An Unlamented Era: County Poor Farms in Minnesota

THE Goodhue County Home, built in 1890 and closed October 1,1963

An Unlamented Era: COUNTY POOR FARMS in Minnesota

ETHEL McCLURE

"A TIME comes in the history of all en is reckoned today, there were many sick, lightened communities," wrote a local his infirm, and mentally incompetent persons. torian in the 1890s, "when some provision Some were penniless, finding it impossible must be made for the aged and infirm poor, to make a living in the new country; not a who have no means of support."^ That time few lost their savings to the "demon rum." came early in Minnesota. Although there From tbe earliest days the care of the sick were few aged among the pioneers, as age and afflicted poor rested upon county and township governments. During the territo MISS MCCLURE, whosc orticlc on "The Protestant rial period, when Minnesota's local govern Home of St. Paul" appeared in. thc June, 1962, ments continued to operate under the laws issue of Minnesota History, is rww at work on a book-length study of homes for thc aged in the ' J. A. Kiester, The History of Faribault County, North Star State. 265"(Minneapolis, 1896).

December 1963 365 of Wisconsin h\ which thev had been under the immediate control of the board. created, superintendence of the poor was a Sooner or later, after a courthouse and jail function of the boards of countv commis had been provided, almost ever)' coimt\' sioners. \Mth statehood, however, an experi board considered the propriety- of bmdng a ment \v?LS tried, and tiie commissioners were poor farm. replaced by boards of super\TSors comprised There were several reasons for thinking of the chairmen of the to\vnship boards.- of the poorhouse in terms of a poor farm. Under this arrangement poor rehef became A farm, it was argued, would pro\-ide food the responsibiht)' of each to\%Tiship, but the and other products essential for the main arrangement proved short-hved. The 1860 tenance of tlie inmates. Also, the latter might legislature abohshed the unwield\' super labor to some extent on a farm and thus visor svstem and re-estabhshed boards of contribute to their OWTI support. It was a commissioners ^^'ho represented districts time, too, when people were land-hungr\% rather than to\\T]s. Four years later a re and the idea of a farm as an investment vised poor law exphcitiv named the counts weighed heaxdlv with manv boards. The fact as the only unit for poor rehef and required that a count)' might have onb- a handful of countv boards to maintain poorhouses or paupers did not alwavs deter it from buying, make other suitable pro\"ision for their for it was felt that with increasing popula charges.^ tion, land would become more expensive.* At first the counties gave "outdoor rehef —assistance to an individual in his own or THE FIRST coimtv to acquire a poor fami a boarding home. Poveily was generaUv was Ramsev. From the beginning, the care considered a disgrace, and \\'hUe govern of the poor in this count\' was tied in with ment could not let its citizens die of starva the care of the sick. On December 30, 1854, tion or exposure, neither was there anv effort the commissioners purchased a 2S2-acre to make rehef palatable or even respectable. tract of land wdth the idea of preparing a The pubhshed board proceedings of those buUding "expresslv for use of the sick," who days are filled with references to allowances were then cared for at St. Joseph's Hospital. "for John Doe, a pauper," or "to Mrs. A .\ few years later the coimt\' bought a sec for the care of Mar)- Roe, an insane woman." ond farm near Pig's Eve Lake, and on March Usuallv, however, thev \^ere not as e.xphcit 4. 1859, the board of supervisors considered as an item in the State Atlas of Minneapohs proposals from se\"eral contractors to buUd for Mav 4, 1864, reporting an action of the a ten-bed 'Toor House and Hospital." The Hennepin Coimt\' commissioners: "It was specifications caUed for a "frame building determined to . . . allow Mr. S of 36 bv 40 feet, two stories and attic high, to Minnetonka, $3.00 per week to board and be built in a plain manner." For the amount take care of Mr. M , of that to\vn, who, awarded—$290 in counts- orders—it could made drunk bv Miimeapohs whiskv, last hardl\' have been elaborate! ° \^dnter, froze both feet off on his way home, and is made a Counts' expense for lffe." - Minnesota, Public Statutes, 1849—58, p. 155; \A^hether the commissioners were more irked General Laws, 1858, p. 207. See also, ^^'iUiam An by the "e.xj>ense for hfe" or the "Minneapohs derson, An Outline of County Government in Min nesota, 24, 25, 69-71 (Minneapohs, 1927). whisky" is not a matter of record. ^General Laws, 1860, p. 114; 1864, p. 49. As a county became more populous and ' See, for example, Kiester, Faribault County, expenses for rehef mounted, its board in\'ar- 266. ' Minnesota Pioneer (St. Paul), March 23, 1855; iably cast about for a cheaper method of Febmar\' 11, 1859; Weekly Minnesotian (St. Paul), caring for the poor. The answer appeared to March 5, 1859. For circumstances under which the be "indoor relief — care within the walls of Pig's Eye farm was purchased, see the Minnesotian, August 14, 1858, and the Pioneer and Democrat an almshouse or poorhouse, a central place (St. Paul), August 26, 1858.

