UGANDAN REFUGEES in the SUDAN Part I: the Long Journey
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Power and Proximity: the Politics of State Secession
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 9-2016 Power and Proximity: The Politics of State Secession Elizabeth A. Nelson The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/1396 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] POWER AND PROXIMITY: THE POLITICS OF STATE SECESSION by ELIZABETH A. NELSON A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Political Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2016 © 2016 ELIZABETH A. NELSON All Rights Reserved ii Power and Proximity: The Politics of State Secession by Elizabeth A. Nelson This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Political Science in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. ______________ ____________________________________ Date Susan L. Woodward Chair of Examining Committee ______________ ____________________________________ Date Alyson Cole Executive Officer Supervisory Committee: Professor Susan L. Woodward Professor Peter Liberman Professor Bruce Cronin THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii ABSTRACT Power and Proximity: The Politics of State Secession by Elizabeth A. Nelson Advisor: Susan L. Woodward State secession is a rare occurrence in the international system. While a number of movements seek secession, the majority fail to achieve statehood. Of the exceptional successes, many have not had the strongest claims to statehood; some of these new states look far less like states than some that have failed. -
Space, Home and Racial Meaning Making in Post Independence Juba
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles The Worldliness of South Sudan: Space, Home and Racial Meaning Making in Post Independence Juba A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirement for the degree of Master of Arts in Anthropology By Zachary Mondesire 2018 © Copyright by Zachary Mondesire 2018 ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS The Worldliness of South Sudan: Space, Home and Racial Meaning Making in Post Independence Juba By Zachary Mondesire Master of Art in Anthropology University of California, Los Angeles, 2017 Professor Hannah C. Appel, Chair The world’s newest state, South Sudan, became independent in July 2011. In 2013, after the outbreak of the still-ongoing South Sudanese civil war, the UNHCR declared a refugee crisis and continues to document the displacement of millions of South Sudanese citizens. In 2016, Crazy Fox, a popular South Sudanese musician, released a song entitled “Ana Gaid/I am staying.” His song compels us to pay attention to those in South Sudan who have chosen to stay, or to return and still other African regionals from neighboring countries to arrive. The goal of this thesis is to explore the “Crown Lodge,” a hotel in Juba, the capital city of South Sudan, as one such site of arrival, return, and staying put. Paying ethnographic attention to site enables us to think through forms of spatial belonging in and around the hotel that attached racial meaning to national origin and regional identity. ii The thesis of Zachary C. P. Mondesire is approved. Jemima Pierre Aomar Boum Hannah C. Appel, Committee Chair University -
Wartime Trade and the Reshaping of Power in South Sudan Learning from the Market of Mayen Rual South Sudan Customary Authorities Project
SOUTH SUDAN CUSTOMARY AUTHORITIES pROjECT WARTIME TRADE AND THE RESHAPING OF POWER IN SOUTH SUDAN LEARNING FROM THE MARKET OF MAYEN RUAL SOUTH SUDAN customary authorities pROjECT Wartime Trade and the Reshaping of Power in South Sudan Learning from the market of Mayen Rual NAOMI PENDLE AND CHirrilo MADUT ANEI Published in 2018 by the Rift Valley Institute PO Box 52771 GPO, 00100 Nairobi, Kenya 107 Belgravia Workshops, 159/163 Marlborough Road, London N19 4NF, United Kingdom THE RIFT VALLEY INSTITUTE (RVI) The Rift Valley Institute (www.riftvalley.net) works in eastern and central Africa to bring local knowledge to bear on social, political and economic development. THE AUTHORS Naomi Pendle is a Research Fellow in the Firoz Lalji Centre for Africa, London School of Economics. Chirrilo Madut Anei is a graduate of the University of Bahr el Ghazal and is an emerging South Sudanese researcher. SOUTH SUDAN CUSTOMARY AUTHORITIES PROJECT RVI’s South Sudan Customary Authorities Project seeks to deepen the understand- ing of the changing role of chiefs and traditional authorities in South Sudan. The SSCA Project is supported by the Swiss Government. CREDITS RVI EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR: Mark Bradbury RVI ASSOCIATE DIRECTOR OF RESEARCH AND COMMUNICATIONS: Cedric Barnes RVI SOUTH SUDAN PROGRAMME MANAGER: Anna Rowett RVI SENIOR PUBLICATIONS AND PROGRAMME MANAGER: Magnus Taylor EDITOR: Kate McGuinness DESIGN: Lindsay Nash MAPS: Jillian Luff,MAPgrafix ISBN 978-1-907431-56-2 COVER: Chief Morris Ngor RIGHTS Copyright © Rift Valley Institute 2018 Cover image © Silvano Yokwe Alison Text and maps published under Creative Commons License Attribution-Noncommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International www.creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 Available for free download from www.riftvalley.net Printed copies are available from Amazon and other online retailers. -
