Judiciary REFORM OR How to Make the SERBIAN Judiciary Worthy?

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Judiciary REFORM OR How to Make the SERBIAN Judiciary Worthy? Tamara Spaić JUDICIARy REFORM OR hOW TO MAkE ThE SERBIAN JUDICIARy WORThy? Tamara Spaić, Journalist and Editor for the Blic daily newspapers since 2004, specialized in issues on internal affairs and EU accession. Previously she worked as a Journalist and Editor for Dnevni telegraf, Nedeljni telegraf, Reporter, Glas Javnosti dailies, as well as on certain project of the European Union Delegation to Tamara Spaić Anesthetizing bad news independence of the judiciary and protect judges from pressure, still has members, for the judiciary in Serbia is full of shocking cases whom the most relevant domestic and of clear interference of politicians in the work international institutions assessed that they of courts and prosecutors, to that extent that acted unconstitutionally and illegally, sitting one has the impression that the whole society within, as dictated by the authorities. it is is anesthetized with bad news. they collate on shocking that only recently it was the first time a daily basis and serve only as confirmation for that a judge, no less than a judge of the Special the general impression that nothing is right, that court, complained of pressure from another we are in a vicious circle and enchanted by the judge, because he judged according to the law, firm grip of powerful people who do not allow but contrary to what the most powerful changes. politicians in the country would like. in such a situation it is clear that only a powerful external factor can help Serbia to start Minister of Justice re-elected despite establishing itself as a state of law, in which negative assessments every individual can have hope in achieving justice. the opening of negotiations with the it is also shocking that a young officer, during european union in chapters 23 and 24 could be whose term in office these and many other the initial beginning of emerging from the shocking cases took place, was re-elected; a vicious circle of bad, shocking news. however, man who, as a minister, took part in a street again, it all depends on us and our political will protest against a court (even if this court to change the justice system, and following the deserved public protest); who will also remain election of the new Serbian government, there remembered for taking a bottle of water from a are not many reasons to believe in this. student and throwing it into the bin out of the blue, only because it was not patriotic, but of it is shocking that the Supreme Judicial court, croatian origin. it is also shocking to have him whose legitimate role is to defend the re-elected to the same position of power, 24 The New century No 07 -May2014 immediately after all independent, regulatory to an image of the judiciary as weak to various and professional bodies in Serbia, including forms of pressure. cases such as the former european experts, presented analysis on how customs director mihalj kertes, two bishops of during his tenure the state of the judiciary the Serbian orthodox church (pachomius and deteriorated. hilarion), the entire family of the former president milošević, or the businessman “the judiciary was better before the reform”, predrag ranković peconi, confirm the feeling the association of Judges concludes. “the among the public that there are first and second Serbian judiciary is not independent on any order citizens. because, if you are in power, or criterion of the european court of human close to those who are, you can, without fear of rights in Strasbourg”, the council for the fight reprisal, violate the law. otherwise, you are not against corruption warned. the ombudsman, protected from their tyranny. in his annual report, diplomatically assessed that the “backbone of independence and autonomy of judges and prosecutors are Pressures and threats to the Court professional associations”, in other words, it is not the ministry, nor is it the high Judicial it is worrying that in all of these and other council. needless to say, or to specifically controversial cases known to the general public, remind, these professional associations have no the high Judicial council, an independent body power, and their inability is evident even in the that is constitutionally mandated to provide and smallest of examples, such as, for example, the guarantee independence and autonomy of fact that the president of the association of judges and courts, was restrained and failed to Judges herself was not elected to a judicial take any action. in return, public warnings, position. threats and orders were coming from the executive branch to the judiciary on what it is to in 2009, a unanimous opinion on the necessity do. of reform ruled. Subsequent events led to now having the year of 2009 as unattainable in many for years, court presidents are only acting fields, as assessed by the president of the presidents of the court. the top of the judicial association of Judges, dragana boljević. authority therefore violates the law by tolerating such a situation in short term. comparing 2013 with 2008 (excluding preventing courts from appointing presidents in misdemeanor cases), it is evident that in 2013 full responsibility and mandate, is verified in a there was nearly four million active cases, and way that holds the judiciary in a subordinate that nearly two and a half million of these position, facilitating the manipulation of courts remain unresolved, out of which nearly two by political powers and tycoons. million are executive ones. in contrast, in 2008, there were slightly less, 2, 400 000 cases, the depth of the general anesthetizement with leaving less than 800, 000 unresolved in the bad news is also demonstrated by the example end, out of which less than 400,000 executive of discovering the most direct