DOCSLIB.ORG

The Addis Ababa Peace Agreement, 1972

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Addis Ababa Peace Agreement, 1972 View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by NORA - Norwegian Open Research Archives What factors contributed to the failure of the Addis Ababa Peace Agreement, 1972 Dawit Yemane Tekle [Master’s Degree Thesis in Peace and Conflict Studies, History Track] UNIVERSITY OF OSLO [30 October, 2015] Preface May 2008, it was my first journey outside my home country Eritrea to Khartoum, Sudan. I lived in Sudan for 3 and half years as a refugee before I came to Norway. After staying 3 months in Khartoum as a refugee, I had the opportunity to work in Khartoum as a teacher. Sudan is the largest country in Africa and because of its natural resources the country was given the name “Mother of Africa”. Indeed the people of Sudan have been kind, helpful and hospitable to the Eritreans’ refugees who lived in Sudan for a long time. But it was my daily question why this country had suffered of civil war, starvation and corruption while the country is endowed with natural wealth. I was in Sudan when the long and bloody civil war between North and South Sudan came to an end after the referendum in 2011, in which the South Sudan became the newest African state in the world. However, still a lot of questions remained unresolved between the two nations, consequently, there were continuous confrontation over the ownership of the oil resource over the Abyei region. Therefore, it was my personal interest to study and write at an academic research on the Addis Ababa Peace Agreement, 1972. And I believe that the current problem between the North and South Sudan was the failure of the Addis Ababa Peace Agreement. Moreover, the people of South Sudan and Eritrea had a similar political development under the colonial rule during the 1970s, in which both countries were given a self autonomous status while majority of their population were in favour of independence. II Acknowledgements First and foremost I would like to thank and give glory to the almighty God for His kind guidance and constant love throughout my life, without His help definitely I could not be able to finish this paper in due time. Therefore, it is my duty to give Him praise, worship and thanks now and forever, Amen. Thanks are due to Anders Breidlid for all his comments, encouragement, and supporting throughout my entire work. Moreover, he provided me with additional materials related to the history of Southern Sudan. And I am very grateful for his feedback and he drew my attention to generate new ideas and concepts regarding the Addis Ababa Peace Agreement (1972). Also, thanks to Eivind Myre from the Department of History UiO for his academic contribution on this research. And my friend Wilson has also contributed much on revising and giving comments to the paper during its final stage. My warmest gratitude goes to my beloved father and my wife Rahel for their spiritual, financial and moral encouragements right from the beginning of this paper until the final phase. Last but not least, I would like to acknowledge my friends and brothers (Pastor Abiel, Pastor Tewelde, Bereket, Bisrat, Fessehay, Dawit, Luam, Josief and Simret), who have contributed directly and indirectly for this research paper and really their moral support gave me the strength to complete this research in due time. III Executive Summary In 1972, representatives of the Northern Sudan and the Southern Sudan reached a historic agreement to end the first bloody civil war in Sudan by way of negotiations, in which the third party mediator (Ethiopia) had participated in the peace process. However, the Addis Ababa Peace Agreement had faced serious challenges for its implementation and as a result in 1983 it failed to bring sustainable peace between the two peoples. This thesis attempts to answer the research question: why the Addis Ababa Peace Agreement did fail? It thoroughly goes through the dominant conflict resolution theories and it uses a contemporary theory based on power-sharing and negotiation theory. The thesis will partly highlight the root causes of the war as the main cause for the beginning of the first civil war in Sudan. The thesis concludes with the final failure of the Addis Ababa Peace Agreement by stating all the important factors: the