptrssible man manLlfac- is - this kind of asser- is very simpie. Man invents the rveapons' tion is sheer deception; it arises either from superstition tures the weapons, man uses the weapons, and man and ignorance, or from a deliberate intention to frighten destroys the weapons. Without man, all modeln technical people. The technical equipment used by an air force equipment is not only so much deadwood; it could never and navy is modern enough. The research, experiment be produced. The conscious activity of rnan cannot be and manufacture connected with atom boinbs. missiles replaced by any technical equipment, however advanced' Man is always the primary factor. Within the human factbr, the wisdorn and experience of the individual leader and technical expert is always very limited and incomplete. Therefore, modern technical equipment can be used most fully, and extremely complicated forms of

82 33 slander our people's movement for learning modern warfare can be carried out with the utmost confi- furiously from the Liberation Army. They say it is intended to dence and success only by fully practising democracy, out democracy and force the people to submit with- bringing the collective rvisdom of the masses into full wipe out They say it is meant to make the Chinese play and giving free rein to the initiative and creativeness complaint. people further sacrifice their personal interests. They of the masses under {he collective leadership of the Party committee. say it is meant to impose military organization and methods on the factorles and the and turn In this respect, the imperialists and reactionaries are the whole of China into a barrack, etc., etc. Why do they still our best teachers by negative example. They ap- slander and attack us so fiercely in this matter? It is proved highly of the bourgeois conception that appeared because they sense our persistence in and develop- in our army building work at one time after the victory that ment this tradition is to their great disadvantage. We of our revolution and were very happy about it. In this of delusions that as time goes as way they believed that though the People's Libera- have shattered their by, develops and improvement our tion Army would become stronger in technical equipment, our economy with the of equipment, we will some day discard our old its revolutionary tradition such as leadership by the military - traditions by and gradually become estranged Party, political work and the mass line, centred on democ.r bit bit from the masses. racy in the three main fields would be weakened surprising. Their reactionary class and even discarded; this revolutionary- force would there- This is not at all determines their reluctance and failure to under- fore change its nature and become a "professional army,, stand stand the following: the essence of what the Chinese such as that used by the bourgeoisie and would become people learning from the Liberation Army is precisely easier to deal with and possible to defeat. However, the are persist in the firsts" and the "three- imperialists and reactionaries rejoiced too soon. Their to learn to "four and the same time to persist in hopes were soon turned to despair. eight" style of work,1 at develop democratic tradition of our Party. In the new historical period since the victory of the and the revolution, and especially years, in recent under the lThe leadership principle of the "four firsts" is girzing first place: (1) to of the Central Committee of the Party, man in handling the relationship between man and weapons; Chairman Mao Tse-tung, the Military Council and (2) to political rvork in handling the relationship between political Comrade Lin Piao, the Chinese Peop1e's Liberation Army and other work; (3) to ideological work in relation to routine political (4) icteological work to living has persisted tasks in rvork; and in not only in but has furlher developed the ideas in handling the relationship betrveen ideas in books and revolutionary tradition initiated by Comrade Mao living ideas. The "three-eight" r,vork style, refers to three Tse-tung which includes democracy in the three main mottoes and eight Chinese characters. The three mottoes are: (1) keep firmly to the correct political orientation, (2) maintain fields. This has struck great fear into the imperialists, an industrious and simple style of lvork, and (3) be flexible in the reactionaries and the modern revisionists of the strategy and tactics. The eight characters mean: be united, alert, Khr"ushchov brand and aroused their enmity. They carnest and active. - Tr. 35 34 As Comrade Mao Tse-tung long ago pointed out, "In all the systems and fine traditions of our army. All the China war is the rnain form of struggle and the army is tasks of the army are carried out through firm reliance the main form of organization."r Hence, the Marxist- on the masses. Olu' people learn {rom the army and our Leninist line of the Chinese , rep- arnty learns from the people and from the work of the resented by Comrade Mao Tse-tung, and all the fine loca1 authorities. The army and the pecple are as ol1e, traditions of the Party rvere usually implemented first ancl the ilmy units and local aubhorities are in accord. in the army. This precisely arises from the characteristic How can this he tinderstood by the imperialists, reac- of the Chinese revolution and the historical conditions tionaries and rnodern i'evisionists, who are alienated from of the protracted revolutionary war. So it was with the and hostile to the people who make up ruolre thau 90 per spread of our Party's democratic style of work among the cent of the population? They do not want to and can masses. The whole Liberation Arrny was a school of never undelstand il.. To them, absolute obedience and democracy throughout the decades oI war, a sower of no democracy are common characteristics of aII armies, democlatic thinking and a democratic style of work. bourgeois and proletalian alihe; thus, accordiLrg to them, During the difficult years of struggle against reaction at for the Chinese people to learn from the Liberation home and abroad, wherever the Liberation Army went Army naturally rneans abolishing dernocracy and impos- and established revolutionary bases, there democratic ing military control ovcr- the people. Such is their pitiful thinking and a democratic style of work spread;the people and. absurd reasoning. Their slanders and attachs can learned to hold meetings, conduct elections, hold dis- only expose their complete iguorance of and uiter: hatred cussions, practise criticism and employ other democratic for all revolutionaly causes. They cannot do us the least means; they learned how to exercise democratic rights and harm; on the contrary, these attacks and slarrdelrs selve reach unanimity ahd undertake unified action on the us as the best teachers by negative example and prove basis of democracy. To this day, the Chinese people still that rvhat we are doing is i'ight. Once again this demon- warmly refer to a good cadre who has a democratic style strates the truth that it is not our modern technique that of rvor"k and is at one with the masses as "our old Red the imperialists and lhe reraclionaries real1y fear. The Armyman" or "the old ba lu [Eighth Route ArmyJ." This urodeln technique that lve have they also havc', evrln more is an apt illustration. and better. That is not rvhat they are afraid o{. What Leadership by the Party armecl with Marxism-Leninism they reaily fear is the unique proletarian political con- and Mao Tse-tung's thinking, and the wholehearted de- sciousness of our comriranders and fightel's, the mass line fence of the highest interests of the overwhelming that blings this into fullest, play, the initiative and crea- majority of the people these are the prerequisites for tiveness resulting from this consiiousness, and oul deruo- - cratic tradition. Is this not perfectly clear? l"Problems of War and Strategy", Selected, Militarg Writings Comrade Mao Tse-tur-rg's lheory and practice concerll.- ol Mao Tse-tullg, Eng. cd., F.L.P., Peking, 1963, p. 269. ing the equal neeC for democracy in the army and for the