366 MINNESOTA History Washington County was the second to apolis." The editor hailed the movement acquire a poor farm. In 1858, despite the with pleasure as being the "most feasible, fact that the country was still in the grip of as well as the most economical way to main a depression, the county purchased 207 tain the unfortunate poor." He was espe acres about five miles north of StiUwater. cially pleased with the proposed location. On June 10, 1859, the board of supervisors "One thing is certain, the farm will not be appointed its chairman "General Superin in the immediate vicinity of Minneapolis. tendent of the County Poor Farm" and Thus the temporary rush of idle vagabonds agreed that "the bringing under cultivation during the winter months will in a measure more land on the Poor Farm, is an Object to be obviated. All inmates capable of working be constantly pursued, with a view of mak will be kept busily employed." ing it seff-sustaining." Apparently prompted The idea of the county farm being a by an emergency, the board on September workhouse for persons able but refusing 13, 1859, authorized the committee on poor to work was not new. In fact, the term "work "to enlarge the Barn and build a suitable house" appeared in the 1864 poor law, sec Lock up for the Safe Keeping of a Crazy tion 3 of which empowered boards of county man on the Poor Farm." Through the early commissioners to "establish ... a poor 1860s the number of inmates never exceeded farm or work house or both, for the employ three, but in 1868 a new level of operations ment of such poor persons supported by was reached with the admission of twenty- such county." * eight persons, eight of whom were children.^ Certainly many counties expected that, Between 1858 and 1864 there was little, if having acquired a poor farm, their expenses any, further movement by counties toward for poor relief would practically cease. The acquiring poor farms. On January 7, 1864, Mantorville Express of May 31, 1867, in the Goodhue County board, finding that the commenting on the decision of the Dodge annual appropriations for poor relief had County board to buy a farm, compared the reached five thousand dollars, appointed a possible future cost with present expendi committee to select a suitable location for tures. "Last year the county disbursed to its a county farm. A two-hundred-acre tract in poor, over thirteen hundred dollars. With Burnside Township, just north of Red Wing, the proper management of a poor farm, the was purchased, but the necessary buildings county officers could do more for the needy, were not completed until 1867.'' at less expense." And in Le Sueur County, The State Atlas of March 30, 1864, re when the board decided to open a farm it ported that the Hennepin County board aheady owned, the Le Sueur Courier of had begun a series of advertisements for a January 22, 1868, approved: "The Board, piece of land "from one hundred and sixty we think, made a good move in resolving to to four hundred acres, situated not less than inaugurate measures for the improvement four nor more than eight miles from Minne- of the county farm. It should be managed so that in a few years it will be able to support such poor as the county has on its hands in " Edward D. Neill, History of Washington Coun ty, 334, 490 (Minneapohs, 1881); Washington a comfortable condition and add very County Board of Supervisors, "Proceedings," June slightly to the general expense." Actually the 10, September 13, 1859, on file in the office of the term which appears in the board proceed county auditor, Stillwater; Register of inmates of the Washington County Poor House, 1867-1909, ings was not "comfortable," but "inhabit in the possession of the Pine Point Nursing Home, able," and tbe preparations for opening the Stillwater. home would not seem to assure many com ''Goodhue County Republican (Red Wing), forts : "Commissioner Hielscher was author January 15, 1864; Franklyn Curtiss-Wedge, A His tory of Dakota and Goodhue Counties, 115 (Chi ized to procure, for the use of the poor on cago, 1910). the county farm, one table, two chairs, two " General Laws, 1864, p. 50.

