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Home , Evo Morales

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A graff itied wall in , reading: Evo Defend- er of (Mother Earth). Political statements sprayed on walls are common in this urban landscape. Photo by Kathryn Hicks Development Alternatives in Bolivia: The Impulse, the Resistance, and the Restoration

Eduardo Gudynas

heno Ev Morales’s Movement Toward of Mother Earth and vivir bien—expanded conceptions (MAS) gained control of and feelings of a good life, both in communitarian and WBolivia’s government, it unleashed ex- ecological senses—reinforced the idea that substantial pectations of structural changes on several fronts, from alternatives to Western conceptions of development the reform of the state to a new constitution, from new were in the offing. economic regulations to the direct political participa- Many of the analyses have looked at these changes tion of indigenous and campesino organizations. The within classical frameworks, as political options clash- notable initial changes and the debates over the rights ing with the role of social or indigenous movements. Although each of these positions have some validity, in Eduardo Gudynas is a researcher at the Latin American Center of Bolivia a much broader political and cultural exercise Social Ecology (CLAES) in Montevideo, and associate researcher at took place that explored what should be understood as the Department of Anthropology, University of California, Davis. “alternatives to development.” His latest book Transiciones y alternativas al extractivismo en la New issues, like vivir bien or , rep- región andina is a collection of essays on alternatives to extractiv- resent examples of such alternatives, which should be ism in the Andean region (with A. Alayza), published in Lima. differentiated from “development alternatives.”1 The

22 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 46, NO. 1 latter are distinct varieties of development within mo- social movements and its outstanding activists and in- dernity, focused on economic growth, technocratic and tellectuals—promoted this impulse toward alternatives dualistic, as society and nature are clearly separated. to development. Morales himself pointed in this direc- In contrast, alternatives to development are positions tion, for example, with speeches calling for “respect that seek to transcend those basic ideas and go beyond for Mother Earth” (September 2007), his “10 com- Western modernity. mandments to save the planet, starting with a call to The resistance to that impulse of change, especially end capitalism” (October 2008), and his interventions in the areas of the environment and extractivism, re- in the summits on climate change. Foreign Minister sulted in the restoration of classical development ideas, also argued for drastic actions blocking the search for alternatives. The first Morales when confronting climate change and defended the administration, beginning in January 2006, presented idea of vivir bien based on Andean cosmovisions as itself as a promoter of a “process of change,” not only an alternative to the Western conceptions of develop- dismantling but also building a new state ment. Vice President Álvaro García Linera defends the and incorporating indigenous people and peasants government by offering detailed critiques of capitalism into political life. It made substantial changes, such as from a Marxist perspective. achieving direct control of oil exploitation, reforming These positions, and especially the environmen- the state, stabilizing macroeconomic indicators, and tal ones focused on climate change, generated wide- improving several social indicators, notably a reduc- spread support. For example, personalities as diverse tion of extreme from 37.1% of the population in as Naomi Klein, Antonio Negri, and Ernesto Laclau 2002 to 22.4% in 2009, according to the United Nations congratulated Morales. Many went a step further, argu- Economic Commission for .2 Indigenous ing that the Bolivian process represented a cultural de- people and campesinos entered the government, and colonization. Walter Mignolo, for example, argued that a new constitution was drawn up that succeeded in Morales’s election, in fact, did not represent a political overcoming internal opposition. The government also left turn so much as a “decolonial turn.”5 The Bolivian headed off attempts at political destabilization and process, he argued, was under an indigenous leader- maintained economic stability. These transformations, ship that no longer needed Marx or Lenin as inspiration compared with the status quo of previous governments for its liberation. with a neoliberal orientation, were dramatic.3 In this context, widespread discussions and academ- he iNITIAL impulse toward the alternatives ic reviews addressed questions like plurinationality, to development began to confront resistance, decolonization, and the rights of nature in the frame- Tespecially in Morales’s second term, which work of conceptions of Pachamama (Mother Earth). At began in 2010. The most evident resistance originated the same time, these and other components expressed a among social and political actors in the opposition who substantive critique of conventional development ideas continued to defend neoliberal positions. These are and a search for alternatives that were presented under not analyzed in detail here, but it suffices to note that the heading of vivir bien. This is a complex conceptual they were relegated to a political minority. On the other field that includes different perspectives that simulta- hand, resistance that originated from left and progres- neously present a radical critique of current develop- sive groups, both inside and outside the government, ment approaches and endorse alternatives based on the escalated in intensity and came to dominate the scene rights of nature, expanded conceptions of the commu- as they pointed out the contradictions between the nity, rejection of the linearity of history, and so on. It declarations of change and the definite actions of the is a plural field, in which key components are derived Morales administration. from indigenous cosmovisions (particularly Aymara, In effect, the government deepened so-called ex- Quechua, and Guaraní in the Bolivian case) but that tractivism—the extraction of resources such as miner- also incorporates Western critiques of modernity.4 In a als, gas, oil, and, increasingly, new resources like iron short, perhaps schematic description, vivir bien seeks and lithium, as well as agricultural monocultures like alternatives to development that are beyond moderni- soy, all of them destined for export. In 2012, Bolivia ty. In the Bolivian case, the frontiers of rupture tilted reached a new export record of over $11 billion, about against at least four key questions: gender, nature’s 90% of which was accounted for by oil and gas, miner- rights, plurinationality, and indigenous cosmovisions. als, and soy. The MAS administration—with its base in distinct Similar trends have been observed in other countries