Conflict and Crisis in South Sudan's Equatoria
SPECIAL REPORT NO. 493 | APRIL 2021 UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org Conflict and Crisis in South Sudan’s Equatoria By Alan Boswell Contents Introduction ...................................3 Descent into War ..........................4 Key Actors and Interests ............ 9 Conclusion and Recommendations ...................... 16 Thomas Cirillo, leader of the Equatoria-based National Salvation Front militia, addresses the media in Rome on November 2, 2019. (Photo by Andrew Medichini/AP) Summary • In 2016, South Sudan’s war expand- Equatorians—a collection of diverse South Sudan’s transitional period. ed explosively into the country’s minority ethnic groups—are fighting • On a national level, conflict resolu- southern region, Equatoria, trig- for more autonomy, local or regional, tion should pursue shared sover- gering a major refugee crisis. Even and a remedy to what is perceived eignty among South Sudan’s con- after the 2018 peace deal, parts of as (primarily) Dinka hegemony. stituencies and regions, beyond Equatoria continue to be active hot • Equatorian elites lack the external power sharing among elites. To spots for national conflict. support to viably pursue their ob- resolve underlying grievances, the • The war in Equatoria does not fit jectives through violence. The gov- political process should be expand- neatly into the simplified narratives ernment in Juba, meanwhile, lacks ed to include consultations with of South Sudan’s war as a power the capacity and local legitimacy to local community leaders. The con- struggle for the center; nor will it be definitively stamp out the rebellion. stitutional reform process of South addressed by peacebuilding strate- Both sides should pursue a nego- Sudan’s current transitional period gies built off those precepts. -
South Sudan: Jonglei – “We Have Always Been at War”
South Sudan: Jonglei – “We Have Always Been at War” Africa Report N°221 | 22 December 2014 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Jonglei’s Conflicts Before the Civil War ........................................................................... 3 A. Perpetual Armed Rebellion ....................................................................................... 3 B. The Politics of Inter-Communal Conflict .................................................................. 4 1. The communal is political .................................................................................... 4 2. Mixed messages: Government response to intercommunal violence ................. 7 3. Ethnically-targeted civilian disarmament ........................................................... 8 C. Region over Ethnicity? Shifting Alliances between the Bahr el Ghazal Dinka, Greater Bor Dinka and Nuer ...................................................................................... 9 III. South Sudan’s Civil War in Jonglei .................................................................................. 12 A. Armed Factions in Jonglei ........................................................................................ -
Abyei Jenn Christian and John Prendergast October 11, 2012
Forgotten Again: How the World Has Failed Abyei Jenn Christian and John Prendergast October 11, 2012 On September 27, 2012, Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir and South Sudanese President Salva Kiir signed agreements concerning a host of issues resulting from South Sudan’s July 2011 secession. The agreements concern issues of oil and other financial matters, border security, and citizenship. They represent the culmination of a nearly two and half year-long negotiation process and, if implemented, have the potential to further consolidate peace and security within and between the two Sudans. However, the suc- cess of these agreements ultimately hinges on the resolution of the remaining outstand- ing issues on which the two presidents were unable to agree, chief among them the final status of the disputed Abyei area. Straddling the ill-defined international border separating the two Sudans, Abyei is the traditional homeland of the nine Ngok Dinka chiefdoms, a group with strong ethnic, cultural, and linguistic ties with the Dinka of South Sudan. Misseriya herders, members of a northern nomadic Arab tribe, seasonally traverse the Abyei area with their cattle. While Abyei was administratively transferred to the North in 1905, its Ngok Dinka inhabitants sided with the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement, or SPLM, and its pre- decessor, the Anyanya movement, during Sudan’s successive North-South civil wars.1 Despite Abyei’s central role as a catalyst for North-South tensions, the international com- munity has historically dodged the difficult issue of the area’s final status – or the question of whether the area should be part of Sudan or South Sudan – and, in doing so, has repeat- edly sacrificed the safety, security, and livelihoods of the Ngok Dinka people for the sake of other concerns and interests. -