interference of ones. the executive branch of the authorities into the appointment of judges. if there were any doubts the obsolescence of court proceedings has that politicians from the ruling parties, during become over the last year one of the most the reform of the judicial system in 2009, made visible methods used for having privileged lists of suitable and unsuitable judges and people, close to the government, exempt from prosecutors in which the main criterion was punishment and accountability. examples of their membership of these parties, and not their well-known personalities against whom a trial expertise, diligence and dignity, then after the or execution of the punishment was halted due publication (on the association of Judges to obsolescence create and additional sense of website) of a written document from vlasotince dependence of the court on political and other to prove it, there could no longer be any doubt. centers of power in the public, and contribute accountability lacked. Why? because drafting of The New century No 07 -May 2014 25 lists of suitable judges and prosecutors could in during which the regime criminalized the entire this way remain as a model for the future as society, and placed criminals into a privileged well. position and made them into a caste that is not accountable to anyone and is not subject to the bad practice from 2009 was followed by laws. the line between war and the new another, new, widely used practice by the democratic society that was supposed to executive branch, for violating the presumption emerge after 2000 was not made. this made of innocence. it became common for possible that even 14 years after democratic government officials to comment on trials, changes, the prominent representatives of the announcing arrests and detention without a regime that led the country into sanctions and previous court decision. in such cases (the war are left unpunished, and parts of the example of the businessman miroslav mišković criminal underworld are placed as in an is only the best-known, but not the only one) it untouchable caste above the law and the became almost common to extend the courts. the lack of lustration is probably most detention of suspects for above the legal limit, responsible for the practice of having the judges so the constitutional court had to react who broke the law (for example, by repeatedly over the past period, ending illegal participating in election fraud in 1996-97), or detention. procrastinated adjudication, left unpunished, also shocking is the discussion of the ministry and even having them promoted. Judges who of Justice assistant in the past period who, at a made decisions contrary to the will of the meeting of the Working group for drafting the political top were in detention or had their Strategy of Judicial reform, stated that what is promotion prevented (the case of a judge and happening in Serbia is a “pernicious trend of member of the high Judicial council, blagoje judicial independence" and that a balance Jakšić who spent five and a half months in needs to be struck between the judicial and custody on charges of abuse of office, and who executive powers because otherwise “a group made decisions in the high Judicial council on of 2,000 irresponsible people (referring to the the non-elected judges who were not to the judges) will become outlaws”. any comment on likes of the authorities at the time). this political attitude towards the judicial only from this analysis (which does not even authorities is redundant and points to the touch upon the problem of confusing reputation and integrity of the judiciary first of amendments to the law, lack of bylaws, case law all, from which in two waves (in the mid- inequality, great distrust of citizens in the nineties and during the 2009-2010 reforms) the judiciary which tops the negative list of all state most experiences and best judges left.
Recommended publications
  • UNDER ORDERS: War Crimes in Kosovo Order Online
    UNDER ORDERS: War Crimes in Kosovo Order online Table of Contents Acknowledgments Introduction Glossary 1. Executive Summary The 1999 Offensive The Chain of Command The War Crimes Tribunal Abuses by the KLA Role of the International Community 2. Background Introduction Brief History of the Kosovo Conflict Kosovo in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Kosovo in the 1990s The 1998 Armed Conflict Conclusion 3. Forces of the Conflict Forces of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Yugoslav Army Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs Paramilitaries Chain of Command and Superior Responsibility Stucture and Strategy of the KLA Appendix: Post-War Promotions of Serbian Police and Yugoslav Army Members 4. march–june 1999: An Overview The Geography of Abuses The Killings Death Toll,the Missing and Body Removal Targeted Killings Rape and Sexual Assault Forced Expulsions Arbitrary Arrests and Detentions Destruction of Civilian Property and Mosques Contamination of Water Wells Robbery and Extortion Detentions and Compulsory Labor 1 Human Shields Landmines 5. Drenica Region Izbica Rezala Poklek Staro Cikatovo The April 30 Offensive Vrbovac Stutica Baks The Cirez Mosque The Shavarina Mine Detention and Interrogation in Glogovac Detention and Compusory Labor Glogovac Town Killing of Civilians Detention and Abuse Forced Expulsion 6. Djakovica Municipality Djakovica City Phase One—March 24 to April 2 Phase Two—March 7 to March 13 The Withdrawal Meja Motives: Five Policeman Killed Perpetrators Korenica 7. Istok Municipality Dubrava Prison The Prison The NATO Bombing The Massacre The Exhumations Perpetrators 8. Lipljan Municipality Slovinje Perpetrators 9. Orahovac Municipality Pusto Selo 10. Pec Municipality Pec City The “Cleansing” Looting and Burning A Final Killing Rape Cuska Background The Killings The Attacks in Pavljan and Zahac The Perpetrators Ljubenic 11.
