S P R I N G 2018 URBAN REVIEW LETTER FROM THE EDITORS A magazine of the Hunter College Planning is inherently political; this is something that Hunter students know well. The Introduction Department of to Planning course has many students reading entire books on problem solving and policy analysis, Urban Affairs & Planning as we aspire to not simply write plans from afar but to affect change, using our skills as planners to SPRING ‘18 advocate within the imperfect and at times broken realm of politics. STAFF However, politics is not simply a tool to accomplish goals of planning. Planning itself is a powerful Editors in Chief political tool, one that can be used to accomplish and demonstrate political goals. A zoning change, a Aly Hassell parking limit, or a design for a park are not technical planning decisions but are pronouncements of Atara Lindenbaum priorities, of political goals, and of particular visions of space and community. Our responsibility as future planners is to probe this technical side of planning, determining its larger context. Layout and Design Editor Aly Hassell This issue of Urban Review had the privilege to feature two accomplished and active planners: Com- missioner Mitchell Silver of the NYC Parks Department and Dr. Lester King, Sustainability Planner Writers James Hull in Houston, TX. Both Silver and King emphasize the need for proper community engagement and Beatriz Gil dialogue. Vicky Garvey Ranjana Venkatesh It is time to ask, however, if this focus on process, on stakeholder engagement and communication Atara Lindenbaum suffices. Equitable planning processes may be inherently positive improvements, but our cities, our Andy Lawson Michael Kralovich people, need equitable results as well. Who determines what is an equitable result? And how can Brad Zambrello planners lead these results forward? Vincent Cesare Monica Lee These are questions we must wrestle with, as we aspire to be on the front lines of advocacy planning Content Editors and engagement. The articles in this issue can help begin and inform this conversation. Beatriz Gil Michael Nicholas demands that we begin to formulate affordable housing as a right for all citizens, while Vincent DeC- Vicky Garvey esare examines the history of a famous NYCHA development. Brad Zambrello brings us to Seoul, Atara Lindenbaum Emily Holloway South Korea, where a park’s design manipulates human behavior on site. James Hull discusses how Brenna Hemmings planning for a global event like the Olympics disregards local needs. Vicky Garvey offers a land use Colleen O’Connor-Grant analysis of Ridgewood, Queens, with careful consideration of spatial justice. Finally, Monica Lee and Lexie Korol Ranjana Venkatesh critically examine the systemic conservatism of social policy in the United States.

Peer Reviewers “The end result of wisdom must be good deeds.[1]” The research and analysis in this issue is only Ranjana Venkatesh Michael Nicholas the beginning; our end result is to affect change, building on the equitable standards set out by those before us. We look forward to hearing your opinions and reactions to this issue, and ultimately seeing Vicky Garvey Brenna Hemmings the incredible actions of the planners and policy makers of our fellow students at Hunter. Arielle Lawson Interviewer Atara Lindenbaum and Aly Hassell Aly Hassell Editors-in-Chief Cover Photo Keith Taillon Editorial Assistant Nicholas MacDonald

______[1] Babylonian Talmud

URBAN REVIEW [email protected] 695 Park Avenue West Building 1611 New York, NY 10065 P: 212-772-5518 F: 212-772-5593 CONTENTS

Q&A with Professor Lily Baum Pollans Aly M. Hassell 4

Planning in Practice: Mitch Silver and the NYC Parks Department 6 Michael Kralovich

Protecting the Spectacle: Mega-development, Spectacle and the Olympic Movement 8 James Hull

The Current of Expression: Evolving Public Space and Discourse Along the Banks of the Cheonggyecheon 10 Brad Zambrello

Learning to Reckon with Structural Injustice: Historical Reflections on social policy and Special Education in 13 America Monica Lee and Ranjana Venkatesh

Rezoning Ridgewood: A Land Use Survey 17 Vicky Garvey

Queensbridge Houses Past and Present 21 Vincent Cesare

Reframing the Affordable Housing Crisis: Equitable Devel- 23 opment and Housing as a Human Right Beatriz A. Gil

Holding on to Harvey 27 Andy Lawson

Can Move New York Move in New York City? A Look at 30 Queens Atara Lindenbaum 4

Faculty Q&A: Lily Baum Pollans

Lily Baum Pollans is Assistant Professor of Urban Policy and Planning at Hunter College. As an urban planner and scholar, her interests lie in sustainability, infrastructure, and environ- mental justice. As a practicing planner, she has worked in both municipal and institutional settings on public transportation, public space design, and brownfield redevelopment.

Interview by Aly M. Hassell URBANREVIEWSPRING’18 5 Aly M. Hassell: Tell me a little bit about your talism!). This realization “denaturalized” the city, background. What were you doing before you but it also helped me to understand that “nature” “It was clear to got to Hunter? and “city” are not actually separate worlds. Cities exist in and of “nature.” I switched my major to me after working Lily Baum Pollans: Before I started at Hunter Urban Studies with a concentration in Environ- for a few years last fall, I was at MIT finishing a PhD in urban mental Science and I’ve been obsessed ever since. studies and then doing a Postdoc funded by the that a master’s MIT Environmental Solutions Initiative. AMH: I actually had a very similar experience- before deciding to pursue planning. Capital- in planning AMH: Very cool! Can you tell me more about ism does tend to throw a wrench in the ma- would help me your area of study? chine, doesn’t it! What led you to pursue an advanced degree? to productively LBP: I study urban sustainability and environ- mental justice. I am interested both in the envi- LBP: I enrolled in planning master’s program be- contribute to ronment within cities, and the many ways that cause it was clear to me after working for a few solving the urban activities impact the environment at re- years that a master’s in planning would help me gional and global scales. Because these impacts to productively contribute to solving the prob- problems in are distributed unequally, environmental justice lems in the world that I thought were the most the world that I and the social geography of environmental deg- urgent. But after several years in planning prac- radation are also central to my work. In my re- tice, I found that I was frustrated by the pace and thought were the cent research, I have focused on municipal waste politics of daily decision-making. Critical issues management. Trash turns out to be an excellent were at stake, but I didn’t have time or resources most urgent.” way to access these issues because cities control to fully consider the ramifications of my work. it, but it remains connected to the global econ- While I was a Harvard, a professor from my mas- AMH: Exciting! Ok, now a couple fun ones. omy and global resource flows. Garbage is also ter’s program offered me an opportunity to teach, What are you currently reading / what do you a set of physical flows that can be traced across and I jumped at it because I thought it would recommend reading ASAP? social and economic geographies, revealing a provide time for reflection. I taught planning lot about power and inequality. The big ques- and sustainability for a couple of semesters on LBP: While I’ve been on maternity leave, I’ve tion guiding my work is: how cities can man- an academically rigorous urban studies program indulged in a lot of great fiction that I nor- age waste in ways that start to shift the global that was part of IHP/World Learning’s study mally don’t have time to read. There were two socio-environmental relations of consumption. abroad. During the course of a semester we trav- novels that I especially loved. One was Transit eled through one US city and three international by Rachel Cusk. The other wasA Gentleman in AMH: You mentioned finishing your PhD cities and learned from local experts. For me, Moscow by Amor Towles. They are completely relative recently. Were you working in the teaching and research turned out to be a more different from each other—one is narrated by a private sector prior to that? satisfying way to engage with the issues that I care divorced mother in London, the other follows about, so I started a PhD. the life of a former aristocrat under house arrest LBP: Prior to starting my PhD, I worked in a few in a fancy hotel in Moscow during the Bolshe- different sectors. First I worked in the public sec- AMH: That’s great. Well, we’re very excited to vik revolution. But themes of space, family, and tor as a planner in a small city outside of Boston. I have you! Why Hunter? What are you excited ideas of home are explored in interesting ways worked on environmental justice and transit-ori- about working on while you’re here? in both. I’ve also been reading Capitalism and ented development projects. As part of that job I the Web of Life (when I’ve had enough sleep for helped to run a tiny little transit system that con- LBP: A few things really drew me to Hunter. First, something more heavy duty!). Its central argu- sisted of about eight buses on four routes—that Hunter’s program has social justice in its DNA; ment is that capitalism is fundamentally a way was a real education! I enjoyed the public sector, this is evident in the history of the program, as of organizing nature. It will probably sneak its and I learned a lot about planning, but I ended up well as the interests of current faculty and stu- way into some of my syllabi in the coming years. taking a job in campus planning at Harvard Uni- dents. I am also inspired by how many students versity so that I could shift from car commuting work while pursuing their graduate degrees. AMH: Do you have any advice for current to bike commuting. While at Harvard, I worked It means that nothing we talk about in class is students? on sustainability and urban design initiatives. purely theoretical—we are all living the city every day and this allows a deeper level of LBP: I always try to remind students that gradu- AMH: What initially attracted you to Urban discourse and reflection in the classroom. ate school is a remarkable privilege, even if you Studies? And of course, although we have loved our are working full time and juggling a whole host life in bucolic Cambridge, my whole fam- of responsibilities. When else will you have ac- LBP: I started college with the intention to study ily is very excited about New York City. cess to the resources of an entire university, just art. But as soon as I got to New York City, I fell in so that you can learn about things that you find love with the city. One day during my freshman AMH: What courses are you teaching at fascinating? So, while you are doing it, make year of college, I stepped off a curb into the street Hunter? time to study something completely out of your and realized that someone had decided to build comfort zone. Take at least one class that has that street, and that curb. I had always taken the LBP: Next Fall, I will teach graduate and un- nothing to do with your specialization--some- urban landscape for granted, and for the first dergraduate sections of Structure of the Urban thing that you don’t know anything about, but time I awakened to the fact that every single trash Region, as well as a graduate course on Urban that might just unsettle all of your assumptions can, smoke stack, and brick was the product of Sustainability. Next Spring, I will probably be about the urban world. ideas, policies and decisions. If everything was a teaching environmental justice. And someday, I decision, then everything could also be different hope to teach a garbage seminar! (this was before I encountered the study of Capi- 6 Planning in Practice: Mitch Silver and the NYC Parks Department Mike Kralovich

