The Beijing Consensus
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The Case of the United Nations, the Collective Security Treaty Organization and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation1
MULTILateRAL INSTITUTIONS UNDER STRESS? The Interconnection of Global and Regional Security Systems: the Case of the United Nations, the Collective Security Treaty Organization and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation1 S. Bokeriya Svetlana Bokeriya ‒ PhD, Associate Professor, Department of Theory and History of International Relations, Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia; 10 MiklukhoMaklaya Str., Moscow, 117198, Russian Federation; Email: [email protected] Abstract This article studies the interconnection of global and regional security systems using the example of the interaction of the United Nations (UN) with the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). According to the author, their activity is underestimated. These organizations appeared in the wake of the emergence of a pool of regional associations of countries that have become involved in security and peacekeeping activities. Both associations have a similar composition of members, were established after the collapse of the USSR, are observers in the UN, are engaged in security as one of their key activities, and have similar functions. The CSTO and the SCO prevented new conflicts from breaking out in the post-Soviet space by acting as stabilizing forces within the borders of their regions and the participating states. This study’s relevance is underscored first, by the special role that regional organizations play in building and operating a global security system; second, by the lack of existing research focused on the interaction of the UN with the CSTO and the SCO; and third, by the need to improve the collective mechanisms for responding to new security threats which become intertwined with existing challenges. -
Of the Liberation Army
HO LU NG DEMOCRATIC TRADITION OF THE CHINESE PEOPLE'S LIBERATION ARMY trtro l,tiNG DHI\'EOCIIATIC TRr}'tlITI CIN OF TE{N CHINIISE FEOPLE'$ f"}.BEIIATION AHMY ,'[rt$tlll I. 1$fiS POREIGN LAI,iGUAGES PRNSS PEI{ING 1O6J PUELISHER'S ]VO?E fundamental criterion for distinguishing a revolu- tior-rary army led by the proleiariat from alt This article LtuTg, Meml:er Politicai. by Ho o.[ the counter-t"evolutior-rary armies 1ed by the reactionary rul- Fluleau of the Centi'a1 Con:mittee of the Chin.ese Corn- ing classes, as far as internal relations ale concerned, is t:-runist Part;', Vice-Premier of the State Council and rvhether theie is democracy in liie arnry. is common Vice-Chairman of the National Delence Council of the It knorvledge that a1l alrnies are irrstluments dictator+ People's Republic of China, r,vas published on Augusfl of 1, 1965" lire S8tli anniversary of the founcling <lf the ship. Counler-revolutionarv aLru.ies ol the r.eactionary Cirinese Feo1.:le's l,iberaticrn AlnTy- ruling classes are instruments of dicLaiorship over the nlasses oI the people, lvhile a proletarian revolutionary army is an instrument of dictatorship r:ver the counter- revolutionaries. Since they represent the interests of a handful oI peopie, all counter-levolulionary armies of the reactionary ruling classes are hostile to the lnasses, \,vho complise over 90 per cent of the population. Therefore, they do not clale to pr-actise democracy wiihin their ranl<s. By contrast, a revolutionary army led by the proletariat is a people's army which safeguards the in- terests of the workers, peasants and othei'sections oJ the working people u4ro comprise ovelr 90 per cent of the pop- ulation. -
Soft Power, Hard Issues
Soft Power, Hard Issues Reports of the 2005 Aspen Institute Roundtable on Public Diplomacy and the Middle East and the Forum on Communications and Society Shanthi Kalathil Rapporteur Communications and Society Program Charles M. Firestone Executive Director Washington, DC 2006 To purchase additional copies of this report, please contact: The Aspen Institute Fulfillment Office P.O. Box 222 109 Houghton Lab Lane Queenstown, Maryland 21658 Phone: (410) 820-5326 Fax: (410) 827-9174 E-mail: [email protected] For all other inquiries, please contact: The Aspen Institute Communications and Society Program One Dupont Circle, NW Suite 700 Washington, DC 20036 Phone: (202) 736-5818 Fax: (202) 467-0790 Charles M. Firestone Patricia K. Kelly Executive Director Assistant Director Copyright © 2006 by The Aspen Institute The Aspen Institute One Dupont Circle, NW Suite 700 Washington, DC 20036 Published in the United States of America in 2006 by The Aspen Institute All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 0-89843-447-5 06-006 1527CSP/06-BK Contents FOREWORD, Charles M. Firestone ............................................................vii SOFT POWER,HARD ISSUES, Shanthi Kalathil...............................................1 Public Diplomacy and the Middle East A report on the Aspen Institute Roundtable on Public Diplomacy and the Middle East Introduction .................................................................................................3 Setting the Stage: Old versus New...............................................................4 -
Beijing Consensus