    [Show full text]
  • THE WARP of the SERBIAN IDENTITY Anti-Westernism, Russophilia, Traditionalism
    HELSINKI COMMITTEE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS IN SERBIA studies17 THE WARP OF THE SERBIAN IDENTITY anti-westernism, russophilia, traditionalism... BELGRADE, 2016 THE WARP OF THE SERBIAN IDENTITY Anti-westernism, russophilia, traditionalism… Edition: Studies No. 17 Publisher: Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia www.helsinki.org.rs For the publisher: Sonja Biserko Reviewed by: Prof. Dr. Dubravka Stojanović Prof. Dr. Momir Samardžić Dr Hrvoje Klasić Layout and design: Ivan Hrašovec Printed by: Grafiprof, Belgrade Circulation: 200 ISBN 978-86-7208-203-6 This publication is a part of the project “Serbian Identity in the 21st Century” implemented with the assistance from the Open Society Foundation – Serbia. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia, and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Open Society Foundation – Serbia. CONTENTS Publisher’s Note . 5 TRANSITION AND IDENTITIES JOVAN KOMŠIĆ Democratic Transition And Identities . 11 LATINKA PEROVIĆ Serbian-Russian Historical Analogies . 57 MILAN SUBOTIĆ, A Different Russia: From Serbia’s Perspective . 83 SRĐAN BARIŠIĆ The Role of the Serbian and Russian Orthodox Churches in Shaping Governmental Policies . 105 RUSSIA’S SOFT POWER DR. JELICA KURJAK “Soft Power” in the Service of Foreign Policy Strategy of the Russian Federation . 129 DR MILIVOJ BEŠLIN A “New” History For A New Identity . 139 SONJA BISERKO, SEŠKA STANOJLOVIĆ Russia’s Soft Power Expands . 157 SERBIA, EU, EAST DR BORIS VARGA Belgrade And Kiev Between Brussels And Moscow . 169 DIMITRIJE BOAROV More Politics Than Business . 215 PETAR POPOVIĆ Serbian-Russian Joint Military Exercise . 235 SONJA BISERKO Russia and NATO: A Test of Strength over Montenegro .
    [Show full text]
  • Serbia by Misha Savic
    Serbia by Misha Savic Capital: Belgrade Population: 7.2 million GNI/capita, PPP: US$11,430 Source: The data above are drawn from the World Bank’sWorld Development Indicators 2014. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 Electoral Process 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 Civil Society 2.75 2.75 2.75 2.75 2.75 2.50 2.25 2.25 2.25 2.25 Independent Media 3.25 3.25 3.50 3.75 3.75 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 National Democratic Governance 4.00 4.00 3.75 4.00 4.00 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 Local Democratic Governance 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.50 Judicial Framework and Independence 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.50 Corruption 5.00 4.75 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.25 Democracy Score 3.75 3.71 3.68 3.79 3.79 3.71 3.64 3.64 3.64 3.64 NOTE: The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author(s) of this report. The opinions expressed in this report are those of the author(s). The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 7 the lowest.