In 2014, Mayor Bill De Blasio selected urban spaces in New York City. planners as professionals, he said: “I always Mitchell J. Silver to head the New York City The Community Parks Initiative was rolled tell planners, if you want to be valued, show Department of Parks and Recreation. Since his out amidst growing concern over inequality in your value. Don’t just focus on reports, focus appointment, Commissioner Silver has taken a New York City. Disparities in access to affordable on outcomes. People make the connection to planner’s perspective to the Parks Department, housing, transportation, and other services were something done, not a piece of paper”. launching two flagship programs - Parks becoming more pronounced, and there was a The Community Parks Initiative allowed without Borders and the Community Parks climate of frustration around the failure of the Silver to start focusing on outcomes and Initiative - that aim to affect change within previous administration to address the needs of providing tangible benefits to his constituents. the bigger picture of economic inequality underserved communities. With regard to open CPI signaled to the public that their and the livability of urban spaces in New space in particular, the emerging prevalence of neighborhoods were important and deserving York City. A graduate of Hunter’s Masters of conservancy groups had fostered among many of investment, and also helped convince local Urban Planning program, it is unsurprising residents the sense of a two-tiered park system, elected officials that the Parks Department was that equity and advocacy are at the heart of with a handful of prominent parks being lavished capable of providing deliverables in a timely Commissioner Silver’s work. with money from wealthy park neighbors and fashion. Although previous Parks commissioners the rest of the city’s smaller parks falling into In New York, Mitchell acknowledges that including Veronica White (Harvard-trained disrepair. This disparity has a disproportionate planning professionals have largely become lawyer and Executive Director of Mayor effect, as young people in in low-income sorted into specialty or agency specific Bloomberg’s Center for Economic Opportunity), neighborhoods tend to rely more on local public siloes, often focusing on one area of interest, Adrian Benepe (lifelong Parks employee with spaces and use them more frequently than those rather than taking a more holistic view of a wide breadth of experience in the Agency), in more affluent areas.1 CPI addressed this head planning problems. However, he cautions and Henry J. Stern (former Councilman with on: using an inventory of Parks properties and against the myopic view of any one planning a history of administrative positions in the an analysis of past investments, Silver and his specialization: “To me, planners are like city) had engaged in “planning” work during team generated a list of parks that were located in doctors of cities--you need to understand the their tenures, Silver is the first formally trained densely-populated areas with higher than average whole anatomy of the city to know the role planner to hold the Commissioner position. concentrations of poverty. Going a bit further, of parks, and transportation, and residential Silver’s planning background quickly became CPI identified properties that had received less [areas].” apparent as he hit the ground running at the than $250,000 in the past 20 years and prioritized As Parks Commissioner, Silver has start of his tenure with two flagship programs. those sites for immediate capital investment with maintained the working philosophy of The Community Parks Initiative (CPI) and an accelerated design/build timeline. planning as an interdisciplinary profession. Parks Without Borders (PWB) both take a data- Rather than talking vaguely about an “equity The Parks Without Borders (PWB) initiative driven and community-focused approach to agenda”, Silver moved quickly to publicly exemplifies that outlook. Many of the capital investment and urban design, and widen acknowledge a problem, used data to quantify city’s public spaces have become physical the scope of the Agency’s work to consider how the problem, and directed funding to address representations of the siloed nature of it’s Parks can affect change within the bigger picture that problem as fast as possible. When I asked agencies; with tall fences, abrupt edges and of economic inequality and the livability of the Commissioner about the perception of other mobility barriers creating a disjointed URBANREVIEWSPRING’18 7

pedestrian experience. Silver is fond of saying that when the average New Yorker is walking around their city, they don’t realize that as they take a step out of the park and onto the sidewalk that they’re crossing between Parks’ jurisdiction and into DOT’s jurisdiction, and frankly, they don’t care. PWB is an effort to change the design Planning in approaches that create these isolated spaces and broken connections. By blurring the edges of parks, lowering fences and making entrances more obvious and welcoming, Silver believes we can create a more cohesive and seamless public realm. Streets, sidewalks, parks and plazas are Practice: where public life happens, and working with communities and other city agencies to erase the Many of the city’s public spaces have become physical reprsenta- tions of the siloed nature of it’s Mitchell J. Silver : Hunter MUP Alumnus and NYC Parks Commissionor Image: The Guardian agencies. these meetings to the Commissioner, he will ask someone--there is no way you’re going to know barriers between these spaces will make NYC questions about the issues raised at the Scope- someone on the first date. Coming into a city, more beautiful, vibrant, safe, and accessible for meeting and make decisions about site elements you’re developing a relationship, just like any all residents. As David Harvey suggest, “the and programming based on the feedback given [other]. I have to spend time with you and I have public realm, when it feels safe, inviting and by the community. While details may change to get to know you, so [in Raleigh] I knew when interesting, draws us to engage in social and based on technical and spatial considerations, I was imposing an outside culture on the com- active recreation on an everyday basis with little the programmatic elements of the site are deter- munity and when I was not. Building that trust additional effort”.2 mined by the community. involves earning it, spending that time to get to Silver and I spoke about the disconnect that Silver does recognize that the community know a place, so when you do make a recommen- tends to emerge between planning officials and outreach process is far from perfect, with public dation it’s authentic and it’s right and it fits”. This the public, and how this disconnect often stems meetings often amplifying certain voices at the is perhaps Silver’s greatest strength as a planner; from issues of trust. Building trust is key to Sil- expense of others. Particular groups can some- his charismatic personality makes him a natural ver: “It takes time to build trust,there’s no short- times dominate scoping meeting, leaving other communicator. He eschews industry jargon for cuts around it...You have to do your best to have groups without proper opportunities to express colloquial and honest conversation, and can take an outreach strategy that touches as many people their views. Too often we plan for just “the people a career’s worth of knowledge and expertise and as possible in as many ways as possible”. Parks in the room”, he says, and that “35 people out of synthesize it into a relatable anecdote, humorous Without Borders and the Community Parks a community of 15,000 who were well-informed analogy, or when he’s lucky, a well-timed joke. Initiative both included strong public outreach or connected enough to know about the meeting Commissioner Silver’s work with the Parks components in an effort to make Parks’ work and show up” should not be allowed to dictate Department shows that situating one’s work more transparent and more community-driven. the future of the community as a whole. The within the wider context of the city and region, Parks Without Borders’ eight showcase proj- Commissioner is always cautious about acting prioritizing tangible results, and fostering com- ects were chosen based on input solicited through based on the demands of a single person or group munity inclusivity are effective strategies for im- online surveys and at public meetings, and al- of people, and closely examines Scope Meetings proving the public realm--and are hallmarks of though this methodology here is imperfect and to ensure that decisions are based on the needs good planning. Silver has taken a planner’s ap- raises valid questions of accessibility, more than of those “in the room as well as those outside of proach to his role as Parks Commissioner, devel- 6,000 nominations were received during a three the room”. oping and implementing innovative policies that month comment period. While Parks planners I spoke to the commissioner about was how the are deeply impactful and that provide immediate ultimately had to choose sites based on the right nature of planning work often puts the planner in benefits to his constituency. The job has put him physical characteristics and context for the design the position of the ‘outsider’. He described how in unique position to connect with that constitu- approach to be truly effective, the PWB initiative he overcame the initial distrust of the residents ency, the people of New York: “People come up looked seriously to the community for direction of Raleigh when he served has the city’s Planning and hug me at park openings for the work that I in the planning process. This major investment Director; many were afraid of how a professional do” he says, “No one has ever hugged me because took into account both community support and planner from New York might change the city of a comprehensive plan or a zoning code”. the opinions of experts, balancing the needs and they knew and loved. His approach was simple; desires expressed by the public with professional he didn’t make a single recommendation for six know-how. months. Instead, he did his research - he talked to CPI projects all begin with a ‘Scope Meet- the public, to community leaders, business own- ing’, where project designers and the public sit ers, and elected officials. When he finally spoke down together to discuss the community’s vision on his vision for Raleigh, people were pleasantly for their park. Months later, as design teams are surprised to see that his ideas reflected their con- presenting the plans they’ve developed based on cerns and hopes for their city. “It’s just like dating 8 Protecting the Spectacle: Mega-Development, Spectacle & the Olympic Movement James Hull