SPRING 2013 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 23 in the region with left-wing governments and have Pachamama within “vivir bien,” the Morales adminis- been referred to as the “new progressive extractivism.”6 tration refused to discuss the environmental situation The goal of augmenting exports is maintained to as- within the country. sure economic growth, though as opposed to previous The tensions and contradictions did not stop grow- conservative or neoliberal governments, the state has a ing, and social protests began to burst onto the scene. greater role (for example, increasing royalties and taxes The sharpest protest exploded in 2011 in opposition to or acting through state companies). After the Morales the government’s plans to build a highway through the administration, the proportion of natural-resources in Isoboro Sécure Indigenous Territory and National Park total exports grew from almost 90% in 2006 to more (TIPNIS). Indigenous groups of the region organized a than 92% in 2010, according to the databases of the national march to the city of in 2011 and 2012, Economic Commission for Latin America. with broad popular backing but under government ha- Another key characteristic of this neo-extractivism rassment. Marches of this kind have a strong symbolic is a discursive defense of the massive extraction of nat- effect in Bolivia for their past role in confronting neo- ural-resources as necessary—directly or indirectly—to liberal governments. At the same time, other contradic- finance social- programs, most of which are the tions surfaced, like women’s rights and agrarian reform. so-called cash transfers to the poorest sectors and those The so-called Unity Pact, in which social movements at risk. This link is very clear in Bolivia, considering the and organizations supported the MAS government, fell high percentage of the population that receives some apart, in part as a consequence of these disputes. form of financial assistance (17% in 2010).7 These and other examples show that even though the The consequences of extractivism include serious government repeatedly stated the benefits of vivir bien territorial, environmental, and social impacts that and also criticized capitalism, many of its measures conflict with the rights of Mother Earth. At the same ended up perpetuating the old condition of Bolivia time, future extractive projects have been announced as a global supplier of raw materials. The Morales ad- with even greater risks. The government position was ministration decidedly supports this extractivism. For to minimize or deny these problems. García Linera example, in the 2012 budget, of all state investment, has repeatedly maintained that he would not be a “for- 23.4% is destined for hydrocarbons and mining, while est ranger” (guardabosques) to protect these resources education is assigned 6.9%, and health 2.6%.8 Without for the North and that they ought to be used. In this a doubt, other aspects of governmental administration way, the idea of nature’s rights, a central element of have been innovative, and plans for reducing poverty the initial impulse to find alternatives to development, have been successful. But the pursuit of extractivism remained wrapped in contradictions. The possibilities implies loosening environmental rules, condition- of overcoming this resistance were limited once the ing popular consultation and participation, and even new constitution of 2009 neglected to approve the attacking certain civic organizations. The defense of rights of nature as such, but instead included envi- Pachamama can be applied under these conditions only ronmental issues among the so-called cultural and with great difficulty, and the broad field of economic rights. There also appeared contradictions is reduced to economic redistribution. around the 2006–11 national plan of development, called “Bolivia Dignified, Sovereign, Productive and ith tHE hALTING of vivir bien in its Democratic to Vivir Bien.” original versions and the reversal of the At the international level, and especially in the nego- Wbreak with conventional development, it tiations over climate change, the national plan claimed was necessary to present new concepts and definitions to assure the rights of Mother Earth, but the original to fit the present context. Although this is an ongo- idea shifted significantly over time. It was understood ing process, at least two recent, closely related events that these rights should extend to a planetary scale, fo- should be pointed out. The first is the publication in cused on the biosphere, but not necessarily on the lo- 2012 of García Linera’s book Geopolítica de la Amazonía.9 cal level, so it didn’t generate any substantive changes The vice president recognizes that Bolivia’s mode of within Bolivia. This disassociation was seen clearly in production and its dependency on exports of raw ma- the summit on climate change convoked by the Morales terials have not fundamentally changed, but he justifies government in Tiquipaya in 2010. While individual this for several reasons, including the limited room for governmental authorities criticized (correctly) the in- maneuver of a “small country” like Bolivia. Although dustrialized countries and defended the importance of he offers many critiques of capitalism, García Linera’s