    [Show full text]
  • Idealism Or Realism in the Process of Eu Enlargement: the Case of Serbia
    East European Quarterly Vol. 43, No. 4, pp. 265-289, December 2015 © Central European University 2015 ISSN: 0012-8449 (print) 2469-4827 (online) IDEALISM OR REALISM IN THE PROCESS OF EU ENLARGEMENT: THE CASE OF SERBIA Aleksandra Cavoski Birmingham Law School University of Birmingham Abstract This article examines the ongoing process of Serbia’s accession to the European Union from a realist perspective. While much of the discourse surrounding European Union enlargement has celebrated the re-uniting of Europe, enlargement has been a success as it has mutually fulfilled the interests of EU member and accession countries. Thus, the motivation of Serbia as an accession country is to secure stability, modernization and economic growth. The process is best understood through a realist framework that can explain the motivations and incentives of actors. In this realist model EU member states are playing a two-level game where their interests are aggregated at the EU level. However, domestic constituencies and electorates in the EU have become less supportive of integration and enlargement. Furthermore, the key foreign policy challenges currently faced by the EU will not be resolved by enlargement. This questions its future utility for both member states and accession countries. Keywords: EU, Serbia, enlargement, accession, realism, two-level game Introduction The enlargement process has been described in rhetorical terms of reuniting Europe and restoring the continent undivided. However, the impetus of European Union (EU) accession in the case of Serbia has been driven by the interests of member states in a strategically important region. Similarly, the willingness of Serbia as a candidate country to undergo the rigors of the accession process is motivated by the understanding that accession will strengthen and consolidate a relatively weak state.
    [Show full text]
  • Chronology of Events – a Brief History of Otpor PUBLISHED by CANVAS
    Chronology of Events – A Brief History of Otpor PUBLISHED BY CANVAS Designed by Duda Nenad Petrovic RESISTANCE! Chronology of Events – A Brief History of Otpor Chronology of Events – A Brief History of Otpor May 26, 1998 – University Act passed. November 4, 1998 – The concert organized by the ANEM (Association of Independent Electronic Media) under the October 20, 1998 – Media Act passed. slogan “It’s not like Serbs to be quiet” was held. Otpor ac- tivists launched a seven-day action “Resistance is the an- End of October 1998 – In response to the new Univer- swer”, within which they distributed flyers with provocative sity Act and Media Act, which were contrary to students’ questions relating to endless resignation and suffering of interests, the Student Movement Otpor was formed. all that we had been going through and slogans such as Among Otpor’s founders were Srdja Popovic, Slobodan “Bite the system, live the resistance”. Homen, Slobodan Djinovic, Nenad Konstantinovic, Vu- kasin Petrovic, Ivan Andric, Jovan Ratkovic, Andreja Sta- menokovic, Dejan Randjic, Ivan Marovic. The group was soon joined by Milja Jovanovic, Branko Ilic, Pedja Lecic, Sinisa Sikman, Vlada Pavlov from Novi Sad, Stanko La- zentic, Milan Gagic, Jelena Urosevic and Zoran Matovic from Kragujevac and Srdjan Milivojevic from Krusevac. In the beginning, among the core creators of Otpor were Bo- ris Karaicic, Miodrag Gavrilovic, Miroslav Hristodulo, Ras- tko Sejic, Aleksa Grgurevic and Aleksandar Topalovic, but they left the organization later. During this period, Nenad Petrovic, nicknamed Duda, a Belgrade-based designer, designed the symbol of Otpor – a clenched fist. In the night between November 2 and 3, 1998, four students were arrested for spraying the fist and slogans “Death to fascism” and “Resistance for freedom”: Teodo- ra Tabacki, Marina Glisic, Dragana Milinkovic and Nikola Vasiljevic.