The fundamental principles outlined in the arena for terrorist organizations to exert pressure in which government leaders align with the Olympic Charter, to use sports in service of a and instill fear in the status quo. This threat interests of private capital to engage in place “harmonious development of humankind” and legitimizes the carte blanche to law enforcement promotion and economic development.7 These to promote a society of peace that preserves agencies at every level to ensure the safety of elements are key in understanding the amplifying human dignity, guide the modern Olympic the event. Often, these security measures inflate effect an Olympic-sized redevelopment can have Movement;1 the global nature of the Olympic budgets that have lasting economic and spatial on the pre-existing populations in a given city.8 games, the thousands of talented athletes who impacts on host communities. Massive private Small cadres of business and government elites compete and the billions of international investments, national reputations, and corporate fail to adequately address wider public concerns, spectators it draws, demonstrates the aspirations advertisers are all tied up in the smooth and prioritizing the pro-growth doctrine important of these principles. The lofty goals of the safe delivery of the games and the creation of a to keeping individual cities competitive Olympic Movement are underpinned by a unifying international narrative, both which run for capital investment on the global scale.9 long history that contains both old traditions counter to the material reality of communities Voices and stakeholders of sites specified for and powerful symbols, which in turn engender directly affected by the event. Olympic development see their voices stifled, the Olympics as a sacred or religious festival of contradicting the stated ideals of the Olympic sorts.2 . However, as the games developed over Scholars Jon Coaffee and Lorraine Johnston Movement that aspires to encourage equitable time, they also became an opportunity for huge identify four themes of mega-project construction human development practices. commercial profits and garnered the attention of that are helpful in understanding the socio-spatial lucrative media networks, corporate sponsors, impacts of the Olympics on host communities. Organizing committees are aware that actors and security experts, as well as local, national, The first is the assertion that monumental projects involved in local, national, and international and international organizing committees.3 are priceless, that cost overruns are irrelevant due causes are keen to use the exposure the Olympics These economic interests are woven into the to a mega-project’s ability to amaze and affect a provides as a stage to promote their cause. The aspirations of host cities and nation-states to global audience.6 This assertion disregards the threat of conflict interrupting the ritualistic deliver a safe and secure event. increasingly stretched coiffers of municipalities, spectacle of the games would threaten the the real risk of government debts, and the humanistic tenets of the Olympic Movement. Host cities are also responsible for the potential deleterious effect on local communities. This was especiallyclear after the Munich spectacle of the games. The production of The second theme is the common inability to spectacle is a highly involved and the publicized Massacre of members of the Israeli Olympic Team properly estimate cost in every quantifiable way in 1972, which prompted subsequent organizing process that demands a manipulation or 4 -- from a project’s effect on the environment, committees to create increasingly secure spaces reconfiguration of space. Furthermore, the to budget overruns, and to the displacement of and militarized contingency plans with lasting games can be at once both diversionary and residents. Third, that the alleged community effects.10 The contradiction between the Olympic pacifying, a stage for ruling elites to perform benefit of, among other things, regional values of equality, human development, and peace rituals of “commonality, community, and growth, employment, increased green space are and the hegemonic forces at work before, during, and after the games are inherent to the Olympic solidarity in the face of perceived or actual fears exaggerated at the expense of public monies. 5 process. The prestige, attention, and spectacle of and threats.” And fourth, urban megaprojects have been The Olympic Games privileges the financial and increasingly linked with pro-growth boosterism, The spectacle of the mega-event is the perfect institutional interests of both private and public URBANREVIEWSPRING’18 9 elites but fails to consider existing communities. and the entrepreneurial spirit of America.16 They and the 1992 Los Angeles Riots that followed the The process described above elevates the nation- did not need to seriously consider the long-term verdict. state as a monolith, which simplifies the realities concerns of the local population to accomplish Even in the years after the games concluded, of worldwide human existence. By failing to this due to their status as a private coalition of surplus Olympic funds were used to militarize address root conflicts and at the same time funders. Instead their focus was ensuring the space in deprived communities. The South promoting a universal ethical program, the safety of their investment. Central Organizing Committee and East Los Olympics exacerbate existing societal tension by Angeles’ United Neighborhoods Organization, avoiding it entirely. On January 29th, 1982, President Reagan provided assurance to Ueberroth that the US two vocal anti-gang civic organizations, jointly LOS ANGELES, 1984 government would give “whatever assistance received a large donation to enhance targeting The 1984 Olympic Games, formally opened was needed by local government” to guarantee crime-fighting strategy with the creation of by President Ronald Reagan on July 28th, were the security of the games.17 Over 16,000 officers “combat zone teams from several law enforcement the first Olympic Games in the era of neoliberal across various municipalities in Los Angeles were agencies to crack down on gangs...in high crime 24 capitalism, hallmarked by a retraction of trained, in addition to the 13,000 private security neighborhoods.” 18 government funding and refusal of underlying officers deployed to police the games. In total, It is unhelpful to view unique community structural conditions in favor of free market- 170 public and private policing agencies across groups as sharing universal goals, especially as driven solutions to development financing. After local, state, and national jurisdictions along fractures formed in communities along various the 1976 Montreal Games left $1.6 billion in the West Coast coordinated their strategy and lines in the wake of the crack epidemic and the debt to the taxpayers, only Los Angeles (Tehran expertise from July to August 1984. The same War on Drugs. Perhaps these funds would have immediately withdrew their bid due to political year, the LAPD implemented the Emergency been better allocated to job training centers, to instability in the late 70s) launched a bid for Command Control Communications Systems, addiction clinics, or other social service coalitions 19 the 1984 Summer Games.11 The Soviet Union revolutionizing police communications. Los that provide security for citizens. reportedly incurred more than $6 billion in Angeles was one of the cities worst hit by the crack This case study of the 1984 Olympics, shows debt for their staging of the 1980 Moscow epidemic of the 1980s. During this time, gang- the afterlife of the militarization of police on local Olympic Games.12 In 1979, Los Angeles voters related crime skyrocketed, disproportionately communities in Los Angeles. The LAOOC could passed an amendment to the city charter stating affecting low-income communities of color. have taken a different tack with their management that the taxpayers would not be responsible for Unemployment rates in inner city communities of the games. But, limited by their budgetary anticipated Olympics-related budget deficits.13 neared 40%, worsening the unrest in South mandate, the consortium of corporate interests As a result,the president of the Los Angeles Central Los Angeles. This threatened the positive running the show elicited a militarized and anti- Olympic Organizing Committee (LAOOC), image of Los Angeles the LAOOC hoped to social justice response to sanitize the surrounding Peter Ueberroth, was tasked with operating the project to hundreds of thousands of tourists area for commercial consumption. They chose a games without substantial government funding. and billions of television viewers. Though the LAOOC received no financial support from the route leading towards a more aggressive policing “The prestige, attention, taxpayers of Los Angeles, the LAPD received over of already hurting communities instead of and spectacle of $20 million in funding from the Department of targeting root sources of social problems. But The Olympic Games Defense to bolster the police force and to ensure the federal funding, professional knowledge, and privileges the that crime was kept to a minimum during the military weaponry commissioned at the behest financial and institutional games. Instead of investing in job creation or of the LAOOC’s financial interest in protecting interests of both private addiction services, the LAOOC employed its the Olympics exacerbated community and and public elites but quasi-governmental status toward an effort to police relations in Los Angeles. This is contrary push out or incarcerate marginalized populations to the stated goals of the Olympic Charter. It fails to consider existing is one example of how the aspirations of the communities.” who lived in the area where the Olympics would hold its opening and closing ceremonies, Olympic Movement are incompatible with by far the most recognizable site of Games.20 interests of private capital. It is an example of Ueberroth overcame this dilemma by relying The policing strategies employed by the LAPD spectacle-centric mega-development adversely solely on the existing landscape and corporate were lauded as crucial to the financial success impacting local communities. The well-marketed sponsors.14 His plan to limit the number of of the 1984 Olympic Games.21 After the games budgetary surplus of over $215 million from sponsors to 30 raised individual bid values ended, the oppressive strength of these strategies, the 1984 Games propelled a reinvigorated by increasing their exclusivity and demand. newly bolstered by the $20 million injection and reimagined neoliberalized financing McDonald’s, for example, paid $4 million to of federal funds, continued to impact minority model for Olympic mega-events to follow. refurbish an Olympic swimming pool and an communities in Los Angeles. In February 1985, additional $5 million for exclusive concessionary the LAPD used a military grade tank-like vehicle rights.Over 30 companies agreed, and provided received from the Olympics to destroy a wall “Even in the years after funds, merchandise, and assortment of services of an alleged crack house. Inside, they found in exchange for the right to use the Olympics the games concluded, children eating ice cream. The militarized LAPD logo in their company marketing. The biggest surplus Olympic funds evolved with the launch of Operation Hammer contribution came from ABC, who shelled out were used to in 1987, an anti-gang effort that resulted in $225 million for sole broadcast rights.15 militarize space in the the arrests of over 20,000 mostly African deprived communities.” The diminished role of government in American youths.22 A Los Angeles Times planning the Games closed off opportunities for report from 1991 uncovered that the district the public to scrutinize the operational processes attorney’s office declined to prosecute at least required for the mega-event. Private investors, 278 police officers who were accused of police hoping to recoup their massive injection of funds brutality.23 This tension between police brutality See legacy, p. 34 and to promote their image, marketed the Los and communities throughout the 70’s and 80’s Angeles Olympics as a success story of capitalism erupted with the beating of Rodney King in 1991 10 The Current of Expression Evolving Public Space & Discourse Along the Banks of the Cheonggyecheon Brad Zambrello The history of the Cheonggyecheon, a a giant conch shell, sits immediately east of to potential audiences found at street level.16 linear park in central Seoul, reveals the critical Gwanghwamun Square and Sejong Road, the Though the Cheonggyecheon’s design does not relationship between public space, the public primary power axis in Seoul that links the Blue engender spontaneous activity nor accommodate sphere, and social transformation through the House (the South Korean presidential residence) insurgent public uses, the park does routinely lens of contemporary South Korea. Public space, to the Gyeongbokgung (a historic palace and host festivals and official events planned by the in its most reductive sense, is a physical place that the site of South Korean constitution signing Seoul municipal government, establishing its is available to the general public and can be used in 1948) and Seoul City Hall.11 Both the plaza’s use as an “institutional public space.”17 Many of for expressive purposes, political or otherwise.1,2 proximity to this power axis and its relatively the official events held at the Cheonggyecheon ,3 Public space also provides a physical forum open design make it a popular public place for are overt expressions of Korean identity. Such for the exercise of free speech rights,4 affording protests. events include the annual lantern festival at the individuals an opportunity to contribute to the Aside from Cheonggye Plaza, however, the Buddha’s birthday, the celebrations of Chuseok ongoing body of political and social discourse vast majority of the public space within the (Korean Thanksgiving), and the Lunar New occurring within broader society, which Jürgen Cheonggyecheon park is highly programmed, Year.18 Other events held at the Cheonggyecheon Habermas has termed the “public sphere.”5 manifesting what Anthony Maniscalco calls are explicit expressions of the Korean state, such The Cheonggyecheon (literally the “clear “customized place” that “cannot accommodate as decorations promoting the 2018 Pyeongchang water stream”)6 is a six mile long park in Seoul new or heterogeneous use frameworks” such as Olympic Games (and local advertising partner, that follows the former course of a natural stream political speech.12 As with Federal Foley Plaza SK Telecom)19 or the inclusion of Korean of the same name. This natural stream was in New York City – where, Kristine Miller reunification messaging in Christmas displays.20 filled in and paved over during the late 1950s.7 notes, “the dominance of the physical objects The Seoul government’s top-down approach Running down the center of the modern park is within the [space]… severely limits what can to the festivals and decorations permitted at a re-creation of the historic stream, the water for happen” 13 – the Cheonggyecheon’s physical the Cheonggyecheon is reminiscent of Mayor which is pumped in from the nearby Han River, design precludes all but a handful of authorized Giuliani’s approach to the steps of New York City Seoul’s chief waterway.8 Pedestrian walkways leisure uses (namely: strolling, sitting, lunching, Hall, wherein special events were limited to what and terraced seating options line both sides of and photography). The park’s central water the mayor identified as of “extraordinary public the restored Cheonggyecheon, and the entire feature divides the space into roughly thirds interest,” ignoring smaller community interests.21 site is replete with native plants, stone bridges, – the northern bank, the water itself, and the This type of programing implicitly questions the secondary water features, and art installations southern bank – which prevents both large legitimacy of communities not represented in the intended to confer peace onto visitors amidst political assembly and most physical activities space by narrowing the list of people suitable to the bustle of urban Seoul.9 The vast majority of within the space. 14 The Cheonggyecheon’s form the proper public.22 (Marginalized publics the modern park is situated roughly fifteen feet linear design also subtly promotes movement of note in Korea include the domestic LGBTQ below street level, though the 2,500-square-meter within the park, discouraging visitors from community, ethnic Koreans from northeastern Cheonggye Plaza, at the park’s western terminus, lingering or participating in social activities China, southeast Asian migrant workers, and is sited at-grade and linked to the rest of the park outside of prescribed seating areas and gathering various expatriates from Western countries.23) by staircases and pedestrian ramps.10 points.15 The park’s physical location, at fifteen The Historic Cheonggyecheon Cheonggye Plaza frequently hosts protests feet below street location, further sapps the The Cheonggyecheon was not always the targeting both the national and municipal space of its civic capacity. Should a political programmed, institutionally-controlled space governments. Cheonggye Plaza, identifiable by group overcome the park design’s physical that it is today. The stream’s natural shores were a distinctive red and blue sculpture resembling constraints - this groups would still be invisible historically loose and unstructured throughout URBANREVIEWFALL’ 17 11

the various Korean royal dynasties, the of public space itself – one “marked by free [were] forcibly displaced.”31 The government Japanese occupation, and the years immediately interactions, user determination, and the absence successfully pried what had been a public space, 24 following the Korean War. Photographs from of coercion by powerful institutions,” to return available to all, from the broader public and the early twentieth century reveal large open to27– in that anyone was free to set down their transferred it to Korea’s nascent motoring public spaces on the Cheonggyecheon’s banks, with belongings and make a life on its shores. (in the service of the government’s public image, children swimming in the stream or playing The government’s attitude toward the both at home and abroad). For the following 45 nearby and women washing laundry on its Cheonggyecheon changed dramatically in the years, what was once the Cheonggyecheon ceased 25 shores. Following the Korean War, as the 1950s. The stream’s poor conditions and its to be an authentic public space. country urbanized and Seoul’s population grew pollution with human and industrial waste By the turn of the twenty-first century, dramatically, new residents of the capital began greatly concerned political leaders. These hygienic however, Seoul’s residents had grown tired of 26 erecting makeshift shacks alongside the stream. considerations, however, were used as a pretext the Cheonggye Expressway built atop the buried The Cheonggyecheon’s banks thus became a place for expulsion.28 The stream was filled and covered stream, as it brought noise, air pollution, and of spontaneous community, where ambitious with a simple roadway in 1958,29 and in the 1970s vehicular congestion to the city’s center.32 Korea new Seoulites could first hang their hats in the the dictator Park Chung-hee built an elevated continued to urbanize over the latter half of the capital and try to take hold of the country’s rising expressway on the site meant to symbolize the twentieth century, and the increasingly wealthy economy. The early South Korean government’s emergent industrial Korean state.30 Korean populace demanded a higher quality of life initial tolerance of these settlements near the Over the course of these two renovations, “the and healthier living conditions in Seoul than the Cheonggyecheon reflected a broad conception occupants of [the nearby] shanties, who used the previous generation.33 In 2002, Lee Myung-bak of the public that the space should serve and stream for washing and doing laundry for hire, ran for Seoul Mayor on a platform that promised