social, economic, security and political dimensions. IV Organization of the Thesis This research thesis is organized into five chapters. The first chapter is an introduction and provides a general introduction, presents the research design, methodology and the methodology underpinning the collection of sources and limitation of the research. Chapter two discusses the root causes of the civil war between North and South Sudan, a brief presentation of the first civil war from 1955 to 1972 and the military and political shifts prior to the formation of Anya Nya movement. The chapter three provides a theoretical analysis to research paper. Under this topic I will discuss the theory of power-sharing and negotiation in light of the Addis Ababa Peace Agreement. Chapter four discusses the historical development of the Round Table Conference, the genesis of the Addis Ababa Peace Agreement, the legal terms of the Addis Ababa Peace Agreement, the implementation of the Addis Ababa Peace Agreements and the politics of Southern Sudan during the peace agreement. Chapter five will advance my hypothesis as to why the AAPA was a failure and reasons why the new civil war started in 1983. Finally, the research thesis gives the conclusion part. V © Author: Dawit Yemane Tekle Year: 2015 Title: What Factors contributed to the failure of the Addis Ababa Peace Agreement, 1972 http://www.duo.uio.no/ Trykk: Reprosentralen, Universitetet i Oslo VI Table of Contents Preface……………………………………………………………………………...II Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………...III Executive Summary………………………………………………………………..IV Organization of the Thesis…………………………………………….…………...V Table of Contents ………………………………………………………………...VII Abbreviations……………………………………………………………………...IX Chapter I: Introduction…………………………………………………………….1 1.1. The aim of the Research……………………………………...………… 8 1.2. Research Question……………………………………………………… 9 1.3. Sources and Methods…………………………………………………… 10 1.4. Limitation and Delimitation of the Research…………………………… 11 Chapter II: Background Information……………………………………………. 12 2.1. The Root causes of the Civil War………………………………………. 12 2.2. The first Civil War (1955-72)…………………………………………... 14 2.3. The military and political developments prior to the formation of the Anya-Nya movement………………………………………………............... 17 Chapter III: Theory of the Research…………………………………………...... 23 3.1. Prelude………………………………………………………………….. 23 3.2. The Power Sharing Theory……………………………………………... 24 3.3. Negotiation Theory……………………………………………………... 26 Chapter IV: The Addis Ababa Peace Agreement……………………………….. 30 4.1. The Round Table Conference…………………………………………... 30 4.2. The Genesis of the Addis Ababa Peace Agreement………………….… 36 4.2.1. The Legal Terms of the Addis Ababa Peace Agreement……………………………………………………............ 39 VII 4.3. The Implementation of the Addis Ababa Peace Agreement…................ 41 4.4. The Politics of the Southern Sudan during the Peace Agreement……………………………………………………….................... 45 4.4.1. The First regional government (1974-1978) …………………..45 4.4.2. The Second regional government (1978-1980)……………….. 46 4.4.3. The Third regional government (1980-1983)…………………. 47 Chapter V: Factors for the failure of the Addis Ababa Peace Agreement………………………………………………………………………….. 51 5.1. Prelude………………………………………………………………….. 51 5.2. Security Issues……………………… …………………………………. 53 5.3. Economic aspects……………………………………………………….. 58 5.4. The Adoption of Shar'a…………………………………………………. 60 5.5. The discovery of Oil……………………………………………………. 64 5.5.1The End of the Addis Ababa Peace Agreement, 1983…………. 69 Conclusion…………………………………….…………………………………… 73 Political Map of Sudan……………………………………………………………. 78 Bibliography………………………………………………………….……………. 80 VIII Abbreviations AACC (All African Council of Churches) AAPA (Addis Ababa Peace Agreement) CPA (Comprehensive Peace Agreement) OCRO (Oxfam Catholic Relief Organization) DRC’S (Democratic Republic of Congo) DUP (Democratic Unionist Party) EU (European Union) GOS (Government of Sudan) HEC (High-Executive Council) ICF (Islamic Charter Front) IMF (International Monetary Fund) KDC (Kuwait’s Development Contribution) LP (Liberal Party) MSA (Missionary Societies Act) NCA (Norwegian Church Aid) NMF (National Military Forces) NUP (National Unionist Party) OAU (Organization of African Union) PAF (People’s Armed Forces) PDP (People’s Democratic Party) PRA (People’s