    [Show full text]
  • Mass Media and Peace in Bosnia-Herzegovina: the Role of the Bosnian Mass Media After Dayton Accords, 1995
    Mass Media and Peace in Bosnia-Herzegovina: The Role of the Bosnian Mass Media after Dayton Accords, 1995 Mustafa Taha, American University of Sharjah, United Arab Emirates The European Conference on the Social Sciences 2017 Official Conference Proceedings iafor The International Academic Forum www.iafor.org Introduction This paper examines the role that mass media played in Bosnia-Herzegovina after Dayton Accords 1995. It provides a theoretical framework and explores how Bosnian media outlets contributed to the peace process and national reconciliation. To envisage the difficulty of retooling the Bosnian mass media to promote peace, the paper reflects to the destructive role that mass media played during the Bosnian war. It highlights the roles of media outlets controlled by Bosnian Muslims, Bosnian Serbs, and Bosnian Croats. Because these rival ethnic groups had used mass media to fan war before Dayton Accords, the paper examines efforts aimed at utilizing these media organizations to serve the cause of peace. The paper also sheds light on newscasts convergence, namely between Belgrade’s media and Bosnian Serb media on the one hand, and Zagreb’s media and Bosnian Croat media on the other hand. This newscast convergence influenced the peace process in Bosnia-Herzegovina and affected its multiethnic and multicultural heritage. The paper underscores the assistance that United States and the European countries provided to Bosnian media to sustain the peace process. It discusses the role that the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) played in regulating the Bosnian media to promote peace and democratization. The paper pays a special attention to role of The Media Experts Commission (MEC) in regulating the Bosnian media and utilizing it as a tool for enhancing peace during the 1996 elections.
    [Show full text]
  • BEYOND PROPAGANDA Exposing Falsehoods and Fake News TABLE of CONTENTS Features
    VOLUME 9, ISSUE 2, 2019 Journal of European Security and Defense Issues n BARRAGED BY DISINFORMATION n GUARDING AGAINST HOSTILE FORCES The Balkans are under assault Open discussions, a free press are key n SUBVERSION IN THE BALTICS PLUS Russia deploys its soft power How hybrid warfare destabilizes societies n THE KREMLIN’S INFORMATION WAR Countering false migration narratives Diverting attention from its own troubles Why the EU and NATO are prime targets BEYOND PROPAGANDA Exposing Falsehoods and Fake News TABLE OF CONTENTS features 10 Truth is the Best Medicine By Aleksandar Nacev, Ph.D., executive director, Center for Security Research Countering Russian propaganda in Macedonia. 18 Testing NATO Vulnerabilities By Irine Burduli, Georgia Ministry of Defence Russian soft power in the Baltics. 24 Making Russia Great Again? By Drew Ninnis, Ph.D., futures analyst, Department of Defence, Australia 10 Fake news and the future of the Federation. 32 Balkan Challenges By Jetish Jashari, Department of of Legal Issues and International Treaties, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Kosovo Countering disinformation from Russia and radical Islamists. 40 The Scourge of Fake News By Judith Reid, Ph.D. Inoculating societies against propaganda. 48 Defending Against Hybrid Threats By Tamar Bazgadze Georgia needs institutional resilience in its national security decision-making. 56 Facing Migration By Rosław Jeżewski 18 Maintaining cohesive societies and countering false narratives. 24 32 departments in every issue 4 DIRECTOR’S LETTER 5 CONTRIBUTORS 7 VIEWPOINT 66 CALENDAR BOOK REVIEW 64 The Battle for Digital Supremacy Reviewed by per Concordiam Staff An examination of social media’s profound impact on conflicts in the 21st century.
    [Show full text]
  • The Anatomy of Capturing Serbia's Security - Intelligence Sector
    The Anatomy of Capturing Serbia's Security - Intelligence Sector Author: Predrag Petrović 2 The Anatomy of Capturing Serbia's Security-Intelligence Sector BELGRADE CENTRE FOR SECURITY POLICY Publisher: Belgrade Centre for Security Policy Đure Jakšića 6/5, Beograd Tel. +381 (0)11 328 72 26 E-mail: www.bezbednost.org Author: Predrag Petrović [email protected] Translation: Ivan Kovanović Design and layout: DTP Studio Belgrade, January 2020 The Policy Brief began as part of the “Who Oversees the Overseers: Western Balkan Security Services” project, which is supported by the European Fund for the Balkans (EFB). The content of this study is the exclusive responsibility of its author and it in no way reects the views of the EFB. 3 Abstract In its Enlargement Strategy for 2018, the European Union assessed that elements of state capture are present throughout the Western Balkans. Our research shows, howe- ver, that when it comes to Serbia this is a very restrained assessment as whole state institutions and sectors – the security services and institutions tasked with their con- trol and oversight – have been captured by the ruling Serbian Progressive Party (SNS). Key positions in the security and intelligence sector are staffed by close associates of party officials or directly by party officials and its founding members. The Director of the BIA, Bratislav Gašić, and the head of the Security Services Coordination Bureau, Nebojša Stefanović, are founding members and high-ranking officials in the SNS. Key posts in the judiciary that are significant for the activities of the security services have been taken up by close associates of party officials or of the leader of the SNS and the President of Serbia, Aleksandar Vučić.