December 1963 367 towels, one pail, one small looking glass, If a county had a poor farm the poor were one broom, one dipper."^ expected to go there. Some counties made If the county farm was to be self-support this a condition of relief. For instance, in ing, the land must be suitable for farming, the same meeting at which the St. Louis but it was not always easy to determine the County commissioners accepted their new fertility of the soil in advance. As a result, poorhouse from the contractor, they re there was considerable selling and trading solved "That on and after Saturday the 23d of poor farms during the early years. Olm day of August, A.D. 1873, no provisions be sted County had a disappointing experi allowed nor any help granted any parties in ence. Although there had never been much this County other than those residing at the pauperism there, the commissioners found Poor House . . . and that all those at pres it necessary, in 1868, to "provide a home for ent receiving help from the County be re the indigent on their hands," and bought a quested to appear at the Auditor's Office on 240-acre farm in Marion Township. This Saturday, August 23d, 1873, to be examined proved to be "literally a poor farm," and in by the Board of County Commissioners and 1874 the county traded it for another. Al show cause why they should receive help though the second was a "fine piece of land," from the County."^* it was larger than needed and proved an If there seems to have been a certain incumbrance, keeping the county "land smugness on the part of some counties in poor." 1" allowing the poor, as one historian expressed Blue Earth County, on the contrary, was it, to "share the bounty, a beneficent hand fortunate. Tbe 160-acre farm in Rapidan is pleased to bestow upon the county," how Township, which the board purchased on did the poor themselves feel? ^^ There is no November 30, 1867, was at that time "lo doubt that to many, "over the hill to the cated in tbe midst of a big forest and in one poorhouse" was the last ignominious stretch week nine or ten deer were killed in its in an unhappy road. In Ramsey County, for vicinity. But after the woods were cleared example, when the question of a city-county no better farming land could be found any hospital was being debated, the local board where." ^^ of health was informed that "a perfect hor The location was generally less important ror was entertained at the thought of going than the kind of land; however, a few coun to the poor house — in fact, starvation and ties, like Carver, made an attempt to place death were considered preferable to re tbe poor farm "in or near the center of the moval to that establishment." i® county." After much search, this county Many, of course, were resigned to it — found a partially timbered property which, they had little alternative—but occasionally according to the Valley Herald of Chaska, there was rebellion in the ranks. Perhaps "would make an excellent place for the loca the most dramatic display of spirit occurred tion of the county seat." The newspaper in Faribault County. At a sale of school added the suggestion, which no doubt fell lands in 1868, this county purchased a 320- on deaf ears, that the county officers might acre tract in the township of Prescott but cut and haul wood, thereby saving the tax payers some expense.^2 In Wabasha County " Le Sueur Courier, January 22, March 25, 1868. " Joseph A. Leonard, History of Olmsted County, the authorities at first tried to care for their 101 (Chicago, 1910). poor on a large farm in a secluded location. "Thomas Hughes, A History of Blue Earth Difficulties developed over supervision, County, 164 (Chicago, 1909). '^'Valley Herald (Chaska), February 3, 1870. however, and in 1873 the commissioners ex "Franklyn Curtiss-Wedge, A History of Wab changed tbe property for a thirty-two-acre asha County, 45 (Winona, 1920). farm on the edge of Wabasha, about a mile "DuZut/i Minnesotian, August 23, 1873. '^ NeiU, Washington County, 334. from tbe courthouse.^^ " St. Paul Press, January 23, 1872.

368 MINNESOTA History did not open a poorhouse. The needy were the relief to the need, giving only such as lodged with friends and relatives through was absolutely necessary. Finally, it was out the county. In 1874, tbe board decided argued that the applicants themselves, es to concentrate its charges at one place, and pecially "unworthy" persons, would be more on March 4, "tbe keeping of the County Poor reluctant to ask for help from local officials.^^ was let to Ebenezer Raymond for the sum For a county to go on the township plan of $2.00 per week each person, this being a special law was needed. The first to seek the lowest bid received." The board then this legislation was Freeborn. Its law, en notified the sixteen persons being supported acted in 1875, was considered "well drawn, by the county "to repair to Mr. Raymond's, but in this act, as in nearly all subsequent where comfortable quarters had been pre ones, the residence law is imperfect, since pared for them." Only three obeyed the a pauper may have a residence in tbe coun order, the others managing in one way or ty, but not in any town thereof." ^^ Tbe resi another to find support for themselves else dence requirement was always a difficult where. Although the county authorities problem, and many laws were subsequently were thus pointedly snubbed, they cannot amended to fix more accurately the areas of have been wholly displeased.^'^ county or town responsibility. In their squabbles over jurisdiction, it would seem BY 1873 at least twenty counties had estab that the authorities sometimes overlooked lished poorhouses or acquired poor farms.^* the fact that it was not merely a tax burden, The depression of that year and the grass but a human burden, they were shuttling — hopper plagues of 1873-77, which brought sometimes quite literally — between county acute suffering to many parts of tbe state, courthouse and town hall. effectively checked the acquisition of more Between 1875 and 1889, when a general poor farms and gave new emphasis to tbe law was enacted which permitted counties question of county versus township respon to change from one system to the other at sibility for care of the poor. There were the option of its voters, twenty counties ob several arguments for shifting the tax bur tained special town plan laws. Two of these den to the towns. Many persons believed rejected tbe law at the polls; six counties that there would be less tendency toward had their laws subsequently repealed.^^ general extravagance with the administra Adoption of the town system did not pre tion closer to the people. Also, because the vent a county from operating a poorhouse; town officers would have a better knowl in the fifteen years of special legislation, edge of the applicants, they would match nineteen counties acquired poor farms. However, it is of some signfficance that only two of these—Morrison and Brown—were " Kiester, Faribault County, 265, 266, 375; Blue Earth City Post, March 21, 1874. town plan counties, and that three counties " In addition to those mentioned, poor farms which already had poorhouses—Freeborn, were purchased by the following counties: Winona Carver, and Le Sueur — promptly closed (1866); Rice (1866); Nicollet (1867); Mower (1868); Fillmore (1868); Dakota (1867); Free- them on obtaining their special laws.^- horn (1870); Chisago (1872). A third level of government stepped into " Minnesota State Board of Corrections and the picture when the Minnesota legislature Charities, Biennial Report, 1888, p. 187-190; An derson, County Government, 69. of 1883, in line with a national trend toward ^° Board of Corrections and Charities, Biennial recognizing the responsibility of the state Report, 1888, p. 187. for its unfortunates, created a board of cor -"^ General Laws, 1889, p. 279; Board of Correc rections and charities. It was to be primarily tions and Charities, Biennial Report, 1888, p. 187- 190. a fact-finding body, with the duty to "in ™ Morrison County obtained its law in 1881 and vestigate the whole system of public char purchased a poor farm in 1887; Brown County ob ities and correctional institutions of the tained its law in 1885 and bought a farm in 1888.