Regional Assembly) RTC (Round Table Conference) SAC (Sudan Administration Conference) SANU (Sudan African National Union) IX SCA (Sudan Christian Association) SOA (Sudan Open Archive) SPLA (South People’s Liberation Army) SRA (Southern Regional Administration) SRSGA (Southern Regional Self-Government Act) SSANU (Southern Sudan African Nationalist Union) SSF (Southern Sudan Front) SSLM (Southern Sudanese Liberation Movement) UN (United Nations) UNHCR (United Nation High Commission for Refugee) USAID (The US Agency for International Development) USNA (The United Southern National Army) WCC (World Council of Churches) X Chapter I: Introduction As the largest country in Africa, Sudan is characterized by geographical diversity, which is reflected in its multicultural, multiethnic and multilingual populations. By the end of the 20th century, the country was failing to deal with complex religious and political tensions that threatened its territorial integrity.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Final Draft of the Co-Chairman's Statement
    FINAL DRAFT OF THE CO-CHAIRMAN’S STATEMENT Your Excellencies, Honorable Delegates, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen, On behalf of my Co-Chairman, Moulana Abel Alier, my colleagues in the Steering Committee, and on my own behalf, I would like to extend a warm welcome to all of you to this Conference, which marks the final phase of the National Dialogue. This is a historic occasion for us in the National Dialogue and we believe for our country. When His Excellency, President Salva Kiir Mayardit, initiated the National Dialogue more than three years ago, we cannot say with confidence that we, or anyone else for that matter, had a clear idea how long it would take, where it would lead, and what the end result would be. It was initially thought that the Dialogue process would take several months. Many saw it as a ploy by the President to polish his political image. The National Dialogue has now lasted for over three years. And far from being a ploy by the President, it has proved to be a sincere national soul searching about the crises facing our country. 1 What we soon learned as we undertook our assignment, was that our President wanted the process to be absolutely free, inclusive, transparent and credible. He repeatedly reaffirmed that National Dialogue was not a trap or a net for catching his political opponents, and that people should speak freely without fear, harassment or any form of intimidation. And, indeed, through the nationwide grassroots consultations and regional conferences, our people spoke their minds without fear or constraint.
    [Show full text]
  • The Addis Ababa Agreement on the Problem of South Sudan
    THE ADDIS ABABA AGREEMENT ON THE PROBLEM OF SOUTH SUDAN Draft Organic Law to organize Regional Self-Government in the Southern provinces of the Democratic Republic of the Sudan In accordance with the provisions of the Constitution of the Democratic Republic of the Sudan and in realization of the memorable May Revolution Declaration of June 9, 1969, granting the Southern Provinces of the Sudan Regional Self-Government within a united socialist Sudan, and in accordance with the principle of the May Revolution that the Sudanese people participate actively in and supervise the decentralized system of the government of their country, it is hereunder enacted: Article 1. This law shall be called the law for Regional Self-Government in the Southern Provinces. It shall come into force and a date within a period not exceeding thirty days from the date of Addis Ababa Agreement. Article 2. This law shall be issued as an organic law which cannot be amended except by a three- quarters majority of the People’s National Assembly and confirmed by a two-thirds majority in a referendum held in the three Southern Provinces of the Sudan. CHAPTER I: DEFINITIONS Article 3. a) ‘Constitution’ refers to the Republican Order No. 5 or any other basic law replacing or amending it. b) ‘President’ means the president of the Democratic Republic of the Sudan. c) ‘Southern Provinces of the Sudan’ means the Provinces of Bahr El Ghazal, Equatoria and Upper Nile in accordance with their boundaries as they stood January 1, 1956, and other areas that were culturally and geographically a part of the Southern Complex as may be decided by a referendum.