Cheonggyecheon today. Source: Expedia 12

had been elected on the right-wing bona fides of her father, the former dictator Park Chung- hee – had used her influence on the president to extort roughly $70 million from high-profile Korean companies including Samsung, Hyundai, and Lotte.48,49 Choi had also unduly influenced the president’s policies, political appointments, speech contents, and even personal wardrobe, all without a formal position in the administration.50 The president’s confidante had also bribed the dressage judges at 2014 Asian Games, held in Korea, winning her daughter a gold medal at the event that was later improperly leveraged into admission to the prestigious Ehwa Womans [sic] University.51 When the TV network JTBC broke this news, Korean society erupted – protesters mobbed Gwanghwamun Square and the Cheonggye Plaza for weeks, once again holding candlelight Protest along the Cheonggyecheon. Source: Korea Times vigils and this time demanding the president’s resignation.52,53 At the height of the protests, the removal of the Cheonggye Expressway protest and civil unrest in the early years of the 1.5 million people congregated peacefully in and a package of new urban amenities – the twenty-first century. central Seoul, with hundreds of thousands redevelopment Cheonggyecheon being chief In 2008, massive protests hit central Seoul of others rallying at public sites in smaller among them – that would improve residents’ when the national government announced that Korean cities. Weekend protesting continued quality of life and increase the city’s appeal as it would again permit the importing of American for months, underscoring the broad public’s 34 a touristic and business hub. Lee was elected beef, which many in Korean public worried displeasure with the president, though some of mayor later that year, powered by his promise to was contaminated with bovine spongiform these rallies were met with counter-protests from 41 redevelop the stream, a plan that 79% of Seoul encephalopathy (“Mad Cow Disease”) hardline conservatives.54 By the end of 2016, the 35 residents supported at the time. The Cheonggye Hundreds of thousands took to Seoul’s streets for president’s approval rating had sunk to an anemic Expressway’s demolition began in mid-2003, and candlelight vigils protesting the trade agreement, 4%, and by March 2017 she had officially been by late 2005 the $900-million Cheonggyecheon which they believed imperiled public health and removed from office on corruption charges. 36 42 restoration project was complete. The project’s disadvantaged Korean workers. The protests Shortly after being impeached, the president success and its widespread public approval later against the national government were initially was jailed on those charges; she has been on trial contributed to Lee winning the South Korean concentrated in Cheonggye Plaza because of the since May, and is facing life in prison for her 37 presidency in 2007. site’s intimate connection to the then President misdeeds.55 The history redevelopments of theLee Myung-bak, who had presided over its The protests in Seoul during the winter Cheonggyecheon site, detailed above, reflects redevelopment during his earlier tenure as of 2016-2017 demonstrated the power of 43 both waxing and waning public participation in Seoul mayor. (In response to the protests, the political activity in Korea and resulted in the the placemaking process. The Cheonggyecheon president said, “My heart ached when I saw even sternest rebuke of a sitting government possible began as an intensely grassroots space, where young students come out to stage candlelight – the removal of its head of state. The site of citizens formed what Hou calls an “insurgent vigils at Cheonggye Plaza, which I worked with these protests, Gwanghwamun Square and 44 public space” – “[one] created or initiated by all my heart, mind and soul to restore.” ) As the Cheonggye Plaza, maximized their exposure citizens and communities … outside or at the protests intensified, activists eventually moved and impact, underscoring the importance of 38 border of the regulatory and legal domain.” to the plaza at Gwanghwamun Square and the centralized public spaces to civic activity and Yet the stream was later buried and built-over surrounding lanes on Sejong Road, along the their inseparability from the larger public sphere. unilaterally, at the hands of authoritarian leaders, primary power axis in Seoul, and approached Though the institutional Cheonggyecheon 45 the second of which (Park Chung-hee) had even the presidential residence. In the face of this represents the common conception of a public risen to power via military coup rather than an growing unrest, the police barricaded off these space – a designated leisure zone that public 39 election. The stream was later brought back to core public spaces with police buses and shipping is invited to access, free of charge – it is the life by a democratically-elected mayor, one who containers, prompting many protesters to return insurgent use of the stream and its plaza that had won election by promising to improve the to Cheonggye Plaza and the streets flanking its make this park an authentic public space. Since its 46 site, meaning its restoration broadly reflected the north and south sides. Though the protests did redevelopment in the early twenty-first century, will of the people. The execution of the project, not ultimately result in changes to the controversial the Cheonggyecheon has hosted two major however, “was top-down, leadership-driven, and trade agreement, the public outpouring against national protests (and countless smaller protests), closely associated with Mayor Lee Myung-bak, the Lee administration’s policies did undermine both of which have reshaped Korean politics. By who took an active role in advocating, selling, its legitimacy and prevented the president from providing the Korean public a forum to voice promoting, and steering the project through to pursuing “several [other] neoliberal projects, its opposition to the national government’s 40 completion.” The site’s final form reflects this such as the Grand Canal construction and policies, in spite of the site’s constrictive design, 47 top-down process, as the park’s design inhibits privatization of some public companies.” the Cheonggyecheon has thus expanded the visitor behavior and much of its public space is The largest and most-successful protests in discursive public sphere in contemporary South routinely dedicated to promoting government Cheonggye Plaza’s history occurred in the fall Korea. priorities. Yet the paradigm has shifted once of 2016, when the Choi Soon-shil scandal first more, back to the people, as the modern broke. Ms. Choi, a personal contact of then- Cheonggyecheon has since become a venue for President Park Geun-hye – a conservative who t

URBANREVIEWFALL’ 17 13 Learning to Reckon with Structural HistoricalInjustice: reflections on Social Policy and special education in America Adapted from “The History of US Social Policy and Implications for the Current System” by Ranjana Venkatesh “Overrepresentation in Special Education” by Monica Lee

“The subject of justice is the basic structure of so- “Culturally Responsible Teaching” (CRT) en- tional interest in the economic well-being and se- ciety...[it is] the way in which major social institu- gages with and celebrates the diverse realities of curity of individuals and families.”3 The national tions distribute fundamental rights and duties and all students. This practice fulfills what political re-imagining of the role of government in society determine the division of advantages from social theorist Iris Marion Young would call “political was catalyzed by an expanded federal involve- cooperation.”, John Rawls 1 responsibility,” a “plausible way of conceiving ment, written into New Deal policy. However, Despite over a century of legislative victories responsibility that connects individual agency “the pervasive curse of localism” 4 would serve as in the interest of justice, the United States and to structural processes.”2 a grim reminder of conflicting ideologies, white its social, political, and economic institutions Current social policy in the United States supremacy, and contested political authority for remain inured to a vast and impenetrable nar- stems from the legacies of racial exclusion, decades to come. rative of white supremacy. To break this cycle, federalism, and paternalistic attitudes of who New Deal policies were severely limited in Americans must confront their heritage, reckon is “deserving” of social support. By examining their geographical application. States and local and grapple with it, and engage in a radical the trajectory of social policy from the 1930s municipalities had influence over the execution re-imagining of their future. Parsing out the until today, it is evident that because social of federal policy due to historical decentraliza- avenues to this future depends more on policy explicitly determines who and where tion of authority and the fragmentation of deci- reckoning with this shared legacy than assigning support is distributed, it implicitly utilizes the sion making, which were by the 1930s firmly en- blame, more on solutions than problems, and values and convictions of white supremacy. sconced as central tenets of a federalist approach promoting sustaining interventions to correct the A marked shift in the national attitude con- to government structure. Decisions on how to course of history. cerning the poor followed in the years after the distribute payments were made by (the virtually Educational reform offers society a pragmatic Great Depression. New Deal policy essentially all white) state and local officials, which led to juncture of arbitration. Radical pedagogy, or “marked a turning point by recotgnizing a na- wide interstate discrepancies in patterns of relief 14

Illustration by Rahul Venkatesh payments. In 1935, the Social Security Act was percent.6 Social Security was turned into “a growth was the surefire solution to social ills. passed, which limited assistance to “categories” form of policy apartheid,” and formed part of These ideas, held up by conservatives, continue of the population deemed the “deserving poor.” the “patchwork” nature of social programs.7 to shape discussions surrounding social welfare States were not required to adhere to the cate- Under the Johnson Administration, the use of policy. Conservative columnist Henry Hazlitt gorical assistance plans, and by 1939, ten states federal funds to alleviate poverty, especially for wrote in the 1960s, “the only solution to poverty is had not done so. By 1940, nearly two-thirds of poor African Americans, generated strong oppo- free enterprise and continued economic growth- eligible dependent children were not covered.5 sition from many local and state government of- -those things which made America great.”8 Such This local jurisdictional authority was also a ficials. Federal funding was tied to desegregation sentiments are very much still echoed today. tool with which to enact a racist agenda. South- requirements as stated under the Civil Rights This paternalism permeating social policy still ern Democrats, with little opposition from the Act. Political leaders and private citizens alike lingers. Poverty was and continues to be framed Roosevelt administration, were successful in resisted implementation, thereby fulfilling trends as a natural outcome of “low intelligence or low ensuring that wide swaths of the black popula- of state-by-state variation in social support. ambition,” or other personal failings, rather than tion were deliberately excluded from New Deal Buttressing the prevailing climate of racism a shared social reality.9 Political conservatives social policy. Politicians omitted farm workers were two fundamental ideologies that continue continue to call for a shrinking of the welfare and domestic servants from the Social Security today: the conviction that economic growth state, something they believe contributes to con- Act, effectively excluding a great majority of was the solution to poverty (“the rising tide that tinued or compounded poverty, family breakup, the African Americans employed in these sec- lifts all boats”); and the importance of “personal and poor work ethic.10 The ethos of responsibility tors. In total, 65 percent of African Americans responsibility” and its twinned moralistic at- is laid solely at the feet of the individual: making fell outside the reach of the new program na- titude of “deservingness.” These principles re- better personal choices is touted as a cure. Po- tionally; in the South, this ratio soared to 80 flected the optimistic zeitgeist that economic lemics such as these willfully reject the bearing URBANREVIEWSPRING’18 15 of structural social conditions on opportunity, Insurance.13 State authority allows many poorer ple of an institution plagued by a history of white and place a premium on simply working more, states, mostly in the South, to cut spending on supremacy and divisive policy implementation. despite evidence that “rising inequality of in- social support, and clearly exemplifies “the en- A disproportionate representation of black chil- come helps to account for the persistence of so during power of federalism in American life.”14 dren in special education has been a widespread much poverty in otherwise affluent America.” 11 Another glaring weakness of the current sys- issue in the United States for over four decades. Localism and racist attitudes have helped tem is the uneven nature of when coverage is There are many contributing factors to this prob- “Current social policy in the provided. Continuing the tradition of paternal lem, including the controversy that stems from United States stems from the ism, both federal and state governments perceptions that standardized measures of intel- legacies of racial exclusion, determine the length of time that a lect, which are often used to assist in determining federalism, and paternalistic recipient can receive social support. For example, a student’s eligibility for special education (SpEd) Unemployment Insurance benefits are only services, are biased toward non-white students. attitudes of who is 15 deserving of social support.” typically paid for six months, and TANF Contributing factors include teacher and admin- benefits can only be used for up to a lifetime total istrative bias, lack of parent participation and ad- perpetuate this social policy patchwork and ac- of five years (though states can set even shorter vocacy and an understanding of behaviors from count for the enduring lack of comprehensive time limits).These time restrictions are arbitrarily non-white students as different from “the norm.” coverage. Modern social insurance programs and set and embody the notion that welfare should The problem of an overrepresentation of means-tested programs still limit who is eligible not weaken work ethic and encourage depen- African Americans in special education has for coverage and where. Shifts in coverage and dence on the government. Time limits coupled institutionalized notions of who makes up the with the desire to protect states’ rights, excludes “Special education in public “deserving poor,” exclude large populations from millions of poor Americans from receiving social schools is an example of an receiving benefits. The large demographic most support, and makes it irrefutable that current so- institution plagued by a underserved by the current system includes non- cial policy is far from adequate or comprehensive. history of white supremacy elderly, non-disabled families with no continu- To strengthen the modern system, deeply and divisive policy ously-employed members. Poverty rates among entrenched racist attitudes need to be radically implementation.” this group are over 67 percent after transfers, confronted and dismantled, and a more universal its roots in American institutions following and are the highest of any other demographic.12 and humanistic approach to social support needs mandated integration in public schooling. One Geographic variation is an obvious and con- to be adopted. An assessment of the nature of can see this trend begin to take shape immediately tinuous weakness of the current system with clear social policy over the last near-century traces rac- following the ruling of Brown v. Board of historical roots. States determine the benefit level ist and paternalistic legacies to the early days of Education of Topeka, Kansas (1954). Following and eligibility requirements for a number of bene- social support programs that remain in place to- the integration of schools, intelligence testing fits programs like Temporary Assistance for Needy day. The War on Poverty is by no means won, the often resulted in students of color being tracked Families (TANF) program, Medicaid, the State struggle against inequality continues, and priva- into highly restrictive placements. This resulted Children’s Health Insurance Program (SCHIP), tion is a fundamental feature of American society. in a “de facto” segregation within schools. This Worker’s Compensation, and Unemployment Special education in public schools is an exam- separation resulted in many African American