JI nlass line in military wouk) aud the tlreory and practice Comrade tr\(ao Tse-lr"rng ancl the Farty Central Committee" concerning the orderly and well-Ied developmenL of And by continuinp; to appi,v thls priceless revolufionary detnocr:acy -- political, econornic aud military - in the tradition, and by carlying it forwar:cl on all fronts army constitute a new developtlent of the Marxist- throughout the country, our people rryi1l sureI5. ali the Leninist pL'incipJe that the nrassos are the creators of, {aster achieve the greal aim of building China into histor:,y-. Il. was born ottL o{ pi'actice during China's a porverful. socialist colrntr:.vl wi1,h modern agriculture, protra,cted revolutionar)t war, It was first carried oul, in modern induslry, moclern natioilal defence ancl modeln the course o.f vrar and rvithin thc atm,r', At the same seience and iec?rnoiog-y. Oul Feople's Liberation Army tirle, it is applicable to the revolutionary cause of the should hold still higher. Lhe great red bannei' of Mao people in general. In learning fi'om the oil rvorkers of Tse-tung's thinlcing. continue to persist in and develop Taching, florn the peasants of Tachai ;rnd f,rom the Libera- the democr"atic tradition of our army and icaln ',vith tion Army, ir-l the rnovement for comparing with the mol'u modesty ail the new achievements and experiences of tl:.e aclvancectr, learning from and overtarking them and help- local organizatlons in this respeci, and strive to {urther ing the less advanced, the Chincsc people are concletely raise the combat strength of our army and accomplish applying the democratic traditior-rs of our airny to the still be,tter the great tasks assigned to us by histoi'y. three revolutionary movemeirts o[ class struggle, the struggle for production, and scicntific experimentalion, and thev are widetry devcloping the rnovement for democracy in four fields in politics, production, finance and rnilitary affairs. In- the course of this movement they have invented many uew ways of doing things rnhich have had a tremendous effect on raising political con- sciousness" promoting production and developing science" All this fuliy demonstrates that the democratie tradition oI ourr army initiated by Comrade Mao Tse-tung is a priceless revolutionary traditiou, an impregnable truLh oI universal application. Relying on this priceless revolutionary tradi.tioir, our armv ancl the masses of the people, under the brilliant leadersrhip of our Party and Comrade Mao Tse-tung, have 'uvon great rrictories in successive revolutionary wars, in socialist t:er:olution and ln sociaiist construction by carry- ing oui the principles, lines anel policies laid down by

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