    [Show full text]
  • The Secession of South Sudan: a Case Study in African Sovereignty and International Recognition
    College of Saint Benedict and Saint John's University DigitalCommons@CSB/SJU Political Science Student Work Political Science 2012 The Secession of South Sudan: A Case Study in African Sovereignty and International Recognition Christian Knox College of Saint Benedict/Saint John's University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.csbsju.edu/polsci_students Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Knox, Christian, "The Secession of South Sudan: A Case Study in African Sovereignty and International Recognition" (2012). Political Science Student Work. 1. https://digitalcommons.csbsju.edu/polsci_students/1 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@CSB/SJU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science Student Work by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@CSB/SJU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Secession of South Sudan: A Case Study in African Sovereignty and International Recognition An Honors Thesis College of St. Benedict/St. John’s University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for All College Honors and Distinction in the Department of Political Science by Christian Knox May, 2012 Knox 2 ABSTRACT: This thesis focuses on the recent secession of South Sudan. The primary research questions include an examination of whether or not South Sudan’s 2011 secession signaled a break from the O.A.U.’s traditional doctrines of African stability and noninterference. Additionally, this thesis asks: why did the United States and the international community at large confer recognition to South Sudan immediately upon its independence? Theoretical models are used to examine the independent variables of African stability, ethnic secessionism, and geopolitics on the dependent variables of international recognition and the Comprehensive Peace Agreement.
    [Show full text]
  • 26 October 2019 Dr John Garang Mausoleum Juba, South Sudan REGISTRATION FORM for PARTICIPANTS (Registration Is FREE)
    WALK THE TALK: THE HEALTH FOR ALL CHALLENGE 2019 South Sudan participation to the Walk the Talk: 10 or 5 Kilometer Run/Walk 26 October 2019 Dr John Garang Mausoleum Juba, South Sudan REGISTRATION FORM FOR PARTICIPANTS (Registration is FREE) UN staff/personnel? Yes No If yes, specify agency: ___________________ Male Female Shirt size M L XL XXL PLEASE WRITE LEGIBLY Name: _________________________________________________________ Age: ______________ Address: ___________________________________________________________________________ Contact no.: _______________________________E-mail: _____________________________ Name of person to notify in case of emergency: ____________________________________________ Contact no.: ____________________________________________ IMPORTANT NOTES Deadline for registration for participants is Tuesday, 22 October 2019, at 12:00 noon. Distribution of shirts will be at the John Garang Mausoleum. Assembly time is 7:00 a.m. on Saturday, 26 October 2019, at the Dr John Garang Mausoleum grounds. Anyone who is well and fit can join the marathon but the medals and prizes are only reserved for South Sudanese nationals who are non-UN personnel. Submit this form to WHO office, MINISTRY OF HEALTH –Ministerial Complex, Juba, South Sudan. WAIVER I know that running or walking a road race is a potentially hazardous activity. I should not participate unless I am medically able and properly trained. I also know that, although police protection will be provided, there will be traffic on the course route. I assume the risk of running into traffic. I also assume any and all other risks associated with running this event including but not limited to falls, contact with other participants, the effects of the weather, including high heat and/or humidity, and the condition of the roads, all such risks being known and appreciated by me.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Name 2 History
    Sudan This article is about the country. For the geographical two civil wars and the War in the Darfur region. Sudan region, see Sudan (region). suffers from poor human rights most particularly deal- “North Sudan” redirects here. For the Kingdom of North ing with the issues of ethnic cleansing and slavery in the Sudan, see Bir Tawil. nation.[18] For other uses, see Sudan (disambiguation). i as-Sūdān /suːˈdæn/ or 1 Name السودان :Sudan (Arabic /suːˈdɑːn/;[11]), officially the Republic of the Sudan[12] Jumhūrīyat as-Sūdān), is an Arab The country’s place name Sudan is a name given to a جمهورية السودان :Arabic) republic in the Nile Valley of North Africa, bordered by geographic region to the south of the Sahara, stretching Egypt to the north, the Red Sea, Eritrea and Ethiopia to from Western to eastern Central Africa. The name de- the east, South Sudan to the south, the Central African or “the ,(بلاد السودان) rives from the Arabic bilād as-sūdān Republic to the southwest, Chad to the west and Libya lands of the Blacks", an expression denoting West Africa to the northwest. It is the third largest country in Africa. and northern-Central Africa.[19] The Nile River divides the country into eastern and west- ern halves.[13] Its predominant religion is Islam.[14] Sudan was home to numerous ancient civilizations, such 2 History as the Kingdom of Kush, Kerma, Nobatia, Alodia, Makuria, Meroë and others, most of which flourished Main article: History of Sudan along the Nile River. During the predynastic period Nu- bia and Nagadan Upper Egypt were identical, simulta- neously evolved systems of pharaonic kingship by 3300 [15] BC.