December 1963 369 state, [and] examine into the condition and idiots, imbeciles, and epileptic." Many were management thereof." ^^ sick or disabled; some were women brought The new board was empowered to em in for confinement care; and approximately ploy a full-time secretary. For this position, eleven per cent of tbe inmates were chil it selected the Reverend Hastings Homell dren under fourteen years of age. The males Hart, a thirty-two-year-old Congregational outnumbered the females three to one. No minister who had served for the preceding doubt the majority of the men resembled three years as pastor of a Worthington those in the Itasca County poorhouse, who church. "For his position," according to were described as "a hard lot with habits Minnesota's historian, William W. Folwell, characteristic of their type. Occasionally, "Hart was fitted by natural endowment, some would indulge in too many spirits and character, and temperament."^* Certainly the sheriff would have to take them home. he attacked the problems awaiting him with . . . The only time they were assured of a enthusiasm and industry. A student and ride [into town] was election day, when the preacher, he was not content with merely politicians would pick them up and take amassing facts, but communicated his find them home again after voting." ^^ ings and philosophy with the zeal of an In charge of this ill-assorted group were evangelist. overseers employed under a multiplicity of Although the county poorhouses were financial arrangements. Usually the county only a part of the board's responsibility, settled for the person who agreed to board Hart visited them early, met with county paupers at the cheapest rate or who would commissioners, studied contracts between take the position at the lowest salary. A few boards and overseers, and set up a system were characterized as "vigilant and com of uniform reporting. The reports included petent," or "thorough and efficient." In one statistics on the composition and movement county, Hart reported that the overseer was of the poorhouse populations, as well as "a good one, and the county evidently in operating expenses and the costs of farms tends to keep him, for at a salary of $150 and improvements. Tables prepared from [a year] he will inevitably become a per the information were included in the manent inmate." Some were plainly incom board's pubhshed biennial reports. Prior to petent and indifferent. In one northern this time, no means had been avaUable for county Hart found the overseer and his wffe making comparisons among counties.^^ both absent when he visited the home. As he left the place, however, he met the man, WHEN the board started its work in the who "was intoxicated, swaying to and fro spring of 1883 there were twenty-three in his seat, urging his horse at a rapid rate poorhouses, not including the one operated up the stony hill. In the wagon was a coffin, by Rock County, which had no inmates at containing the body of a woman destined the time the count was taken. Six counties had poor farms but no poorhouses; two used ^ General Laws, 1883, p. 171. temporary buildings; and two others had ^'William W. Folwell, A History of Minnesota, contracts with families to board paupers. 4:412 (St. Paul, 1920). There was only one private benevolent ^ Board of Corrections and Charities, Biennial Report, 1884, p. 30. home, the Home for the Friendless in St. •° Board of Corrections and Charities, Biennial Paul.26 Report, 1884, p. 189-236. For information on the County poor farms were dumping Home for the Friendless, see Ethel McClure, "The Protestant Home of St. Paul," in Minnesota History, grounds for all ages and conditions of peo .38:74-85 (June, 1962). ple. Of the 625 persons received throughout " Board of Corrections and Charities, Biennial the state during the year ending September Report, 1884, p. 176; a mimeographed history of the Itasca County nursing home, by George Prescott 30, 1884, sixty were classffied as "insane, and Ben Grussendorf, in the possession of the author.

370 MINNESOTA History considered the overseers well-meaning and hard-working persons, and believed the de fects of operation "due to inexperience and inattention, rather than to lack of disposi tion to care suitably and humanely for public wards." ^* These caretakers were hampered, too, by the lack of facilities and equipment, and the generaUy poor condition of the buildings. With but few exceptions the poorhouses were frame farmhouses, ill-adapted for use by more than one family. Many were in bad repair, hard to heat, and difficult to keep clean. The cracks in the floors of the second story of one home were so large that the floors could not be scrubbed because they were "so leaky." Halls were nonexistent; in some instances men and women had to go through the rooms of the opposite sex, and "slops" from the bedrooms were carried through tbe kitchen or dining room.^^ Most of the buildings were overcrowded, sitting rooms and even dining rooms being used as bedrooms, especially for the infirm who could not climb stairs. At one home, in "the women's sitting room, 16x16 feet, slept a man and his wife, a woman 84 years old not related to them, and an idiot girl 14 ^'ears old, mute and helpless." And at an other bome, in a "room 9x20 feet were a stove, two double beds and a single bed. There being no closets or storerooms, a quantity of old clothes and rubbish was under the beds. Tbe single bed was occu pied by an old bed-ridden man. One double THE Reverend Hastings H. Hart bed was occupied by the old man's wife and idiot daughter, the other by two women to the county burying ground. The old song not related to this family." ^^ was literally exemplffied: 'Rattle his bones Several homes had strong rooms in tbe over the stones. He's only a pauper that basement for refractory or mentally dis nobody owns.'" In the main, however, Hart turbed persons. In one instance, a "code of rules is prescribed by the county commis '^ Board of Corrections and Charities, Biennial sioners, for violation of which the overseer Report, 1884, p. 206, 224, 188. For the variety of is authorized to confine inmates in a strong contracts with overseers, see p. 178. room, on bread and water." ^^ "^ Board of Corrections and Charities, Biennial Report, 1884, p. 231,195. Hart's observations led him to several '"Board of Corrections and Charities, Biennial conclusions. First, children did not belong Report, 1884, p. 188, 199, 211. in poorhouses, and homes should be found ^^ Board of Corrections and Charities, Biennial Report, 1884, p. 202. for them elsewhere, "for children brought