Review China in Africa: the Washington Consensus versus the Beijing Consensus Ronald I. McKinnon Professor of International Economics Stanford University 9 August, 2010 _______________________________________________________________________ Deborah Brautigam, The Dragon’s Gift: The Real Story of China in Africa, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009 Vivien Foster, William Butterfield, Chuan Chen, Natalyia Pushak: Building Bridges: China’s Growing Role as Infrastructure Financier for Sub-Saharan Africa. Washington: The World Bank, PPIAF, 2009. Stephan Halper, The Beijing Consensus: How China’s Authoritarian Model Will Dominate the Twenty-First Century. New York, Basic Books, 2010. These three books complement each other in describing the truly astonishing growth of China’s aid, investment, and trade in Sub-Saharan Africa since 2000. For China, foreign aid, investment, and trade are not really distinct categories. As Deborah Brautigam emphasizes, these parts are bound together by intricate financial arrangements under China’s Export-Import Bank with other commercial arrangements orchestrated by the Ministry of Commerce, within which the Department of Foreign Aid is nested. Foster, Butterfield, Chen and Pushak are World Bank economists who bring additional data to bear on aid by China compared to Western sources. Stephan Halper focuses more on the political implications of the remarkable rise of China, and worries about the decline of the United States and its “Washington Consensus” as a model for developing countries. In contrast to China’s, foreign aid agencies of the mature capitalist countries in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) are typically lodged in ministries of foreign affairs, which decide on worthy poor recipients. The U.S. -
Halper, S. (2010). the Beijing Consensus: How China's Authoritarian
THE Halper, S. (2010). The Beijing consensus: How China's authoritarian model will dominate the 2r' century. New York: Basic Books. INTRODUCTIOH SECRETARY OF STATE HILLARY CLINTON'S decision to visit China within weeks of assuming office in 2009 provided evi• dence of the importance Washington now attached to Sino- American cooperation.' CUnton called for a "deeper" and "broader" U.S.-China partnership, saying that cooperation be• tween the United States and China on global issues such as the economy was "imperative."^ In similar tones;Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao told former U.S. President Jimmy Carter shortly before Clinton's arrival that the only path for China and the United States was to "strengthen mutual trust and cooperation, and pass through the difficulties together."^ Wen's words were a perfect iteration of the so-called new China that we've seen emerging on the world stage over the last decade. Long gone are the ideological crusades of the 1960s—crusades that took Maoism to Africa, spread revolution in Southeast Asia, and sought to overthrow the great powers of the West. On the contrary, capitalism is now a global phenomenon—with China among its greatest champions. And since this new incarnation has embraced the capitalist road, the country has come to rely on international markets, global institutions, and free trade to achieve economic growth. This 2 The Beijing Consensus Introduction 3 has allowed living standards to rise, contributing to poHtical economic power; meanwhile, today's emerging markets are stabihty at home. In the process, China has progressively en• increasingly drawn to a new and compelling doctrine of state- gaged with the international community it once spurned, show• managed capitalism. -
White Cat, Black Cat Or Good Cat: the Beijing Consensus As an Alternative Philosophy for Policy Deliberation? the Case of China
DEPARTMENT OF SOCIAL POLICY AND INTERVENTION BARNETT PAPERS IN SOCIAL RESEARCH White Cat, Black Cat or Good Cat: The Beijing Consensus as an Alternative Philosophy for Policy Deliberation? The Case of China Reza Hasmath WORKING PAPER 14-02 November 2014 Editor: Erzsébet Bukodi Department of Social Policy and Intervention University of Oxford Barnett House 32 Wellington Square Oxford, OX1 2ER [email protected] White Cat, Black Cat or Good Cat: The Beijing Consensus as an Alternative Philosophy for Policy Deliberation? The Case of China Reza Hasmath School of Interdisciplinary Area Studies, University of Oxford Email: [email protected] Abstract This paper argues that the Beijing Consensus represents a philosophical movement towards an ultra-pragmatic view of conducting policy deliberation. Contrary to models of development which provide a subset of policy prescriptions for the policymakers’ disposal or a fundamentalist adherence to a particular economic tradition, the philosophical intentionality of the Beijing Consensus is reflected in the infamous words of Deng Xiaoping “I do not care if it is a white cat or a black cat … It is a good cat so long as it catches mice”. That is, the Beijing Consensus inherently recognises that each development scenario has a potential set of challenges that may require unique and/or experimental solutions factoring the current political, social and economic environment. This ultra-pragmatism will require the policymaker to engage in greater policy experimentation, and to have a larger risk-elasticity. Further, this philosophy is most aptly demonstrated by looking at the aggregation of practices and lessons learned using the recent policy experiences of China. -