Figure 1. 16 children being educated in a less effective setting students. IDEIA also requires that students academically frustrated. The RtI program than their European-American peers. are serviced with the least restrictive programs enables teachers to identify students who may To this day, studies show that black students, possible. These kinds of programs are all classified not be mastering foundational skills early on relative to their white counterparts, are far as “tiered interventions.” and gives them the support that they need in more likely to spend time outside of the Culturally responsive teaching strategies order to catch up. This early identification and general education population and more time to attempt to fight cultural bias and create intervention limits the number of students within a restrictive special education setting. classrooms that validate non-dominant cultures who feel like they are behind their classmates, Consequently, black students make fewer are successful when utilized appropriately. There thereby encouraging marginalized students to academic gains and are far less likely to ultimately is evidence that tiered intervention frameworks stay in school. exit the special education system. A symptom of such as Response to Intervention (RtI) and Another contributor to frustration is feeling this is a large achievement gap between students Multi-Tiered Systems of Support (MTSS) can different or unacknowledged in the classroom. of color and their Caucasian peers. Due to this assist in eliminating this overrepresentation. Biases of curriculum and educators create chronic trend, fewer black students ultimately Parent advocacy groups targeted at expanding the an environment that causes experiences of graduate from high school or enter post-secondary general knowledge of the Individual Education frustration. In 2003 a study was conducted that education, and fewer men and women of color Process (IEP) and increasing opportunities for followed the referral processes in schools that can enter the workforce or attain class mobility. trust and participation between parents of color served primarily African American students. This trend of cultural and racial discrimination in and school systems can be powerful instruments The researchers found that when teachers met the special education evaluation and placement for change. to discuss concerns, they portrayed students process has been identified to courts, federal CRT ideology and policies oriented towards as “problems” and attributed their academic and state agencies, and local school districts as increasing parent advocacy are methods that weaknesses to personal characteristics such as problematic, widespread, and severe. work to eliminate the disproportionality in low intellect, socioeconomic background, and A study conducted by the Department special education. CRT is targeted at eliminating dysfunction within the home. Subsequently, of Education, entitled Early Childhood institutional bias while empowering parents to very few discussions revolved around what ensure they have decision-making capacity when could be done within the classroom to help “Parents of non-white students it comes to educational choices being made for the students in question. This lack of focus are often thought of to be less their child. on pedagogical practices led to fewer students participatory than the parents of A popular implementation of tiered of color being eligible for pre-referral early white students.” intervention is Response to Intervention services intervention, and more students of color being (RtI), as well as its most recent iteration multi- tested for special education eligibility. Longitudinal Study Kindergarten Cohort tiered systems of support (MTSS). Both of these Utilizing culturally responsive teaching (1998), found that when data is controlled models are multi-tiered instructional delivery methodology can help combat this bias. The for socioeconomic status, number of books in systems that utilize research-based interventions Center for Culturally Responsive Teaching the home, gender, and birth weight, black and that increase in intensity depending on the (CCRTL) attempts to push an approach to white children enter kindergarten at the same students’ instructional response. MTSS is the teaching that validates and affirms different achievement level, and black children frequently most recent iteration of RtI framework. Its goal, cultures for the purposes of moving beyond score higher on some evaluations in reading. This similar to that of RtI, is to increase levels of race and moving below the superficial focus study was conducted with a national probability support and intensity of intervention based on on culture. The program is comprised of three sample of around 22,000 children in 800 public a student’s needs. The student’s individual needs broad strands of development: professional schools and 200 private schools. The children are measured utilizing standardized assessment development, community development, were assessed upon entry to kindergarten in fall and audited by built in progress monitoring. It and school development. Through these of 1998, spring of kindergarten, and fall and also places an emphasis on decreasing the popular three strands, the program aims to inform spring of first grade. Although these children “zero tolerance” policy within schools. This type stakeholders concretely and practically while showed similar academic abilities upon entry of system leads to automatic removal from reforming institutional policies and practices into kindergarten, it is how the gap dramatically classrooms, which results in time spent outside (and consequently, administrative and expands by the time the children enter spring of a learning environment, and also directly instructor mindsets). of first grade that is extremely troubling. Figure contributes to the school-to-prison pipeline. 1 (p.15 )represents both the raw data (prior to Similar to RtI the program, MTSS utilizes placed controls) as well as the adjusted data for systematic, data-based decision making about See social policy, P. 34 both achievement in mathematics and reading. services needed for students based on specific The study concludes that if black students outcomes. Unlike the RtI framework, MTSS continue to fall behind their white counterparts promotes overall emotional wellness using a at a similar rate as shown from kindergarten to universal screening for behavioral and emotional first (0.16 standard deviations in math and 0.19 barriers to learning. This creates a more holistic standard deviations in reading), by the time they and sustainable approach: academic struggles reach 9th grade they will be one full standard often have ties to behavioral and emotional “According to the U.S Depart- deviation behind their white peers. barriers, which tend to be ignored or mistreated. ment of Education, Office of Over the years there have been many different RtI and MTSS increase early identification Civil Rights, Civil Rights Data policy implementations to attempt to amend and intervention so schools can begin servicing Collection (2012), black students the issue of overrepresentation of black students students informally before significant weaknesses are referred more often and pun- receiving SpEd services. The Individuals with begin to surface. According to the U.S Department ished more severely for the same Disabilities Education Improvement Act (IDEIA, of Education, Office of Civil Rights, Civil Rights behaviors exhibited 2004) as well as No Child Left Behind (NCLB, Data Collection (2012), black students are by their white peers.” 2001) both put emphasis on accountability referred more often and punished more severely through mandated monitoring of academic for the same behaviors exhibited by their white outcomes for the most at risk populations of peers. A huge contributor to behaviors is feeling URBANREVIEWSPRING’18 17 Rezoning Ridgewood: A Land Use Survey Victoria Garvey

In 1994, the New York Times published an from Bushwick, Brooklyn, has long been an its Brooklyn counterpart, Bushwick, and has article that proclaimed Ridgewood, Queens as a object of both anxiety and opportunity.”3 The been the site of growing anticipation for much “blue collar haven” within New York City.1 At a relationship between these two neighborhoods of the mid-2000s as some of the area’s industry time when the city was experiencing a swift up- has been one of tacit acceptance and tolerance has shifted out of the neighborhood. Ridgewood, tick in employment, young professionals settled that roiled throughout New York City history: like its adjacent neighborhood, Glendale, is situ- within this sleepy Queens neighborhood and is Ridgewood in Queens? Or Brooklyn? On the ated on the southeast border of Queens County, were charmed by the neighborhood’s idyllic and northern, less dense side of Ridgewood, many directly above Bushwick and between Maspeth historic districts where porches were cleaned and families own brick rowhouses and pass them and Middle Village. Ridgewood is well serviced well-kept.2 The article also acknowledges that the down to younger generations.4 On the south by public transportation; two MTA subway lines “invisible, jagged line separating [Ridgewood] side, the neighborhood looks much more like reach Ridgewood in two different areas of the 18