December 1963 371 up in poor houses seldom turn but well." ^^ pers. In larger counties, the commissioners Most of the children were with their moth should set a fair salary and employ the over ers, but some had been imported into Min seer on the basis of his competence. The nesota from New York for placement in practice of hiring an overseer on bids and private homes. A few were wards of the only for a year's tenure did not assure ob county commissioners who, in addition to taining the best man for the position.^® their other duties, were responsible for bind Hart made a comparative summary of ing out as apprentices minors who were poorhouse expenses by the number of in dependent upon the county for support. If mates in the institutions and came to the a home could not be found for such a child, conclusion that counties of small population he was usually sent to the poor farm. The could not "afford to run poor houses." As a state public school which opened at Owa solution to this problem, he supported the tonna in 1886 did much to correct this situ suggestion "made by a gentleman of wide ation.^^ experience . . . that counties having no Hart also noted that a farm was not neces poor houses make contracts with neighbor sarily the best location for a poorhouse and ing counties having poor houses, for the that most farms were too large. "The over board and care of paupers." A similar sug seer has enough to do in the supervision of gestion was put forward by the auditor of a large poor house, without running a farm," Yellow Medicine County, who wrote: "I he said. In answer to the argument that think it would work well if four or six small farms afforded opportunity for paupers to adjoining counties purchased and run [sic] share in the work, Hart stated flatly: "There a poor farm or poor house in common."^'' are very few able-bodied paupers in the However, in 1899 when the legislature fi poor houses of Minnesota. The popular idea nally enacted a district poorhouse enabling that pauper labor ought to be utilized would law which permitted two or more counties find little useful material to utilize." ^* having a combined population of not fewer The practice of buying farms in advance than 25,000 inhabitants to build and oper of need was criticized as being uneconomi ate joint facilities, none took advantage of cal as well as unfair to the earlier settlers it. The board of corrections and charities who must pay for something they could not was not optimistic: "We believe this is a use. The land did not always appreciate in good law, but must frankly confess that value as anticipated, and the supposed sav there seems small prospect of its being used, ing from the low purchase price was more because each of the co-operating counties than offset by interest charges on the loan cannot be the seat of the district building." ^^ and the removal of the property from the tax rolls. In several instances, the board was ONE OF Hart's earliest and most important successful in persuading a county to defer findings was the wide variation among the purchase of a farm or the opening of a poor counties in their expenditures for poor re- house until there was a real need.^^ ''" Board of Corrections and Charities, Biennial Hart also found much that was undesir Report, 1884, p. 181. able in the methods of hiring overseers and ''''General Laws, 1864, p. 56; Board of Correc in the financial arrangements covering both tions and Charities, Biennial Report, 1886, p. 186. home and farm operation. The county '" Board of Corrections and Charities, Biennial Report, 1884, p. 181. should exert closer control over the finances; ''^ Board of Corrections and Charities, Biennial farm proceeds should be turned into the Report, 1884, p. 182, 183. county treasury, the bills audited, and pay ™ Board of Corrections and Charities, Biennial Report, 1884, p. 184. ments made from tbe treasury. In small coun "' Board of Corrections and Charities, Biennial ties. Hart said, it might be more feasible to Report, 1884, p. 186,187, 236. pay a fixed weekly sum for boarding pau- "' General Laws, 1899, p. 295; Board of Correc tions and Charities, Biennial Report, 1900, p. 37.