The War(S) in South Sudan: Local Dimensions of Conflict, Governance, and the Political Marketplace
Conflict Research Programme The War(s) in South Sudan: Local Dimensions of Conflict, Governance, and the Political Marketplace Flora McCrone in collaboration with the Bridge Network About the Authors Flora McCrone is an independent researcher based in East Africa. She has specialised in research on conflict, armed groups, and political transition across the Horn region for the past nine years. Flora holds a master’s degree in Human Rights from LSE and a bachelor’s degree in Anthropology from Durham University. The Bridge Network is a group of eight South Sudanese early career researchers based in Nimule, Gogrial, Yambio, Wau, Leer, Mayendit, Abyei, Juba PoC 1, and Malakal. The Bridge Network members are embedded in the communities in which they conduct research. The South Sudanese researchers formed the Bridge Network in November 2017. The team met annually for joint analysis between 2017-2020 in partnership with the Conflict Research Programme. About the Conflict Research Programme The Conflict Research Programme is a four-year research programme hosted by LSE IDEAS, the university’s foreign policy think tank. It is funded by the UK Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office. Our goal is to understand and analyse the nature of contemporary conflict and to identify international interventions that ‘work’ in the sense of reducing violence or contributing more broadly to the security of individuals and communities who experience conflict. © Flora McCrone and the Bridge Network, February 2021. This work is licenced under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. -
Militant Leadership Monitor Is by Andrew Mcgregor
VOLUME 2 u ISSUE 5 u MAY 2011 IN THIS ISSUE: BRIEFS.........................................................................................................................................1 A PROFILE OF TARKHAN GAZIEV: THE THIRD MAN IN CHECHNYA’s REBEL TROIKA By Mairbek Vatchagaev..............................................................................................................3 ABU MUHAMMAD AL-taHAWI: THE LEADER OF JORDAn’s jIHADI PROTESTORS By Murad Batal al-Shishani.......................................................................................................5 SMM Leader Nasser al-Nuba GENERAL gabrieL taNG: SOUTH SUDAn’s PRODigaL SON OR KHartOUM’s ageNT OF CHAOS? Militant Leadership Monitor is By Andrew McGregor.................................................................................................................7 a publication of The Jamestown Foundation. It is designed to be read by policy-makers and other SOUTH YEMEN’S PACIFIST GENERAL: A PORTRAIT OF BRIGADIER NASSER AL-NUBA specialists yet also be accessible By Michael Horton...................................................................................................................11 to the general public. In order to purchase a subscription, visit http://www.jamestown.org/ programs/mlm0/ and click on YEMENI TRIBAL CHIEF READY FOR “WAR” AGAINST PRESIDENT log-in. SALEH The opinions expressed within On May 23, forces loyal to Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh mounted an are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect assault on -
Collapse, War and Reconstruction in Uganda
Working Paper No. 27 - Development as State-Making - COLLAPSE, WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION IN UGANDA AN ANALYTICAL NARRATIVE ON STATE-MAKING Frederick Golooba-Mutebi Makerere Institute of Social Research Makerere University January 2008 Copyright © F. Golooba-Mutebi 2008 Although every effort is made to ensure the accuracy and reliability of material published in this Working Paper, the Crisis States Research Centre and LSE accept no responsibility for the veracity of claims or accuracy of information provided by contributors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior permission in writing of the publisher nor be issued to the public or circulated in any form other than that in which it is published. Requests for permission to reproduce this Working Paper, of any part thereof, should be sent to: The Editor, Crisis States Research Centre, DESTIN, LSE, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE. Crisis States Working Papers Series No.2 ISSN 1749-1797 (print) ISSN 1749-1800 (online) 1 Crisis States Research Centre Collapse, war and reconstruction in Uganda An analytical narrative on state-making Frederick Golooba-Mutebi∗ Makerere Institute of Social Research Abstract Since independence from British colonial rule, Uganda has had a turbulent political history characterised by putsches, dictatorship, contested electoral outcomes, civil wars and a military invasion. There were eight changes of government within a period of twenty-four years (from 1962-1986), five of which were violent and unconstitutional. This paper identifies factors that account for these recurrent episodes of political violence and state collapse. -
The First Sudanese Civil War This Page Intentionally Left Blank Pal-Poggo-000Fm 10/23/08 11:49 AM Page Iii