Figure 1(left): the red box highlights the area studied in the land use survey. Source: U.S. Census FactFinder; Figure 2 (right): Census tract 559 is highlighted in yellow. Source: The City of New York. neighborhood. The L train (which runs from Ridgewood’s industrial area more affordable for ings exceed two stories, so sunlight is abundant 8th Ave. in Manhattan to Canarsie-Rockaway residents on the border of these two neighbor- and shines down on most of the street. The 4 in Parkway in East New York) technically stops in hoods. This study will demonstrate the current MI-4D means the maximum Floor Area Ratio Brooklyn, but two of its stops (Halsey St. and demographics, zoning, and land use of the neigh- (FAR) cannot exceed 2.0 and that parking is not Myrtle-Wyckoff Aves.) are walkable for anyone borhood and discuss the immediate future of required for these types of facilities. For the most that lives just over the Brooklyn-Queens border. the area in question in which residents will see part, Block 3556 meets these criteria – not one The M train (which starts and ends in Queens) their physical landscape change dramatically. building surveyed went over the maximum FAR, stops in Ridgewood at Seneca Ave., Forest Ave., and minimal parking lots are used. Examples of Fresh Pond Rd., and Metropolitan Ave. (on the Employment building typologies can be seen in Figure 3. border of Ridgewood and Middle Village). There There is a good variety of industry reflected The residential housing peppered throughout is a bus terminal on Palmetto Street that services in the Ridgewood workforce population. In ci- the industrial atmosphere also complies under two intra-borough lines (the Q55 and Q58) and vilians over age 16, approximately 27% work in M1-4D zoning, which also allows office space four interborough lines (B13, B26, B52, and service occupations, 23% work in “management, and housing to be built next door or nearby (but B54). business, science and arts occupations,” and 22% it does not allow these light industrial buildings In the 1990s, the media and real estate brokers work in sales and office occupations.7 Other to be converted into housing). M1-4 zoning also presented Ridgewood as a conveniently-located frequently-worked industries in Ridgewood are has height restrictions on buildings of 60 ft. from starter town for young families looking to own education (19.4%), construction (12.9%), waste the street.9 For example, the mix of these two a home in New York City: at the time the New services (11.2%), retail (9.3%), and production zones on Decatur Street show a varied landscape York Times article was written, more than 50 & manufacturing (6.5%). It is interesting to of buildings, where a home can be situated next to percent of housing in Ridgewood was owner- note that even with its devoted manufacturing a walled off lot or padlocked garage. The aesthetic occupied. Traditionally, many residents passed zoning, the smallest percentage of the neighbor- impact of these zoning regulations are quieter their homes down to other family members after hood workforce deals in the industry. This may streets that are sparsely occupied in the evening or they left or passed away. The Greater Ridgewood or may not have consequences on the population late nights after industries have closed for the day. Restoration Corporation was formed in 1975 as a in the event of the new rezoning, which will be not-for-profit housing consultant firm that helps discussed later in this article. Ridgewood Rezoning Proposal from the Land preserve historic row houses in the neighborhood Use and Zoning Committee of CB5 and also facilitates low-interest housing loans to Current Zoning Efforts to rezone Ridgewood were a focal point new tenants in the neighborhood.5 The corpora- As shown in Figure 2, land use in the 4-block of neighborhood politics at the time of this sur- tion also sought to turn individual homes that radius of census tract 559 is industrial, with some vey. Paul Kerzner, the vice president of the Ridge- were damaged or abandoned into cooperatives, residential and commercial properties mixed in. wood Property Owners and Civic Association which helped lower the cost of housing signifi- Within the four different blocks of the census (RPOCA) and committee member of Queens cantly in the early 1980s. According to the 2010- tract, Block 3556 emerged as the focal point Community Board 5 (CB), became a spokesper- 2014 American Community Survey, only 32% of because it showcased the different types of land son to keep development away from the historical housing in Ridgewood is owner-occupied today.6 well. landmark district of northern Ridgewood, and As mentioned previously, there has also been Block 3556, like the entire primary study placing it in the southern, manufacturing area. a historically contentious relationship with area, is zoned as M1-4D. The zoning designation The last rezoning was seventeen years ago, pri- Bushwick. The Brooklyn neighborhood even- “M1” regulates the use of multi-story lofts that marily motivated by neighborhood constituents tually experienced neighborhood revitaliza- include light industrial uses. In this area, most in response to landlords turning one bedrooms tion and gentrification throughout the 2000s. warehouses and lots fit this description – most into 2 or 3+ bedrooms in their buildings.10 Under The slightly tenuous relationship between industrial lots belong to window makers, auto- the previous zoning resolution, this practice was Ridgewood and Bushwick manifests today in mobile shops, storage units, and wholesale ser- legal (though frowned upon). Now, Kerzner a new rezoning proposal, which seeks to make vices.8 None of these industrial types of build- claims that this new rezoning would address the URBANREVIEWSPRING’18 19 issue of landlords adding new floors that maxi- and displacement of residents. His proposal also Conclusion mize 15 to 20% more space in new and existing includes 50% affordable housing for residents The proposed Ridgewood rezoning is in a residential buildings. He says, “we needed to do already living in Ridgewood. He calls it “capital- holding pattern – the rezoning subcommittee of [the first rezoning] under the cover of darkness to ism in its newest form,” as the new development CB5 held a closed meeting on April 5, 2018 to avoid speculation.” Now, with this new zoning would not require any government subsidies. answer questions from the District 30 Council- potentially on the docket, there is more at stake Kerzner hopes to see 1,000 new units built. member Robert Holden. In a past community for the industrial area of Ridgewood. When asked if community land trusts (CLTs) board meeting on November 8, 2017, there were The primary goal of CB5 is to downzone all could be a part of the solution to this new rezon- some dissenting opinions regarding condomini- of Ridgewood and keep it low-density. This is ing, he was less than optimistic. He explains that ums as the favored housing stock. Community against the grain of the “pro-growth” modus ope- Queens in general does not have a good track board chair Vincent Arcuri felt there was no randi the City has taken in the last twenty years, record of developing or executing CLTs. way to mandate this housing unit over rentals or so the community board realized they needed With this new development, Kerzner also other types of homes.13 Other concerns with the to propose a plan that would promote develop- commented on the influx of residents that may plan that were voiced included: lack of control ment in other areas of the neighborhood. Their overburden the already-strapped transporta- over condominium boards; who could elect to proposal, when unveiled on November 8, 2017 tion system in the area. Presently, the Halsey rent out all the spaces in the building; change at a community board meeting, was met with St. L subway station is the only walkable stop of character in the area that could lead to gen- a lackluster (but not wholly negative) response for many residents, and there are only a few bus trification (though the MX overlay zoning does from the people in the audience. This is the first lines (and fewer that go into the CBD of Man- prohibit big box stores, hotels, storage units, and “bottom-up” plan Ridgewood has created, in hattan). Kerzner explained that 70-80 years ago, big entertainment buildings like movie theaters); which CB5 created the rezoning proposal from the LIRR used to have passenger service stop in and congestion added to an already overbur- scratch, based on other cities like Denver, CO Ridgewood on its Bay Ridge line. The possibility dened transportation system (if the LIRR tracks and Portland, OR.11 of its renewed service has been in the Regional cannot be used as an alternative). Kerzner acknowledges that the current M1- Planning Association’s back pocket for many When confronted with these issues recently, 4D zoning (light manufacturing with mixed uses years, he says, and feels any significant residen- Kerzner responded honestly and said, “I worry allowed) was a part of the 2000 rezoning, and tial activity may be the fire that lights the spark. about everything. I know we can’t resolve every- he echoes the fear that many people in the area “This is not pie in the sky – this could all be thing at once, but we’re in good shape right now.” share: gentrification. He explains that there is a very real,” Kerzner said, when asked about all of He believes that by fulfilling the city’s mandatory possibility that landlords and owners of these this in a five to ten-year scope. In a more recent inclusionary housing (MIH) directive by making manufacturing spaces may be using their build- conversation, Kerzner also explained the possi- 50% of new housing in the rezoning available to ings illegally to lease as residential spaces. This bility of opening up an express track on the M Ridgewood residents, this will encourage long- new proposed 2018 rezoning would provide an train line to alleviate congestion in the subway. time residents to stay and build equity in a sig- M-X overlay to the entire primary area (and oth- At the Seneca Ave. station, there are two extra nificant way. As mentioned previously, many his- er surrounding blocks): the overlay would help tracks covered by the current station that could torically-landmarked row houses in Ridgewood mandate manufacturing use in the area, much be re-exposed and used to hold extra subway cars are passed down to family members, and those like the current industry. The change would for the rush-hour commute.12 While these ideas that are not passed down are often sold at market come in an FAR bonus: if a developer decides to could work in the future, there is a lot of guess- rate.14 It is clear Kerzner cares about Ridgewood, keep the first two stories as true industrial use, work involved if these retired transit modes will and does not want to see gentrification sweep then he or she can develop two or three more be utilized at all. through any part of the neighborhood, but in- stories on top for condominiums. The key here tentions cannot be the bedrock of any plan – as is ownership – with equity partnerships, Kerzner the proposal reaches the Department of City believes this would be successful in combating Figure 2: Land use map of southern Ridgewood, with Planning, he hopes the plan will stay in tact and gentrification, which manifests in higher rents census tract 559 highlighted in red. Source: OASIS NYC. will not be altered in any way. Currently, there are no parameters in this plan to enforce industrial business to stay in a building once condominiums are already built. Because the plan had not been public at the time of the initial land use survey, it was difficult to gauge public opinion. A popular website called Ridgewood Social, which frequently posts local news about the neighborhood as well as issues that would affect tenants and renters in the area, commented that there was no organizing activ- ity against this rezoning in Ridgewood currently and generally, many of these groups would likely exist in the neighborhood next door in Mas- peth.15 This signaled a need to promote this plan publicly and get more industrial business owners involved and aware. This work will continue be- yond the scope of this report. When looking at the area in its historical and economic context, it is important to note that this rezoning was created by a predominantly white, middle-aged group of people who have lived in Ridgewood or the surrounding area for 20

Figure 3: Examples of Housing Typologies in Census tract 559. Source: Oasis NYC; Photos by author

most of their lives. With the majority of citizens represented as Latino in the U.S. Census, residents living in or around census tract 559 need to be made aware of this new rezoning, and given the option to buy property if they can afford it under the MIH directive (though the affordability of “affordable” housing does need to be ques- tioned in the context of New York City, it cannot be fleshed out here in its entirety). It would be a disservice to the neighborhood to allow any type of rezoning that would raise rents and push existing residents out of their homes or exacerbate displacement of any these communities. This area of Ridgewood is unique in its building typolo- gies and its inhabitants. Many people of all ages and ethnicities live or interact in this space, either recreationally or through work, and its character underscores the work- ing- to middle-class economy present in the area. While more development is not always negative, any new development done within these industrial and manufactur- ing buildings needs to be done slowly and with extra attention to vulnerable people, specifically the families that live in this district and the workers that are employed at these manufacturing sites. URBANREVIEWFALL’ 17 21 Queensbridge Houses:

PastVincent DeCesare & Present

Queensbridge Houses, a 46.5-acre site original plan for the complex even included a per room was half that of the PWA-funded of public housing in the Long Island City community pool and eight tennis courts near Harlem River Houses. After USHA funds neighborhood of western Queens, stands the two large playfields abutting the river.1 became available, the project restarted and out for both its affordability and for its social Ackerman believed that government NYCHA named Ballard the chief architect of services and park space it has made available to leadership on this project could resolve the the project, and Henry S. Churchill the associate its tenants. Frederick L. Ackerman and William shortcomings of capitalist housing markets architect. They replaced the bar buildings with F. R. Ballard, both architects in the Technical by providing decent, low-cost housing for Y-shaped structures, which were combined in Division of the New York City Housing the working class. As Ackerman repeatedly chains of two, three, or more buildings around Authority (NYCHA), developed the original mentioned in the site and unit plan, planners the perimeter of the superblocks. The Y-plan, site plan of the Queensbridge Houses in 1936. who set out to design quality housing for low- they argued, improved daylight illumination Ackerman was a renowned housing reformer income households were constrained by the and privacy by adding more building façade. who was responsible for the design of the First market’s profit motive. Despite improvements Even though taller buildings would have Houses in the Lower East Side, and Ballard in productive capacity and design reduced average room cost, the buildings went on to become chairman of the New York techniques, the private housing market, did not rise above six stories, likely because City Planning Commission from 1963 to 1966. Ackerman lamented, continually delivered city regulations required a second fire exit While their original plans for the project did a substandard quality of housing for the staircase for taller buildings. Other cost-cutting not completely come to fruition, the project still working class, characterized by high levels of measures included eliminating closet doors and stands out as an example of decent, affordable congestion and inordinate rates of decay and basements, and having elevators stop at every housing built and managed by the municipal obsolescence.2 In the late nineteenth century, other floor.4 Currently, the elevators stop at government. for instance, reform-minded philanthropists every floor, except the sixth. Ackerman and Ballard were dedicated to constructed “model tenements,” but these Today, the Queensbridge Houses do designing high-quality housing for lower- failed to become generalized because of the not include all the amenities envisioned income tenants that also provided greener higher profitability of standard tenements.3 in the original 1937 plan, such as the large living environments and community-based Ackerman and Ballard’s ambitious design community pool and the eight tennis courts. recreational spaces at affordable rent prices. of Queensbridge reflected their faith in the Yet, the NYCHA complex still impressively The original plan arranged the project buildings government to correct this market flaw. offers numerous amenities - often through in an orthogonal pattern to create numerous Ironically, the United States Housing partnerships with other city agencies and courtyards. To compute the amount of daylight Authority’s (USHA) strict spending limits charity organizations. East of the housing available to each unit of housing, they used simply replaced the private market’s project is Queensbridge Park, which, research by consultants Herbert S. Swan and limitations in this instance, and ultimately although under the jurisdiction of NYCHA, is George W. Tuttle. The daylight available to constrained the design quality of the maintained by the Parks Department and the rooms within the complex would decrease at Queensbridge Houses. community group Friends of Queensbridge a rate related to the increases in density and The housing projects built by the Public Park. The park includes a number of facilities, land coverage. Due to the space in between Works Administration (PWA) between 1933 such as baseball and soccer fields; basketball, buildings, daylight would be more accessible and 1937 were expensive compared to USHA’s volleyball, and handball courts; a playground for project tenants than tenement dwellers. The projects. For example, Queensbridge’s cost with swings and a jungle gym; and picnic 22