372 MINNESOTA History lief. Some were generous to the point of maries shall ... be submitted to said board extravagance, but in others, the amount al for suggestion and criticism," and this — lowed per inhabitant was so small as to broadly interpreted — proved to be one of suggest a complete lack of concem. Regard its most effective sources of influence. As ing the latter, Hart was uncompromisingly early as 1884 the board advised decidedly outspoken: "It is a disgrace to Fillmore against "additions to old farm houses or County to herd her paupers together in badly constructed buildings," and in each the poor house like cattle in a stable, while subsequent report it repeated its criticism the expenses of the poor house with an of the expensive makeshifts which fre average of fourteen inmates, are but $439.12 quently stood in the way of permanent for a year. It is equally discreditable to improvements.*^ Houston County to hire an overseer at $150 New buildings were slow to materialize, a year and keep her paupers in a danger however, and the board had little oppor ous fire trap, partly unplastered, while the tunity to participate in the planning of entire pauper expenses of the county are suitable structures until 1889, when the but 8.2 cents per inhabitant. It is incredible Goodhue County Home was destroyed by that $22 is an adequate sum for Lincoln fire. Through the heroism of its overseer the County to spend for a year's medical at inmates were rescued, but the building was tendance, or that $119.16 should cover all a total loss, and at tbe request of the county the needed indoor and outdoor relief of commissioners, the board advised on plans Wilkin County. And there must surely be for a new one. The resulting brick structure, an error in the report from Mower County opened about January 1,1891, was for some indicating only one cent per inhabitant for years considered "the best poorhouse in the all pauper expenses outside the poor State." *2 house." ^^ Although thirty-one counties bad opened Although the immediate responsibility poorhouses by 1893, there were still not rested with the county commissioners. Hart enough to meet the needs of the burgeoning refused to blame them wholly, pointing out population of the 1880s and 1890s. In its that "The commissioners, coming into office, report for 1894 the board pointed out that find established customs of dealing with pau the state had practically no permanent pers, which can be changed only witb buildings devoted to this use and was thus difficulty. Increased expenditure in econom afforded "great opportunity to make a rec ical counties is criticized as extravagance. ord on poorhouse buildings equal to our ex Decrease in extravagant counties is de cellent record on the character of the county nounced as oppression of the poor. The jail buildings." To stimulate interest and en remedy lies in the increase of knowledge on courage county commissioners in building this subject among the people." *" poorhouses designed for the purpose, the Another area of particular concern to tbe board had model plans prepared. Two sets board was the lack of any real planning for were worked out, one for smaller institutions the future, and specffically the continued having a capacity of twenty-three inmates, use of old buildings. The law of 1883 speci and another for places accommodating fifty. fied that "all plans for new jails and infir- The special requirements included were: "" Board of Corrections and Charities, Biennial "solidity of construction, complete separa Report, 1884, p. 169. tion of the sexes and separate apartments •"Board of Corrections and Charities, Biennial lor the overseer. . . . clothes closets, well Report, 1884, p. 169. "Board of Corrections and Charities, Biennial equipped bathrooms, plenty of water, Report, 1884, p. 31. warmth, light and ventilation," as well as •'° Board of Corrections and Charities, Biennial "such a combination and arrangement of Report, 1888, p. 15; 1890, p. 78, 208, 212; 1892, p. 197; Red Wing Argus, October 10, 1889. the parts ... as will avoid a waste of time

December 1963 373 a genial, soft-spoken person, liked and re spected by the persons in charge of institu tions, and while he was hampered by the lack of any real regulatory power, he was able to accomplish much by persuasion, moral pressure, and practical advice.

FROM the turn of the century until the crash of 1929 and the ensuing depression, poorhouses in many respects remained "static." The number of homes increased gradually from thirty-four in 1900 to forty- four in 1910, and remained at or near this peak for the next twenty years. Their ad ministration was virtually unchanged. Over seers (now called superintendents) were StiU employed on the basis of the lowest bid submitted for "care and keep." Tenures were brief, sometimes for a year or two only, and as Foley pointed out in his report for 1926, this offered "little encouragement LOUIS G. Foley for efficient administration."*^ and labor in daily use."*^ The model plan In the matter of new buildings there was for the twenty-three-bed home was adopted steady progress. Winona and Chisago coun by Becker County in 1900, and both designs ties both opened new homes in 1904. On were to serve, witb some modifications, as January 25, 1908, Brown County dedicated the patterns for institutions constructed in a twenty-thousand-dollar poorhouse, and in the state over the next thirty years. the following year Redwood County com pleted what the community's historian de The members of the board of corrections scribed as "probably tbe most magnificient and charities, however, were not to have the alms house in Minnesota." Between 1914 satisfaction of seeing these homes material and 1928 more than a dozen counties built ize under their jurisdiction. In a move to new homes or substantial additions.*® streamline state government, tbe legislature of 1901 abolished the board, along with a A number were constructed in response number of others, and turned its duties over to prodding by the board of control, and it to a new state board of control. This body, was sometimes difficult to explain to tax- comprised of three salaried members, was at first preoccupied with tbe problems of •"^ Board of Corrections and Charities, Biennial state-operated institutions, for whose super Report, 1894, p. 41; 1900, p. 36, 40. " Laws, 1901, p. 147; Minnesota State Board of vision it was directly responsible. Several Control, Biennial Report, 1908, p. 15. Hart resigned years passed before a full-time staff member in 1898 to become superintendent of the Illinois was employed to take up the function per Children's Home and Aid Society and from there went on to a long and distinguished career in formed in earlier years by Hart, and to penology and social work. inspect all charitable and correctional insti ^^ Board of Control, Biennial Report, 1926, p. 52. tutions throughout Minnesota.** '° Center City Press, November 19, 1903, January 5, 1904; Brown County Journal (New Ulm), Jan The man chosen for this post was Louis uary 25, February 1, 1908; Franklyn Curtiss-Wedge, G. Foley, who served from January 1, 1908, History of Winona County, 233 (Chicago, 1913); until July 1, 1932, when he was promoted to Franklyn Curtiss-Wedge, History crf Redwood County, 194 (Chicago, 1916); Board of Control, Bi membership on the board itself. Foley was ennial report, 1916, p. 290; 1918, p. 46; 1928, p. 56.