pal-poggo-000fm 10/23/08 11:49 AM Page i The First Sudanese Civil War This page intentionally left blank pal-poggo-000fm 10/23/08 11:49 AM Page iii The First Sudanese Civil War Africans, Arabs, and Israelis in the Southern Sudan, 1955–1972 Scopas S. Poggo pal-poggo-000fm 10/23/08 11:49 AM Page iv the first sudanese civil war Copyright © Scopas S. Poggo, 2009. All rights reserved. First published in 2009 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN® in the Unites States—a division of St. Martin’s Press LLC, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010. Where this book is distributed in the UK, Europe and the rest of the world, this is by Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited, registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS. Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above companies and has companies and representatives throughout the world. Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States, the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries. ISBN-13: 978-0-230-60796-5 ISBN-10: 0-230-60796-9 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available from the Library of Congress. A catalogue record of the book is available from the British Library. Design by Scribe Inc. First edition: February 2009 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Printed in the United States of America. Chapter 5 is a revision of “General Ibrahim Abboud’s Military Administration in the Sudan, 1958–1964: Implementation of the Programs of Islamization and Arabization in the Southern Sudan,” Northeast African Studies Journal, 9, no. -
Gabriel Tang Gatwich Chan ('Tang-Ginye')
Gabriel Tang Gatwich Chan ('Tang-Ginye') Gabriel Tang Gatwich Chan (often referred to as 'Tang-Ginye', a nickname meaning ‘long pipe’), a Nuer from Fangak county in Jonglei state, is synonymous with a brutal chapter of the history of Sudan’s 1983–2005 North–South civil war. Deadly ‘South– South’ violence resulted in some of the worst atrocities committed during the war and deepened internal rifts among Southerners that have not been resolved in the six-year interim period that began with the 2005 signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). Wartime roles Considered one of the first generation of Southern guerrillas, Tang-Ginye began his military career in a faction of the Anyanya movement during the first civil war (1956– 1972). Suspicious of the 1972 Addis Ababa Agreement, he quickly rebelled again, joining one of the mainly Nuer militias known as Anyanya II. In 1984, together with other Anyanya II leaders such as Paulino Matiep and Gordon Kong, he formed an alliance with the government in Khartoum led at the time by Jaafar Nimeiri, hoping to create a Nuer army to fight the ‘Dinka’ Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA). He and his Jebel forces remained allied to Khartoum in 1988, when a large number of Anyanya II defected to the SPLA, under the leadership of the late John Garang. His forces were aligned with Riek Machar’s Khartoum-backed Nasir faction following the SPLA split in 1991, and then became part of the South Sudan Defense Forces (SSDF) as part of the 1997 Khartoum Agreement, with direct links to Military Intelligence in Khartoum. -
The Derg-SPLM/A Cooperation: an Aspect of Ethio-Sudan Proxy Wars
The Derg-SPLM/A Cooperation: An Aspect of Ethio-Sudan Proxy Wars Regassa Bayissa∗ Abstract The warm and friendly Ethio-Sudan diplomatic relations that followed Sudan’s independence in 1956 and the long standing frontier trade between the two countries have been severely damaged by the outbreak of civil wars in southern Sudan in 1955 as well as in Eritrea in 1962. As the civil wars intensified in both countries, the influx of refugees and insurgents across their common border took place. Internal political and socio-economic problems in Ethiopia and the Sudan, together with super-power rivalries in the Horn brought about periods of increasing hostilities between the two countries. On a tit for tat basis, both the Imperial and military governments of Ethiopia and the successive governments of the Sudan came to encourage and assist cross-border guerrilla forces from either side. Thus, animosity rather than cooperation characterized relations between the Sudan and Ethiopia until the fall of the Derg in 1991. Keywords: Derg, Ethio-sudan relations, SPLM/A, proxy wars Introduction The Upper Nile and Jonglei regions of Southern Sudan bordering Gambella and the Gambella region itself were intensively affected by the wars between the governments of the Sudan and the Anyanya I (the southern Sudan Guerilla group in the first civil war 1955- 1972), the SPLA (Sudan People’s Liberation Army of the second civil war 1983-2005), the Lou-Jikany conflict (1993-1994), the armed conflicts following the splits within the SPLM/A and the South Sudan Independence Movement Army (SSIM/A) 1991-2005). The Sudan governments claimed that Ethiopia was supporting the South Sudan guerrillas struggling to secede from the north while the governments of Ethiopia accused successive Sudanese governments of material and moral support to the Eritrean secessionist movements.