24 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS VOL. 46, NO. 1 ideal of “development” is that of a society of industry development is necessary to achieve vivir bien. and knowledge that can be achieved only through ex- This restoration of the idea of development closes tractivism. With this, he distances himself from the a chapter in the Bolivian process. Now it is possible concepts of vivir bien and from his older ideas, such as to promote extractivism and defend it as a necessary “communitarian socialism.” The critiques of the devel- form of integral development without falling into opment strategies followed by the Bolivian government, contradictions. in García Linera’s judgment, only represent attempts at a “conservative restoration,” and from that perspective nef o tHE most original aspects of Bolivia’s he launches a sharp critique of citizen organizations, process of change can be found in the ear- especially indigenous ones. Oly debates and proposals inspired by vivir Beyond the agreements or disagreements with his bien. In its initial impulse, it was a field of discussion diagnosis, several elements should be highlighted. He and construction that contained, on the one hand, a discusses distinct “types” of development, which, if radical critique of the conceptual bases of modern de- critical of capitalism, leave us with no options when velopment, and on the other hand, the exploration of confronting extractivism in particular and results in alternatives, with the key support of indigenous sensi- no alternatives to the central ideas of development in bilities and values. Within this framework, results were general. Thus, in García Linera’s analysis, there are no achieved in areas such as the of natural- alternatives to development, and we have the possibil- resources, the creation of a plurinational state, discus- ity of only a few alternatives regarding its organization sion of cultural decolonization, and the rights of nature. and management. Nevertheless, while seeming to advance toward al- The second case is found in the final discussion of ternatives to development in some moments, in others a framing law for the rights of nature and vivir bien. Bolivia fell into an extractivism belonging to conven- A number of organizations and social movements pro- tional development. These brakes on the search for moted a law of this type in the hope of imposing condi- alternatives not only originated within key actors of tions on the development strategies of the government, the governmental team but also received support from in other words, returning to the channeling of the strat- some social movements. For this reason, the usual egies toward vivir bien. analyses, like those that point to two camps within Finally, in October 2012, a framing law was ap- the government (one more indigenist, represented es- proved that addressed Mother Earth and compre- pecially by Choquehuanca, the other pro-Western and hensive development for vivir bien. Several positive technocratic, led by García Linera), are simplifications. elements are found in the law, like indications for en- The extractivist positions, especially in mining, have vironmental management, the restoration of degraded the support of diverse social groups, as much urban as environments, and a framework for territorial arrange- campesino, and some indigenous actors. Factors like ment. However, the law looks more like a declaration of these, associated with an international moment of high principles than a precise legal instrument, so that the commodity prices and demand, along with available possibilities of concrete applications are limited. For foreign investment, ends in the proliferation of extrac- example, the law calls for living in “complementarity, tivist endeavors, and a halted process of change. The in harmony, and in equilibrium with Mother Earth,” an promotion of alternatives to development remained in aspiration that we all share, but it doesn’t spell out how the hands of groups and actors who, for the most part, to get there. were no longer in the government. Furthermore, the new law includes other compo- The restoration of the idea of development, which nents of enormous impact: It restores the idea of devel- occurred in 2012, generated a new context. Present-day opment, legitimating it in a political norm and placing government attempts are focused on how to manage it as a necessary element for vivir bien. In other words, development, the role of the state, or the distribution of among the varieties of development, the law selects one, the surplus. Radical components of the concept of vi- “integral development,” and then places it as a neces- vir bien are lost when legitimating the idea of “integral sary measure for achieving the vivir bien of the future. development.” This turnaround should not be understated, because For many, this new redefinition is welcome, and it minimizes vivir bien and robs it of its vocation as a they believe the MAS government represents the best radical break with development and the transcendence alternative possible. This is understandable for those of modernity. Not only this, but now a certain type of thousands of Bolivians who have bettered their living