374 MINNESOTA History payers the need for a new home, especiaUy rections and charities were embodied in the in areas whose prosperity left something to design. Wide center halls made it unneces be desired. An example was Pine County, sary to go through one room to get to an where the voters defeated a bond issue de other, and modern plumbing obviated the signed to pay for a new poorhouse, which necessity of "carrying slops through the was to be "fireproof witb soundproof inside kitchen." Separation of tbe sexes was usually partitions, steam heated and scientifically accomplished by dividing the building into ventilated and with numerous bath three sections: the men's and women's quar rooms."*'^ The commissioners nevertheless ters at opposite ends, the overseer's apart made a tax levy to pay for the new build ment between them. The latter frequently ings. "They are substantial and almost occupied a disproportionate amount of palacial [sic]," apologized the Hinckley En space — especially as the number of inmates terprise of November 26, 1920, "but tbe old increased. Moreover, the front entrance be buildings were condemned by the state com longed to the overseer, and a visitor who mission and buildings of this kind are the ventured to call at the front door might be only kind that meet with approval." Per informed that "these are private quarters," sistent complaints about "such an expensive and directed to the "paupers' entrance" at building for the poor" eventually brought the rear or side of the building. As it hap about a grand jury investigation. This re pened, there were few visitors other than vealed only that "the board of control had those brought by duty; visiting the folks at ordered the erection of a new building the poor farm was usually reserved for the which had to be built according to their Christmas season when various groups put specifications." *^ on their annual entertainments. Few people As in years past, the new poorhouse build were really aware of the place in the country ings were located on farms. They were large, which by then had become chiefly an "old solidly built rectangular structures with two folks home."*" or three stories, often set back from the road Yet even in the 1920s, before the great in a small grove of trees. A typical county depression had brought about a widespread home of that period could be spotted at a change in public attitudes, there were per distance, but if there were any doubts as to sons on the national, state, and local scene its identity, these were dispelled on closer who foresaw the development of what was view by tbe appearance in the yard of a termed a "class of aged persons, without dozen or so old men clad in ill-fitting suits, means, who cannot through their own efforts the coats and pants of which never matched. earn sufficient to support themselves.""° There was a marked sameness about the Many questioned whether the poorhouse interiors, as might be expected in buildings was the best or even the most economical evolved from the same floor plan. The "spe solution to the problem of their care. That cial requirements" of the old board of cor- it was not the latter was demonstrated in a nationwide survey made by the United " Hinckley Enterprise, November 26, 1920. States bureau of labor statistics in 1925. This "Hinckley News, November 16, 1921. disclosed that almshouses (especially the '" In 1923 sixty-three per cent of the persons in Minnesota poorhouses were sixty-five years of age very small ones) represented an extremely and over, according to the bureau of the census in expensive method of caring for the poor. its report on Paupers in Almshouses, 1923 (Wash Similar findings on tbe state level were re ington, 1925). " Report of the Interim Committee of the Minne ported by an interim commission appointed sota Senate on Old Age Pensions, 3 (n.p., 1929). by the 1927 Minnesota legislature.^'^ "' Estelle N. Stewart, Cost of American Alms This commission, which had been created houses, 42-44 (United States Bureau of Labor Sta tistics, Bulletins No. 386); Report of the Senate "to investigate and examine into the general Committee an Old Age Pensions, 6. question of old age pensions, [and] the cost