    [Show full text]
  • Helsinški Odbor Za Ljudska Prava U Srbiji Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia
    Helsinški odbor za ljudska prava u Srbiji Helsinki Committee For Human Rights in Serbia Izveštaj o pojačanoj represiji u Srbiji Sadržaj: 1. Uvod • Mediji i propaganda • Organizovanje sudskih i prekršajnih postupaka • Policijska zastrašivanja • Državni teror 2. Univerzitet 3. Mediji • Zakon o javnom informisanju • Upotreba drugih zakona u pritiscima na medije • Krivični progoni novinara i gašenje medija • Korišćenje medija za propagandu i diskreditaciju neistomišljenika 4. Mobilizacija i suđenja dezerterima 5. Ratno stanje i podzakonsko "regulisanje" osnovnih prava i sloboda • "Provere" građana 6. Sudski i prekršajni postupci protiv političkih neistomišljenika 7. Pritisci na sudstvo 8. Informativni razgovori i drugi oblici zastrašivanja i maltretiranja građana 9. Parapolicija i državni teror 10. Zaključci i preporuke 1. Uvod Delegitimizacija režima, koja je značajnije započela masovnim građanskim demonstracijima 1996/97. povodom krađe lokalnih izbora, dovela je do porasta represivnih mera kao jedinog odgovora na masovno nezadovoljstvo građana i sve manji manevarski prostor režima. U međuvremnu, došlo je i do svojevrsne delegitimizacije opozicije, što se najbolje vidi u veoma slabom odzivu građana na mitinzima koje organizuje Savez za promene, uprkos masovnoj želji građana za promenama. Osvajačka politika, koja je imala skoro punu podršku, odložila je otvaranje i rešavanje svih ključnih pitanja unutar same Srbije. Nesposobnost režima i opozicije da se okrenu suštinskim pitanjima i fokusiranost obe strane na održavanje/preuzimanje vlasti bez pravog programa uvelo je političku scenu Srbije u spiralu nasilja i represije, što stvara atmosferu za nepredvidljivi rasplet. U toku 1998. godine izvršene su temeljne pripreme za rat na Kosovu, koje su uživale javnu ili prećutnu podršku gotovo celokupne srbijanske političke scene. Donošenje Zakona o javnom informisanju pokazalo je da u Srbiji ne postoji politička alternativa niti pluralizam u pravom smislu reči, zbog čega su pojedini mediji imali i ulogu jedinog pravog otpora režimu.
    [Show full text]
  • Threats to Free Media in the Osce Region Hearing
    THREATS TO FREE MEDIA IN THE OSCE REGION HEARING BEFORE THE COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE ONE HUNDRED ELEVENTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION JUNE 9, 2010 Printed for the use of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe [CSCE 111–2–7] ( Available via http://www.csce.gov U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 76–044 PDF WASHINGTON : 2012 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2250 Mail: Stop SSOP, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate 0ct 09 2002 10:57 Dec 04, 2012 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 U:\WORK\060910 KATIE COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE LEGISLATIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS HOUSE SENATE ALCEE L. HASTINGS, Florida, BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland, Co-Chairman Chairman EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts CHRISTOPHER J. DODD, Connecticut LOUISE McINTOSH SLAUGHTER, SHELDON WHITEHOUSE, Rhode Island New York TOM UDALL, New Mexico MIKE McINTYRE, North Carolina JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire G.K. BUTTERFIELD, North Carolina SAM BROWNBACK, Kansas CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey SAXBY CHAMBLISS, Georgia ROBERT B. ADERHOLT, Alabama RICHARD BURR, North Carolina JOSEPH R. PITTS, Pennsylvania ROBERT F. WICKER, Mississippi DARRELL E. ISSA, California EXECUTIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS Michael H. Posner, Department of State Alexander Vershbow, Department of Defense Michael C. Camun˜ ez, Department of Commerce (II) VerDate 0ct 09 2002 10:57 Dec 04, 2012 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 0486 Sfmt 0486 U:\WORK\060910 KATIE THREATS TO FREE MEDIA IN THE OSCE REGION JUNE 9, 2010 COMMISSIONERS Page Hon.