Aerial View of Queensdrige Houses, source: AP and sitting areas. On weekends, hundreds of of the project population that is disabled, cars project tenants patronize the park. Additionally, may be an important transportation option.5 “[Queensbridge Houses] on the project grounds, there is a community NYCHA envisioned that the Queensbridge stands out as an example of center run by the Jacob Riis Settlement House, Houses would be home to working families, and decent, affordable housing a community garden stewarded by residents, a not a site of concentrated poverty. However, in built and managed by the mu- nursery school administered by the non-profit response to federal pressure, NYCHA eventu- nicipal government.” Police Athletic League, and a charity healthcare ally lifted the cap on families receiving welfare facility operated by Floating Hospital. On 41st from 20 to 30 percent at USHA projects and 63 percent of tenants were African American and Avenue, at the center of the complex, there are a Queensbridge did become a development with 16 percent were Puerto Rican - two groups that few private businesses catering to the community, a high concentration of impoverished families of tended to have lower incomes than the earlier such as a Fine Fare supermarket, Dollar Store, color. While in its early years, Queensbridge was white families, in large part due to racial dis- Dominican restaurant, and beauty salon. Despite predominantly white, due to factors external to crimination in the labor market and to the dein- the proximity to the Queensbridge-21st Street the project, the demographics at Queensbridge dustrialization of the local economy. White fami- F-train station and Queens bus stops, there is changed. While in 1941 over 3,000 households lies found opportunities to move out of public a large parking lot for NYCHA residents who living in the project were white compared with housing in response to their improved economic depend on their cars. For the almost 15 percent only 52 African-American households, by 1969, situation and the expansion of options in the private market. At the same time, Black families were limited by private-sector discrimination and increased their demand for public housing. That same year, only 19 percent of families were on relief, but by 1978, 25 percent received assis- tance.6 Likewise, in 2010, 50 percent of tenants were African-American, 37 percent Latino, and 9 percent Asian, and 37 percent of families lived below the poverty line.7

See queensbridge, P. 34

Sign detailing upcoming improvements to Queensbridge Houses, Image by Author URBANREVIEWFALL’ 17 23 Reframing the Affordable

HousingBeatriz A. Gil Crisis

In 2013, Mayor de Blasio came into office the most recent 2014 U.S. Census Bureau New Inclusionary Housing program uses zoning as with the promise of affordable housing for all. York City Housing and Vacancy Survey, there the basis to create more permanently affordable However, the housing affordability crisis will not were 75,458 vacant units across the 5 boroughs, housing by relaxing zoning rules and requiring be addressed by simply increasing the number with the highest number in Manhattan (24,254), developers to incorporate affordable housing of affordable units. Fulfilling the promise of followed by Brooklyn (20,896), Bronx (14,871), into new projects. In the spring of 2016, the affordable housing requires an entire reframing Queens (12,070), and Staten Island (3,368).3 City Council voted to amend the zoning code, of development in terms of equity so that the The total number of units includes units in rent which DCP considers “obscure” and “outdated,” city’s residents can benefit from the revitalization stabilized buildings (21,822), Mitchell Lama to make it easier to build affordable and quality of our neighborhoods and entail a redefinition of buildings (2,861), public housing (2,861), other housing. housing as a human right; in order to rightfully government assisted/regulated buildings (617) address the housing crisis in New York City, and all other vacant units for rent (47,518).4 Given that Mayor de Blasio made affordable affordable housing must be understood as a right According to the de Blasio administration, housing a core message of his mayoral of all citizens. the Mayor built or preserved 21,963 housing campaign, many New Yorkers expected that units in 2016 for poor and working-class New housing affordability would be at the heart of A Crisis in Affordable HousingDuring his Yorkers –this is the most since 1989.5 Housing his administration’s agenda. A major strength State of the City Address in 2017, Mayor de affordability is not a matter of supply, but more in the Housing New York plan is the emphasis Blasio committed to build or preserve 200,000 closely concerns the current incomes of current on preserving the affordability and quality of affordable homes in 10 years. He reiterated city residents that do not keep up with inflation. existing housing stock. It is critical to keep New his commitment in the 2018 State of the City Yorkers in their homes and improve the quality Address where he outlined his plan to achieve this The Policy Environment Much like Michael of many buildings, particularly those that create ambitious goal by setting aside underused, small, Bloomberg, de Blasio is counting on new, dangerous and unsanitary living conditions. and irregular lots for affordable construction, market-rate construction to alleviate the housing Housing New York has created a 5-level income helping non-profits buy rent-stabilizedcrisis 6 rather than pushing the city to directly band with a percentage of area median income apartments in gentrifying neighborhoods, subsidize new construction. The current policy (AMI) and annual income (for a family of three) protecting Mitchell-Lama buildings, and offering environment to create affordable housing is as part of their efforts to define affordability.8 This financing to first-time home buyers. He touted driven by Housing New York, Mayor de Blasio’s is a significant first step towards preserving the that his administration will reach their original 10-year housing plan to create and preserve City’s economic diversity, but the income bands goal two years ahead of schedule and then 200,000 affordable units targeting low and may need to be revisited if the local residents fall surpass it, to build or preserve 300,000 homes by moderate income New Yorkers.7 The pillars of below the limits. An emphasis on serving the 2026.1 this plan are Mandatory Inclusionary Housing housing needs of the homeless, seniors and people and Zoning for Quality and Affordability, with special needs is also favorable to addressing Does a focus on a specific number of units truly which are being implemented in coordination affordability as members of these communities address the affordability crisis? Despite the city’s with the Department of Housing Preservation live in precarious housing arrangements. plethora of affordable housing, there are still many and Development (HPD) and the Department New Yorkers without steady shelter.2 Based on of City Planning (DCP). The Mandatory 24

One ongoing threat to affordable housing is generous subsidy for developers. Initially, the since the State is subsidizing the construction. the high costs involved in building new housing abatement program was created in the midst Developers will challenge community in NYC. The city is also losing some of its sources of a fiscal crisis of funding; in 2017, the federal government in the 1970s “In order to rightfully address slashed the budget for the New York City Public to encourage Housing Authority (NYCHA), which depends development in the housing crisis in New York on $2 billion of its $3.2 billion operating budget underutilized City, affordable housing must from the United States Department of Housing and vacant lots. and Urban Development (HUD).9 Given this Developers have be understood as a right of all threat, the city ought to explore other financing come to rely on the tax exemption under the organizations on citizens.” models for housing preservation and new guise of creating “affordable” housing. According concerns of affordability construction. This may create an opportunity to the Department of Housing Preservation and and likely cite the Area Median Income (AMI) to work with community development Development, the State will be increasing the established by the Federal Department of Housing institutions that have experience with lending, subsidy in the form of a tax break for developers and Urban Development (HUD) for cities across acquisition and rehabilitation of smaller for every unit of affordable housing. the country. The AMI for NYC is determined buildings. However, attracting prospective Because the new 421-a bill will be in effect by combining average household income for the developers and community development until 2022, housing advocates need a strategy to metropolitan area, which includes the incomes of organizations to create a patchwork of financing hold developers accountable to actually creating residents in the five boroughs and surrounding streams adds another layer of complexity to affordable housing that meets the needs of people counties of Westchester, Putnam, Fairfield, and implementation and long-term sustainability. that are already homeless and rent burdened. The Rockland. However, the AMI is not actually conversation must shift from focusing on housing reflective of affordability as AMI is 20 percent The Politics of Affordability affordability to housing as a human right. When higher than actual median incomes in the city.11 In 2018, the Legislature revived the 421-a tax housing advocates focus on affordability as the abatement, but re-branded the abatements as the problem, they do not recognize that shelter Policy Alternatives “Affordable New York Housing Program.” The is a basic human need regardless of a person’s A policy response to the current housing crisis tax abatement program initially expired in June ability to pay. According to the Coalition for in New York will require examining the forces 2015 but the bill died in the Legislature when the Homeless, an average of 63,343 people that shape the local housing market. Because leaders and labor unions could not agree on wages sleep in NYC shelters each night and of these, NYC is a very desirable metro area, market for the construction of these projects. Critics of 23,314 are children.10 Advocates will also need housing prices remain high and will likely the bill argued that the plan was not intended to push elected officials to require developers continue to rise. Since the early 1970s, the City to create affordable housing but was simply a to provide a higher number of affordable units has come to rely on private developers who