SPRING 2013 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 25 conditions. From this point of view, the demand for vi- equally, attempting to transcend them. vir bien appears to be a question of folklore typical of In this first realm, it should be clear that, on the one indigenous peoples, an invention of New Age intellec- hand, there have been substantial changes in Bolivia, tuals, or even a weapon of political destabilization. But many of which have been quite positive, but we are not for others, the legitimation of “integral development” is dealing with a socialist alternative, neither in its classical a movement toward a variety of benevolent capitalism, versions or in its new Latin American of multicultural and they feel let down by the MAS and its allies. versions. The MAS administration does not represent a In this restoration of development, the support of return to neoliberal policies, and some recent arguments certain intellectuals, especially García Linera, can- to this effect are exaggerated. Nonetheless, in its deeds it not be minimized. His harsh criticisms, and even the has abandoned the construction of vivir bien. rhetoric with which these are presented (with quotes The discussion in the second realm is substantially from Marx and Lenin), offer a radical anti-capitalist distinct, insofar as it attacks the basic ideas of develop- stance that many people like. He criticizes capital- ment, as much in its capitalist as its socialist expres- ism but ends up legitimating a benevolent version of sion, and the alternative is to transcend it, especially it in which extractivism is used as a buffer against its within an intercultural context. This horizon of change most negative effects. His book on the Amazon be- is difficult to grasp for analysts like Negri or Laclau gins with a quote from Lenin about revolutions that since it implies certain ruptures with the modernity in generate counterrevolutions each time stronger, more which they are inserted. united, and more effective, but this invocation is used Without doubt, these two discussion levels are to characterize as counterrevolutionary the indigenous linked to one another, particularly where they coin- peoples of tropical areas who defend in their own way cide in their denunciations of capitalism. But vivir bien the rights of nature. teaches that not all the denunciations of capitalism are So it is not that we are confronting a lack of interest sufficient to construct an alternative to development, in discussing alternatives to development, but that the that many other components are necessary. Among question is no longer accepted. The debate over mea- them, the dissolution of the duality between society sures to assure economic growth is tolerated, along with and nature, the recognition of intrinsic value in the non discussions over how the state can redistribute the sur- humans, or the rejection of the myth of progress are plus, but one cannot criticize the governmental devel- essential components of vivir bien, but are also outside opment strategies under way. The original idea of vivir the programs of “modernity.” bien no longer fits in the debate, as its horizon of change The present restoration of the idea of development is simultaneously post-capitalist and post-socialist. As if does not mean that the Bolivian experiences have that were not enough, indigenous peoples now have to failed. Everything considered, the national terms of de- accept this type of modernizing development. bate have been modified, and the impulse for alterna- These particularities make the positions in the tives to development has not been extinguished, as it Bolivian debates difficult to capture, especially from remains present in many social movements. Bolivia other cultural contexts. It’s as if we are witnessing dis- continues to exhibit energy and originality in its mobi- putes on different planes; some are over different vari- lizations and political debates that can’t be found any- eties of development, and some question all positions where else.

1. For the distinction between the two, see Arturo Rebellion to Reform in Bolivia: Class Struggle, In- bajo el progresismo sudamericano actual,” in Escobar, Encountering Development: The Mak- digenous Liberation and the Politics of Evo Morales Extractivismo, política y sociedad (Quito: CAAP ing and Unmaking of the Third World (Princeton (Haymarket Books, 2011). and CLAES, 2009), 187–225. University Press, 1995). 4. For a review of current positions, see Eduardo 7. The figure of 17% is given in Simone Cecchini 2. Economic Commission for Latin America and the Gudynas, “Buen Vivir: Today’s Tomorrow,” De- and Aldo Madariaga, Programas de transferen- Caribbean (CEPAL), Panorama social de América velopment 54, no. 4 (2011): 441–47. cias condicionadas (Santiago, Chile: CEPAL and Latina 2012 (Santiago, Chile: CEPAL, 2013), 86. 5. Walter D. Mignolo, “Evo Morales en Bolivia: Asdi, 2011), 108. 3. Karin Monasterios, Pablo Stefanoni, and Hervé do ¿giro a la izquierda o giro decolonial?,” in 8. Marco Gandarillas, “La orientación extractivista Alto, eds., Reinventando la nación en Bolivia. Mov- Democracias­ en desconfianza. Ensayos en so- de la inversión pública,” PetroPress 28 (2012): imientos sociales, Estado y poscolonialidad (La Paz: ciedad civil y política en América Latina, ed. 4–6. CLACSO y Plural, 2007); John Crabtree, George Joachim Becker and José da Cruz (Montevideo: 9. Álvaro García Linera, Geopolítica de la Amazonía. Gray Molina, and Laurence Whitehead, eds., Ten- Coscoroba, 2006), 93–106. Poder hacendal-patrimonial y acumulación siones irresueltas. Bolivia, pasado y presente (La 6. Eduardo Gudynas, “Diez tesis urgentes sobre capitalista (La Paz: Vicepresidencia del Estado, Paz: PNUD y Plural, 2009); Jeffery R. Webber, From el nuevo extractivismo. Contextos y demandas 2012).

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