December 1963 375 Some remained because there was no other place for them, or because after weighing the advantages and disadvantages, they de cided their best course was to stay.^'^ "They debate the question endlessly," said the superintendent of one bome. On the one hand was the security of bed, board, and an ordered life; on the other hand was "independence" — coupled, however, with fear of the unknown. Could their little pen sions purchase as much as they now had? And, indeed, for many it was like jumping suNNYsroE Rest Home at Lake Park from the frying pan into the fire. Certainly, the new law had not taken into consideration of poor relief under our present system" the fact that many persons in poorhouses went on to take a broader look at the situa were physically, mentally, and tempera tion. Its report pointed out that the impera mentally unfit to fend for themselves. They tives of an urban, industrial society were needed more care than they could get in the bringing about a "great increase of indigent boarding homes available to them, and in old people, most of them of a higher type many "rest homes" opened by unscrupulous than their predecessors of a half century persons, the newly created "pensioners" un ago." In addition to being costly, the poor doubtedly were exploited. house system deprived these people of County boards met this situation in sev independence, self-respect, a familiar en eral ways. Between 1933 and 1950, fifteen vironment, and any opportunity for self- county homes were closed. Nineteen were betterment. "To a human being," the report leased for private operation, making it pos concluded, "who has borne the pleasant and sible for the residents to receive grants.^* unpleasant decrees of fortune during a life Even though a home was turned over to a time and has conti'ibuted his best to society, lessee, however, the county usually main it must be galling to feel that to all intents tained some control of admissions and mat and purposes he is a number in an institu ters of operation. In the beginning the new tion." The commission recommended a plan promised much. The aged received limited old age pension plan and prepared their grants and were able to pay for care in a bill which the 1929 legislature enacted a "private" institution. Even the name "poor into law. The requirements were stringent, farm" was eliminated; the home became however, and the plan was put into effect by only a few counties.'- ^" Report of the Seruite Committee on Old Age Pensions, 1, 4; Laws, 1929, p. 42-48. George Nord- lin, the committee's able and dedicated chairman, THE PASSAGE in 1935 of the federal social attended the First National Conference on Old Age security act, with its grants-in-aid for old Security, held in New York City, April 10, 1928, age assistance programs, had a tremendous and secured data from leading public welfare work ers of other states. On October 9, 1928, the com impact on the county poorhouses. Under the mittee held a public hearing at which the views of law as originally enacted, assistance could Minnesota social workers and other concerned citi not be given to persons residing in public zens were aired. institutions. As a consequence, many of the "•' United States, Statutes at Large, 49:620. " For a list of homes closed or leased during this aged moved out of the county home to be period, see Ethel McClure, Homes for Aged and eligible for grants, or "pensions," as they Chronically III Persons in Minnesota, 89-91, a mim preferred to call them. Not all those over eographed study issued by the division of hospital services of the Minnesota department of health the age of sixty-five left the poor farms. (Minneapolis, 1959).

376 MINNESOTA History tbe "Murphy Boarding Home," or "Ever which had been leased were returned to the green," "Fairview," or "Hill Top" rest home. county for operation. Even more promising Before long, however, problems became possibilities were offered by those county apparent. There were disagreements over tuberculosis sanatoriums which improved repairs, inventories, and especiaUy the rates methods of treatment had made unneces the county would allow for persons who sary. Already o\vned by one or several coun needed more than simple board and room. ties, these buildings were fire-resistant or With the continued increase of aged per substantial enough to warrant the installa sons, the number of sick and infirm also in tion of sprinkler systems. As former hospi creased. There were usually not enough tals, they were not associated in the public beds in the community, and the county of mind with poor farms and therefore were necessity referred many of its most difficult readily accepted by both patients and pub cases to the leased homes. The operators of lic. The first sanatorium to be converted was these were hardly in a position to refuse, Sand Beach at Lake Park, owned jointly by even though in most instances they did not Clay and Becker counties. In July, 1951, this have staff or facilities for nursing cases. was opened as Sunnyside Rest Home, tbe In spite of efforts by both public and pri first such facility to be set up under the new vate agencies to stimulate new construction county nursing home law. Between 1951 and improve the quality of care in existing and 1957 eight others were converted."' homes through licensing, educational pro There has been little new construction, grams, and increased rates, the number of one notable exception being in Traverse satisfactory facilities lagged far behind the County, where a modem forty-bed facility need. It was apparent to many observers built at a cost of $365,000 was opened in that private sponsorship could not keep up January, 1959. Koochiching, Hubbard, Chi with the demand for more beds. One solu sago, Crow Wing, and Red Lake counties tion was to bring the county back into the also have new buildings, or have added new picture, but with a facility radically different wings. Others operate nursing homes in re from the old poor farm. The 1950 amend modeled structures. Six counties lease their ment to the social security act and certain former poor farms to private individuals changes in Minnesota laws helped solve the who operate them as boarding homes or problems of operation and of financing care. simply as farms. Minnesota's last poorhouse But the question of buildings remained. not converted to nursing care was closed One obvious source was the more substan October 1, 1963. It was the Goodhue Coun tial of tbe existing county homes; these were ty Home, a model for the rest of the state enlarged and remodeled and some of those when it was built almost seventy-five years ago.'*^ "= Lake Park Journal, June 28, July 12, 1951. Leg During the last half of the nineteenth cen islation enabling counties to co-operate in building district tuberculosis sanatoriums was enacted in tury and the first decades of the twentieth, 1919, and state aid for construction was provided county poorhouses were a major form of under a 1913 law. (See Laws, 1913, p. 731; 1919, relief for the state's needy and infirm. But p. 338.) Although counties had shown little interest in building district poorhouses, they constructed in the hundred years since the first county fourteen jointly-used tuberculosis sanatoriums be board went out to "examine a farm" for its tween 1914 and 1928. paupers, there has been much "increase of '^Wheaton Gazette, January 9, 30, 1959; Philip knowledge among the people." New types M. McGonagle, Director, Goodue County Welfare Department, to the author, October 22, 1963. of sponsorship, new forms of care, and a changed philosophy have ahnost, if not THE PICTURE of the Goodhue County Home on page 365 is used through the courtesy of the Daily quite, removed tbe old county poor farm — Republican Eagle of Red Wing. Others are from bleak and forbidding — from the Minnesota the picture collection of the Minnesota Historical landscape. No one will lament its passing. Society.

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