    [Show full text]
  • Power and Proximity: the Politics of State Secession
    City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 9-2016 Power and Proximity: The Politics of State Secession Elizabeth A. Nelson The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/1396 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] POWER AND PROXIMITY: THE POLITICS OF STATE SECESSION by ELIZABETH A. NELSON A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Political Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2016 © 2016 ELIZABETH A. NELSON All Rights Reserved ii Power and Proximity: The Politics of State Secession by Elizabeth A. Nelson This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Political Science in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. ______________ ____________________________________ Date Susan L. Woodward Chair of Examining Committee ______________ ____________________________________ Date Alyson Cole Executive Officer Supervisory Committee: Professor Susan L. Woodward Professor Peter Liberman Professor Bruce Cronin THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii ABSTRACT Power and Proximity: The Politics of State Secession by Elizabeth A. Nelson Advisor: Susan L. Woodward State secession is a rare occurrence in the international system. While a number of movements seek secession, the majority fail to achieve statehood. Of the exceptional successes, many have not had the strongest claims to statehood; some of these new states look far less like states than some that have failed.
    [Show full text]
  • South Sudan Conflict Insight | Aug 2018 | Vol
    ABOUT THE REPORT South Sudan Conflict The purpose of this report is to provide analysis and recommendations to assist the African Union (AU), Regional Economic Communities (RECs), Member States and Development Partners in decision-making Insight and in the implementation of peace and security- related instruments. CONTRIBUTORS Dr. Mesfin Gebremichael (Editor in Chief) Mr. Alagaw Ababu Kifle Ms. Alem Kidane Ms. Mahlet Fitiwi Ms. Tsion Belay Ms. Zaharau S. Shariff Situation analysis The area that is today’s South Sudan was once a marginalized region in the EDITING, DESIGN & LAYOUT Republic of Sudan administered by tribal chiefs during the British colonial Ms. Michelle Mendi Muita period (1899-1955). In the 1950s, marginalization gave rise to the Anyanya Mr. Mikias Yitbarek I rebellion, spearheaded by southern Sudanese separatists and resulting in Ms. Siphokazi Mnguni the First Sudanese Civil War (1955-1972). The war ended after the 1972 Addis Ababa Agreement, only for another civil war to break out in 1983 instigated by the Sudan People Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A). The Second Sudanese Civil War (1983-2005), one of the longest civil wars on © 2018 Institute for Peace and Security Studies, record, officially ended in 2005 with the signing of the Comprehensive Addis Ababa University. All rights reserved. Peace Agreement (CPA) by the SPLM/A and the government of Sudan. In 2011, six years after the end of the civil war, South Sudan gained August 2018 | Vol. 2 independence from the Republic of Sudan. South Sudan is home to more than 60 ethnic groups, with the Dinka and CONTENTS the Nuer constituting the largest numbers.
    [Show full text]
  • ANNEX8 ICC-02/05-171-Anx8 15-01-2009 2/11 CB PT
    ICC-02/05-171-Anx8 15-01-2009 1/11 CB PT ANNEX8 ICC-02/05-171-Anx8 15-01-2009 2/11 CB PT Report of Peter K Bechtold I, Peter K. Bechtold, PhD., am responding to a request from representatives of the Federation of Sudanese Trade Unions to offer an expert opinion about the consequences for peace in Sudan, and especially in the Western region ofDarfur, if the International Criminal Court (ICC) proceeds with an indictment of Sudan's current President, LTG Omar Hassan Ahmed al-Bashir (frequently referred to as "Bashir") as currently proposed by an initial submission from the court's prosecutor, Luis Moreno-Ocampo, in July 2008. I have seen only summaries of Mr. Ocampo's allegations, reported in the media as containing 10 separate charges, such as, most startlingly perhaps, the "deliberate efforts to erase the Fur, Masalit and Zaghawa communities", which would constitute "genocide", inter al. I propose to provide some context for understanding the conflict in Darfur by describing the overall geographic, demographic, historical, economic and political factors which have contributed to the Darfur crisis, and to political turmoil in Sudan in general in recent times, before I address the more specific issue ofT CC action and its consequences. My qualifications for offering my commentaries include the fact that I have been a student of Sudan during my entire professional life. A summary CV may be obtained from my website www.drbechtold.com. My interest in Sudan began in 1961, when I met in graduate school a then Senior Inspector and later Director of the Sudan Gezira Board.