    [Show full text]
  • The Milosevic Regime Versus Serbian Democracy and Balkan Stability
    THE MILOSEVIC REGIME VERSUS SERBIAN DEMOCRACY AND BALKAN STABILITY HEARING BEFORE THE COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE ONE HUNDRED FIFTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION DECEMBER 10, 1998 Printed for the use of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe [CSCE 105-2-?] Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.csce.gov COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE LEGISLATIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS HOUSE SENATE CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey ALFONSE M. DAMATO, New York, Chairman Chairman JOHN EDWARD PORTER, Illinois BEN NIGHTHORSE CAMPBELL, Colorado FRANK R. WOLF, Virginia SPENCER ABRAHAM, Michigan MATT SALMON,Arizona CONRAD BURNS, Montana JON CHRISTENSEN, Nebraska OLYMPIA SNOWE, Maine STENY H. HOYER, Maryland FRANK R. LAUTENBERG, New Jersey EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts HARRY REID, Nevada BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland BOB GRAHAM, Florida LOUISE McINTOSH SLAUGHTER, New York RUSSELL D. FEINGOLD, Wisconsin EXECUTIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS JOHN H.F. SHATTUCK, Department of State VACANT, Department of Defense VACANT, Department of Commerce COMMISSION S TAFF MIKE HATHAWAY, Chief of Staff DOROTHY DOUGLAS TAFT, Deputy Chief of Staff ELIZABETH CAMPBELL, Receptionist/System Administrator MARIA V. COLL, Office Administrator OREST DEYCHAKIWSKY, Staff Advisor JOHN FINERTY, Staff Advisor CHADWICK R. GORE, Communications Director, Digest Editor ROBERT HAND, Staff Advisor JANICE HELWIG, Staff Advisor MARLENE KAUFMANN, Counsel for International Trade SANDY LIST, GPO Liaison KAREN S. LORD,Counsel for Freedom of Religion RONALD MCNAMARA, Staff Advisor MICHAEL OCHS, Staff Advisor ERIKA B. SCHLAGER, Counsel for International Law MAUREEN WALSH, Congressional Fellow for Property Restitution Issues (ii) THE MILOSEVIC REGIME VERSUS SERBIAN DEMOCRACY AND BALKAN STABILITY DECEMBER 10, 1998 OPENING STATEMENTS PAGE Opening Statement of Co-Chairman Christopher H.
    [Show full text]
  • Crisis in Yugoslav Public Law Petar Teofilovic
    Annual Survey of International & Comparative Law Volume 6 | Issue 1 Article 6 2000 Crisis in Yugoslav Public Law Petar Teofilovic Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.law.ggu.edu/annlsurvey Part of the Public Law and Legal Theory Commons Recommended Citation Teofilovic, Petar (2000) "Crisis in Yugoslav Public Law," Annual Survey of International & Comparative Law: Vol. 6: Iss. 1, Article 6. Available at: http://digitalcommons.law.ggu.edu/annlsurvey/vol6/iss1/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Academic Journals at GGU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Annual Survey of International & Comparative Law by an authorized administrator of GGU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Teofilovic: Yugoslav Public Law CRISIS IN YUGOSLAV PUBLIC LAW PETAR TEOFILOVIC· I. INTRODUCTION Writing about the crisis in Yugoslavia is a challenge indeed. The crisis is overwhelming, penetrating almost every aspect of social life, and affecting the majority of citizens on a personal level in many unpleasant ways. Fluctuations in its intensity and breadth occur, sometimes for better, but usually for worse. Politics, economy, internal ethnic and civic relations, relations with the rest of the world, even science, culture, arts, morale are all severely affected by the crisis, and have significantly deteriorated in comparison with the state of affairs (far from perfect itself) that existed in Yugoslavia until the beginning of the 1990's. The ways of ruling, and the functioning of the state's agencies, have been continually distorted, gradually becoming more and more absolutist, presenting in many respects a disturbing deviation from most standards accepted by the majority of the modem world.
    [Show full text]