Critical Perspectives on Leadership Romanticism
OSS0010.1177/0170840617727784Organization StudiesCollinson et al. 727784research-article2017 Article Organization Studies 1 –23 ‘No More Heroes’: Critical © The Author(s) 2017 Reprints and permissions: Perspectives on Leadership sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav https://doi.org/10.1177/0170840617727784DOI: 10.1177/0170840617727784 Romanticism www.egosnet.org/os David Collinson Lancaster University, UK Owain Smolović Jones The Open University, UK Keith Grint Warwick University, UK Abstract This paper revisits Meindl et al’s (1985) ‘romance of leadership’ thesis and extends these ideas in a number of inter-related ways. First, it argues that the thesis has sometimes been neglected and/or misinterpreted in subsequent studies. Second, the paper suggests that romanticism is a much broader and more historically rich term with wider implications for leadership studies than originally proposed. Arguing that romanticism stretches beyond leader attribution, we connect leadership theory to a more enduring and naturalistic tradition of romantic thought that has survived and evolved since the mid-18th century. Third, the paper demonstrates the contemporary relevance of the romanticism critique. It reveals how the study of leadership continues to be characterized by romanticizing tendencies in many of its most influential theories, illustrating this argument with reference to spiritual and authentic leadership theories, which only recognize positive engagement with leaders. Equally, the paper suggests that romanticism can shape conceptions not only of leaders, but also of followers, their agency and their (potential for) resistance. We conclude by discussing future possible research directions for the romanticism critique that extend well beyond its original focus on leader attribution to inform a broader critical approach to leadership studies. -
A “China Model” for the “New Era”
Centro de Estudios y Documentación InternacionalesCentro de Barcelona E-ISSN 2014-0843 B-8438-2012 D.L.: opinión A “CHINA MODEL” FOR THE 503 “NEW ERA” OCTOBER 2017 Sean Golden, Associate Senior Researcher he “extraordinary elevation” of Xi Jinping -Donald Trump’s description of the result of 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC)- echoes the extraordinary rise of China as a geoeconomic super- powerT after Deng Xiaoping inaugurated the “reform and opening up” policy in 1978. Geoeconomic power tends to become geopolitical power. This is Xi Jinping’s mid- to long-term objective. He has divided the history of the socialist revolu- tion in China into three 30-year periods: the first dominated by “Mao Zedong Thought”, the second dominated by “Deng Xiaoping Theory”, and the new pe- riod to be dominated by “Xi Jinping Thought” on “socialism with Chinese char- acteristics for the New Era”. The “West” characterises China as an “emerging” economy. In historical terms China is re-emerging. It is returning to the pre-em- inent position it held in the world economy before being subjected to Western imperial aggression in the 19th century. This is the essence of Xi’s “China Dream”. He defines it as the “rejuvenation” of China. In traditional Chinese terms, this means the consolidation of wealth and military power, two of the major themes of his political report to the National Congress. The first priority is to consolidate and maintain the CPC’s control of the political system. The second is to improve the people’s standard of living. -
The Beijing Consensus Versus the Washington Consensus: the Dilemma of Chinese Engagement in Africa
Vol. 12(1), pp. 1-9, January 2018 DOI: 10.5897/AJPSIR2016.0920 Article Number: EA2069655609 African Journal of Political Science and ISSN 1996-0832 Copyright © 2018 International Relations Author(s) retain the copyright of this article http://www.academicjournals.org/AJPSIR Full Length Research Paper The Beijing consensus versus the Washington consensus: The dilemma of Chinese engagement in Africa Jarso Galchu Department of Civics and Ethical Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Bule Hora University, Ethiopia. Received 7 July, 2016; Accepted 1 September, 2016 This study discusses the reason behind the Chinese hastened engagement in Africa. The study particularly emphasizes debates surrounding such massive involvements from the African, European and Chinese point of view focusing on the main tenets of Washington and Beijing consensuses. The study shows that Beijing consensus has been perceived cynically by traditional western power contending that Chinese involvement in Africa has been built on china’s narrow, and parochial interest of grabbing African’s resources on one hand, and reversing of democratization and human rights improvements taking shape on the continent. The pro- Chinese narratives, on the other hand, argue that Chinese involvement in Africa has been built on the continent’s historical relations with China when fighting colonial imperialism and apartheid system. In addition, it is their shared experiences of humiliation and subjugation at the hand of western imperialist colonial power that coach China and Africa to free their relationship from western style of involvements in one another’s domestic affairs. Africans view Chinese engagement in Africa optimistically as a relief from century-old “civilizing mission” of the former colonial powers. -