    [Show full text]
  • The Influence of South Sudan's Independence on the Nile Basin's Water Politics
    A New Stalemate: Examensarbete i Hållbar Utveckling 196 The Influence of South Sudan’s Master thesis in Sustainable Development Independence on the Nile Basin’s Water Politics A New Stalemate: The Influence of South Sudan’s Jon Roozenbeek Independence on the Nile Basin’s Water Politics Jon Roozenbeek Uppsala University, Department of Earth Sciences Master Thesis E, in Sustainable Development, 15 credits Printed at Department of Earth Sciences, Master’s Thesis Geotryckeriet, Uppsala University, Uppsala, 2014. E, 15 credits Examensarbete i Hållbar Utveckling 196 Master thesis in Sustainable Development A New Stalemate: The Influence of South Sudan’s Independence on the Nile Basin’s Water Politics Jon Roozenbeek Supervisor: Ashok Swain Evaluator: Eva Friman Master thesis in Sustainable Development Uppsala University Department of Earth Sciences Content 1. Introduction ..................................................................................................... 6 1.1. Research Aim .................................................................................................................. 6 1.2. Purpose ............................................................................................................................ 6 1.3. Methods ........................................................................................................................... 6 1.4. Case Selection ................................................................................................................. 7 1.5. Limitations .....................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Building Peace in South Sudan: Progress, Problems, and Prospects
    BUILDING PEACE IN SOUTH SUDAN: PROGRESS, PROBLEMS, AND PROSPECTS CENTRE FOR CONFLICT RESOLUTION CAPE TOWN, SOUTH AFRICA PPOLICY ADVISORY GROUP SEMINAR REPORT CAPE TOWN, SOUTH AFRICA DATE OF PUBLICATION: JUNE 2017 BUILDING PEACE IN SOUTH SUDAN: PROGRESS, PROBLEMS, AND PROSPECTS CAPE TOWN • SOUTH AFRICA POLICY ADVISORY GROUP SEMINAR REPORT CAPE TOWN, SOUTH AFRICA DATE OF PUBLICATION: JUNE 2017 RAPPORTEURS CHARLES MUTASA AND KUDRAT VIRK ii BUILDING PEACE IN SOUTH SUDAN: PROGRESS, PROBLEMS, AND PROSPECTS Table of Contents Acknowledgements, About the Organiser, and Rapporteurs v Executive Summary 1 Introduction 6 1. The Challenges of Building Peace in South Sudan 10 2. Challenges Facing South Sudan’s Transitional Government of National Unity 13 3. Implementing the 2015 Addis Ababa Peace Agreement 17 4. Human Rights 20 5. Gender and Peacebuilding 23 6. The Role of Civil Society in Peacebuilding 27 7. The Role of External Actors in South Sudan 30 Policy Recommendations 34 Annexes I. Conference Team 36 II. List of Acronyms 37 DESIGNED BY: KULT CREATIVE, CAPE TOWN, SOUTH AFRICA EDITORS: TONY KARBO, CENTRE FOR CONFLICT RESOLUTION, SOUTH AFRICA; AND JASON COOK, INDEPENDENT CONSULTANT (COPY EDITOR) PHOTOGRAPHER: FANIE JASON BUILDING PEACE IN SOUTH SUDAN: PROGRESS, PROBLEMS, AND PROSPECTS iii iv BUILDING PEACE IN SOUTH SUDAN: PROGRESS, PROBLEMS, AND PROSPECTS Acknowledgements The Centre for Conflict Resolution (CCR), Cape Town, South Africa, would like to thank the governments of Norway, Sweden, the Netherlands, and Finland for their generous support that made possible the holding of the policy advisory group seminar “Building Peace in South Sudan: Progress, Problems, and Prospects” in Cape Town from 14 to 15 December 2016.
    [Show full text]
  • Space, Home and Racial Meaning Making in Post Independence Juba
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles The Worldliness of South Sudan: Space, Home and Racial Meaning Making in Post Independence Juba A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirement for the degree of Master of Arts in Anthropology By Zachary Mondesire 2018 © Copyright by Zachary Mondesire 2018 ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS The Worldliness of South Sudan: Space, Home and Racial Meaning Making in Post Independence Juba By Zachary Mondesire Master of Art in Anthropology University of California, Los Angeles, 2017 Professor Hannah C. Appel, Chair The world’s newest state, South Sudan, became independent in July 2011. In 2013, after the outbreak of the still-ongoing South Sudanese civil war, the UNHCR declared a refugee crisis and continues to document the displacement of millions of South Sudanese citizens. In 2016, Crazy Fox, a popular South Sudanese musician, released a song entitled “Ana Gaid/I am staying.” His song compels us to pay attention to those in South Sudan who have chosen to stay, or to return and still other African regionals from neighboring countries to arrive. The goal of this thesis is to explore the “Crown Lodge,” a hotel in Juba, the capital city of South Sudan, as one such site of arrival, return, and staying put. Paying ethnographic attention to site enables us to think through forms of spatial belonging in and around the hotel that attached racial meaning to national origin and regional identity. ii The thesis of Zachary C. P. Mondesire is approved. Jemima Pierre Aomar Boum Hannah C. Appel, Committee Chair University
    [Show full text]
  • Wartime Trade and the Reshaping of Power in South Sudan Learning from the Market of Mayen Rual South Sudan Customary Authorities Project
    SOUTH SUDAN CUSTOMARY AUTHORITIES pROjECT WARTIME TRADE AND THE RESHAPING OF POWER IN SOUTH SUDAN LEARNING FROM THE MARKET OF MAYEN RUAL SOUTH SUDAN customary authorities pROjECT Wartime Trade and the Reshaping of Power in South Sudan Learning from the market of Mayen Rual NAOMI PENDLE AND CHirrilo MADUT ANEI Published in 2018 by the Rift Valley Institute PO Box 52771 GPO, 00100 Nairobi, Kenya 107 Belgravia Workshops, 159/163 Marlborough Road, London N19 4NF, United Kingdom THE RIFT VALLEY INSTITUTE (RVI) The Rift Valley Institute (www.riftvalley.net) works in eastern and central Africa to bring local knowledge to bear on social, political and economic development. THE AUTHORS Naomi Pendle is a Research Fellow in the Firoz Lalji Centre for Africa, London School of Economics. Chirrilo Madut Anei is a graduate of the University of Bahr el Ghazal and is an emerging South Sudanese researcher. SOUTH SUDAN CUSTOMARY AUTHORITIES PROJECT RVI’s South Sudan Customary Authorities Project seeks to deepen the understand- ing of the changing role of chiefs and traditional authorities in South Sudan. The SSCA Project is supported by the Swiss Government. CREDITS RVI EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR: Mark Bradbury RVI ASSOCIATE DIRECTOR OF RESEARCH AND COMMUNICATIONS: Cedric Barnes RVI SOUTH SUDAN PROGRAMME MANAGER: Anna Rowett RVI SENIOR PUBLICATIONS AND PROGRAMME MANAGER: Magnus Taylor EDITOR: Kate McGuinness DESIGN: Lindsay Nash MAPS: Jillian Luff,MAPgrafix ISBN 978-1-907431-56-2 COVER: Chief Morris Ngor RIGHTS Copyright © Rift Valley Institute 2018 Cover image © Silvano Yokwe Alison Text and maps published under Creative Commons License Attribution-Noncommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International www.creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 Available for free download from www.riftvalley.net Printed copies are available from Amazon and other online retailers.
    [Show full text]