Chinese Politics in the Xi Jingping Era: Reassessing Collective Leadership
CHAPTER 1 Governance Collective Leadership Revisited Th ings don’t have to be or look identical in order to be balanced or equal. ڄ Maya Lin — his book examines how the structure and dynamics of the leadership of Tthe Chinese Communist Party (CCP) have evolved in response to the chal- lenges the party has confronted since the late 1990s. Th is study pays special attention to the issue of leadership se lection and composition, which is a per- petual concern in Chinese politics. Using both quantitative and qualitative analyses, this volume assesses the changing nature of elite recruitment, the generational attributes of the leadership, the checks and balances between competing po liti cal co ali tions or factions, the behavioral patterns and insti- tutional constraints of heavyweight politicians in the collective leadership, and the interplay between elite politics and broad changes in Chinese society. Th is study also links new trends in elite politics to emerging currents within the Chinese intellectual discourse on the tension between strongman politics and collective leadership and its implications for po liti cal reforms. A systematic analy sis of these developments— and some seeming contradictions— will help shed valuable light on how the world’s most populous country will be governed in the remaining years of the Xi Jinping era and beyond. Th is study argues that the survival of the CCP regime in the wake of major po liti cal crises such as the Bo Xilai episode and rampant offi cial cor- ruption is not due to “authoritarian resilience”— the capacity of the Chinese communist system to resist po liti cal and institutional changes—as some foreign China analysts have theorized. -
A New 'Chinese Learning'
A New ‘Chinese Learning’ in a Quest for Values Yves Camus 赵仪文 Macau Ricci Institute 澳门利氏学社 A New ‘Chinese Learning’ in a Quest for Values Yves Camus 赵仪文 Macau Ricci Institute 澳门利氏学社 Abstract In the present context of “China’s peaceful rise” ‒ policies and facts ‒ it is not rare for cultural events like Olympic Games competitions, Universal Exhibition or even some book fairs to be viewed by world media as “soft diplomacy” means. Setting aside any subsequent controversy, any rise on the international scene has to be supported by the attractiveness generated by the “values” it offers. Chinese Studies are not anymore limited to scholarly research for some better knowledge and understanding of Chinese culture, history and civilisation. Beyond information on the nation’s achievements, they engage also into some reflective sharing on challenges lying ahead. In the “quest for values” just mentioned, it is worth observing and analysing what might be called a “Confucian renaissance” at home and abroad, in its various dimensions and tenets. But such a quest goes beyond the level of means. For decades, contemporary Chinese academe had to deal with what might be called an historical predicament, briefly expressed in one sentence: “以中为体,以西为用”. As Chinese society still tends to reach some symbiosis with this “substance and function” tension, the time has probably come for New Chinese Studies to engage in new vistas more respectful of Chinese intellectual traditions. Philosophy and Classical Studies are here mentioned as good examples of what is at stake. The attractiveness of the “China rise” would not suffer from it. -
The Charlie Rose Show April 13, 2010 Analysis of Obama`S Nuclear Security Summit GUESTS: Sam Nunn, David Sanger, Joshua Cooper Ramo
The Charlie Rose Show April 13, 2010 Analysis of Obama`s Nuclear Security Summit GUESTS: Sam Nunn, David Sanger, Joshua Cooper Ramo CHARLIE ROSE: We begin tonight with the nuclear security summit that wrapped up in Washington earlier today. The gathering of 47 world leaders was the largest hosted by an American president since Franklin Roosevelt called a meeting that created the United Nations. The summit is the largest and latest step in President Obama`s bold nuclear diplomacy. He has pledged to secure all loose nuclear materials during his first term in office. Addressing the plenary session this morning, the president spoke of the threat of nuclear terrorism. CHARLIE ROSE: Joining me now is Joshua Cooper Ramo of Kissinger Associates. He`s a former journalist who has written this piece in "Time" magazine "The China Challenge, A New Way Forward," from Atlanta, former senator Sam Nunn. He is CEO of the Nuclear Threat Initiative. And joining us shortly from Washington, David Sanger of "The New York Times" who`s been covering this summit all day. I`m pleased to have all of them on this broadcast. And of course I begin with Sam Nunn in Atlanta. Tell me what you think this summit has accomplished and what difference it makes. SAM NUNN: Charlie, it makes a big difference in terms of getting the world focused, particularly the leadership, focused on what I believe is our most serious security threat, and that is the possibility of catastrophic nuclear terrorism. For the last ten years I`ve been posing a couple questions.