Comics top and right courtesy of :NYC Community Land Initiative, an alliance of social justice and affordable housing organizations committed to winning housing for all New Yorkers. “In order to rightfully address the housing crisis in New York City, affordable housing must be understood as a right of all citizens” 26 benefit from market rate housing to subsidize next 10 years.14 These are funds that could affordable housing. This private construction be directed towards neighborhood-based “Housing advocates however, has done very little to fill the void of housing development.Policy Alternative 2: need to ensure the affordability. Conceiving of a housing model Develop Additional Regulations to Guide conversation around that will fit everyone’s needs is challenging. Implementation of 421-a affordability is based on Still, the current political climate may allow A second alternative would be to work within real incomes.” policymakers to consider a hybrid model that the constraints of the recently passed 421-a can address housing needs on a localized level. law, but work with the City and developers to criticized for not being more open to the The policy alternatives below work within the implement it in a way that ensures affordability. CLT model and instead relying on developers constraints of current law but also consider a This could mean pushing developers and the to provide affordable housing in large-scale cooperative model that gives communities City to agree on an AMI that truly reflects what development projects through time-limited more say on how housing is developed and people earn in NYC, rather than following the affordability agreements.17 This creates the managed in their neighborhoods. Promoting AMI established by HUD. The current AMI potential for city-owned land to be privatized, neighborhood development with an emphasis calculation includes parts of Long Island which which could have otherwise been used for on equity is timely given that the crisis in skews the data and assumes New Yorkers make affordable housing. But with the Mayor’s affordable housing has reached a tipping point. more than they take home in net pay; hence, a recent housing plan, the administration is now more accurate way to calculate the AMI is to only considering CLTs. In early 2017, the New York Policy Alternative 1: Let Current Trends include income data from the five boroughs.15 City Department of Housing Preservation Continue Through the Reinstatement of 421-a and Development (HPD) issued a Request for Under the first policy scenario, housing The advantage of working with the current law Expressions of Interest for organizations to advocates would step back and let current trends is that advocates can use this as an opportunity develop at Community Land Trust, although continue, consisting of the rebranded 421-a tax to revisit AMI. Housing advocates need to this does not oblige the City to provide funding. abatement law, which expires in 2022. This policy ensure the conversation around affordability According to the New York City Community works by offering developers of market rate is based on real incomes. As was previously Land Initiative, CLTs and MHAs enable lower- rentals (300+ units in certain neighborhoods) mentioned, currently more is spent on income people to access housing and improve a 35-year property tax exemption with the luxury construction than affordable housing. their financial situations, but the programs are condition that they set aside 25% to 30% Another strategy is to consider working sometimes criticized for not allowing property of the units for low- and moderate-income owners to profit from their investment. CLTs 12 with the City and developers to increase the tenants. The previous 421-a policy provided allocation per dollar spent towards building and MHAs are up against the same challenges as a shorter exemption period. The advantages affordable housing by phasing in an increase developers in that they still need the resources to of this law will give developers confidence for affordability. This might mean reducing the acquire and develop properties, but developers to move forward on major construction, but costs and time associated with the permitting have access to more capital. CLTs have a housing this does not necessarily translate into more process. The main drawback is that this model that can involve financial support from affordable units. The law will mainly benefit the model does not create long-term affordability different sources, such as rental of commercial developers because they receive a tax break in because affordability is a moving target. space and higher income tenants. Another exchange of including “affordable housing” in challenge of the CLT/MHA model is that it can new construction. The policy also favors the be difficult to operationalize because it requires construction unions because it adds a wage Policy Alternative 3: Replicate the Community that the community take on technical roles and requirement for construction in Manhattan Land Trust Model responsibilities related to running a building. and certain parts of the outer boroughs. The third scenario offers a community-based Nevertheless, this model can be leveraged in This tax abatement will usher in more permit model that could respond to the housing market addition to other housing models because at a neighborhood level. A Community Land the need for affordable housing is so acute. Trust (CLT) owns and manages land, while a “79 cents of every 421- Mutual Housing Association (MHA), owns Towards Long-term Affordability a dollar is spent on and manages housing. MHAs can own several Residents in neighborhoods across New York luxury developments, buildings and help residents manage their City are under intense displacement pressure and only 11 cents housing with the help of other outside experts.16 because of increasing rents and redevelopment. is spent to support The advantage of a CLT is that it creates a vehicle Maintaining New York as a diverse and vibrant affordability.” for the community to take ownership of the place will require the City to create a stronger land and it treats land as a community resource incentive structure for affordable housing or public good rather than as a source of profit. so that current residents can benefit from Members of the CLT board are responsible for development projects. Furthermore, the crisis requests from developers, especially those that maintaining housing affordable in the long-tert. in affordable housing is also contributing waited for the law to be reinstated. Although The New York City Community Land Initiative to a rise in homelessness; all while luxury there is a carve-out for affordable housing, it is leads efforts to support different groups in the housing projects are springing up across the unlikely that it will alleviate the housing crisis creation of a CLT or MHA. Currently, there city. Displacement should not be considered and will come to a significant cost to taxpayers are several CLTs and MHAs in New York an inevitable side-effect of neighborhood and over the long-term. According to analysis City, including Cooper Square CLT/MHA, economic development. If equality becomes by the Association for Neighborhood and Lower East Side People’s Mutual Housing a key part of policy conversations among Housing Development, 79 cents of every 421- Association, Mutual Housing Association of City officials, real estate developers and a dollar is spent on luxury developments, and neighborhood development advocates can help 13 New York (MHANY), CATCH (Community- only 11 cents is spent to support affordability. Assisted Tenant-Controlled Housing), and shift the City’s housing policy towards creating Also, the Independent Budget Office estimated the East Harlem-El Barrio Community Land long-term affordability. the tax abatement would cost the City $8.4 Trust. The de Blasio administration has been billion in foregone property taxes over the URBANREVIEWSPRING’18 27 Reflection: Holding onto HarveyAndy Lawson In recent years, the United States has suffered natural disaster after natural disaster. The increased frequency of strong hurricanes that have made landfall on US soil due to climate change has exposed some of the many existing gaps in disaster planning and recovery. These forces of nature uproot infrastructure and make it clear that develop- ment without reverence for the natural world can be catastrophic. As students and planners, how do we move forward? 28 URBANREVIEWSPRING’18 29

Houston, the 4th largest city in the US, is Rice University who experienced the effects of popularly known in the planning community as Harvey first hand. He specializes in sustainable the city with no official zoning codes. This policy development and the development of context or lack thereof is reflected in the sprawling city’s sensitive solutions for urban development. He infrastructure, a patchwork of business districts, has had experience with sustainability social suburban residences and heavy industry, engagement through developing consensus- connected by long stretches of pavement building techniques for public participation lined with wet and dry swales. It is bordered and community involvement support for the on its east side by Bernet Bay, and Downtown identification and delineation of planning Houston is accented by the meandering Buffalo objectives, and facilitation of stakeholder Bayou. It is this combination of market driven meetings for federal, state, and municipal land use decisions and geographic context that projects. We spoke about how individuals could left Houston so prone to Harvey’s devastating get involved with relief efforts in Houston and effects when it reached the metropolitan area how the history of city planning in Houston on August 26th, 2017. By the time it reached has affected the policy responses of the state and Houston, Harvey was a Category 4 storm with federal governments. winds reaching up to 130 MPH and a storm Dr. King advises that the first step any on social media such as community focused surge that crested over 6 feet. More than 30 individual should take to become more disaster Facebook groups, message boards, and other inches of rain poured over the city and several ready, is to perform a thorough inspection of popular platforms in the particular community. tornadoes were reported. personal disaster preparedness. They should In Kings words, we need to “stop thinking about In a world in which disasters like Harvey are also refresh their knowledge of emergency pouring concrete and think more about building becoming frustratingly common, it is crucial and evacuation protocols. Evaluating their bonds between communities and governance” that planners collaborate across disciplines and communities access to disaster relief information Although King recognizes that efforts in this agencies to identify weaknesses in resiliency is also key to becoming better prepared. The participatory practice of community are already policy and disaster preparedness. Urban planners next steps are for community members to reach taking place to some extent, he cites that they do out to their local planning boards not occur in a very efficient manner in Houston to develop strategies for both as the communities in which these practices are disaster preparedness as well as implemented do not reflect the areas that require relief strategy, however, due to the the most aid post disaster. “To rebuild history of planning in Houston, As King explains, community-based as King states, “people implantation strategies can be pushed to the side do not care about city very quickly, especially when a community lacks planning because they access to information and education regarding Houston, we do not know what it is”. planning. Departments fear participatory Houston’s government practices will be ineffective due to a history of speaks the language a lack of involvement as well, and this often of engineering and leads to an over generalized understanding of the must rebuild construction to solve planning process. Although this is well intended, most of their issues, and due to this, planners planning policy that does not deeply engage and and must work alongside communities to begin integrate community practices prove inert in the policymakers the process of planning for future natural face of real situations. trust.”must work disasters. Although tragic, Harvey has provided Considering all of the factors that go into together to create disaster relief policy that an opportunity for planners to make themselves community planning for disasters in a place like not only addresses the inequities of physical more visible to communities and explain what Houston, how are we supposed to effectively cre- infrastructure but also the social inequities that their role is in community governance. ate and implement community-based planning can create vast disparities in recovery outcomes Student planners can play a key role in strategies? King cites planners ability to unite across populations. At the time of this writing, improving urban resilience and sustainability, stakeholders as the strongest skill we have read- nearly six months have passed since Harvey; especially in the wake of disasters, by playing ily available to us in the wake of natural disas- the gaps in planning policy and recovery are the intermediary between professional planners ter. Planners must be prepared to take their craft perhaps clearer than ever before. and communities. Although this information outside of traditional contexts as board meetings In this vital moment, planners and students sharing is restricted by both a lack of access to and written proposals have not been sufficient. in urban and regional planning must ask populations in need and the warranted timidity To rebuild Houston, we must rebuild trust. themselves: where and how can we better of professional planners to take part in top-down facilitate the disaster recovery process? What planning as we have learned so many painful work can we do today to ensure that the fallout lessons from that process. from natural disasters is mitigated as much as As Dr. King discussed, the goal for these possible for individuals residing in the areas we conversations should not be to tell communities work in? Even though the flooding has receded, what to do and how to react to a natural Houston’s residents still find themselves disaster, instead they should provide the underwater. How can we best assist in pulling language and information necessary to enable Houston’s residents out of this dire situation? community members to participate in the urban To better understand the role of planners development legal process. These conversations in disaster relief, I spoke with Houston-based should primarily be hosted in town hall meetings sustainability planner Dr. Lester O. King, and community board meetings. To reach the PhD. He is a lecturer and research scientist at broadest audience, it should also be discussed

Image:LM Otero/AP) http://www.wbur.org/news/2017/08/28/photos-harvey 30 Can Move New York MoveQueens as a Case in Study NYC? Atara Lindenbaum

Move New York, (Move NY) is a policy solu- the Robert F. Kennedy Bridge), be reduced by a pricing. While there is no proof of correlation be- tion to an urgent issue in New York City, one significant percentage. but reintroduces tolls on tween residents’ support and the lack of the Move that affects almost all city users and residents. the more congested bridges such as Brooklyn, NY title, qualitative interviews with Queens Despite frequent toll increases and transit fare Queensboro, and Williamsburg Bridges. Addi- leaders and residents suggest that it is likely that hikes, New York City’s transportation infrastruc- tionally, Move NY adds a surcharge to for-hire- naming the policy Move NY would have skewed ture is in dire need of mass improvements — de- vehicles (FHV) that travel in the CBD. At the the results towards less support.2 lays, overcrowding, and traffic are features of all end of 2017, this plan had the support of politi- modes of transit. Still, as a congestion pricing cians in 4 out of 5 boroughs in New York City. The experience in reaching out to Queens plan designed to raise revenue and lessen traffic, However, Queens politicians refused to support leaders and politicians supports this theory. Calls Move NY has yet to gain political traction. Move NY despite its widespread support in other made to Community Boards in Queens were ini- boroughs. tially friendly and congenial. When the request A case study of the opposition to Move NY was simply to talk to someone about transpor- in the borough of Queens elucidates the con- Support and Opposition for Move NY in tation needs, instructions were to reach out to tentious nature of the plan. Through a careful Queens the community leaders over email. However, analysis of the demographics and opinions inside Queens politicians were extremely resistant once emails were sent that mentioned Move NY, this borough, it is possible to better understand to any sort of congestion pricing even though a responses became curt and opinionated. For ex- specific political obstacles. Here, using a mixed majority of Queens residents expressed support ample, after hearing that the correspondence was methods approach, an analysis shows that in or- for the Move NY plan. In a poll administered by in connection to Move NY, one district manager der to move this transportation policy forward, Transportation Alternatives in late 2016, 55% responded with the following sentence: “Our it is imperative to nurture and create a targeted percent of Queens residents chose a more equi- Board is vehemently opposed to any proposal that campaign, with a mixture of storytelling and ra- table tolling system as a preferred means for rais- would put a tax burden on middle class families tional numbers. ing revenue for transit and transportation infra- from Queens who travel to Manhattan.” Further structure1 Still, a steady and pervasive opposition attempts to explain Move NY as a benefit, not a Move NY centers itself on one main principle: and ambivalence existed within Queens towards burden, to Queens residents proved futile, elicit- drivers should be tolled more for driving on high- Move NY. ing no response from the district manager. ly congested roads, and charged less for roads that are used less often. In this vein, Move NY The recent poll indicates that the opposition Queens residents have a long history of resist- proposes that all private cars entering the Cen- is likely not about Move NY’s actual proposal. ing citywide policies, particularly when Queens tral Business District (CBD) pay a flat fare when Rather, opposition centers around a distaste to residents feel they are bearing the brunt of the they enter and leave. Cashless tolls would be in- the plan’s perceived underlying motivations, policy implications. Lobbyists who are against stalled at 60th street and charge all private cars a as well as a reluctance due to a general lack of raising revenue from tolls have given voice to fee when they enter and exit the CBD. However, understanding and education of what the plan this sentiment amongst Queens residents since a Move NY also proposes that the tolls on outer is and will do. The Transportation Alternatives prior plan from former Mayor Michael Bloom- and less congested bridges, like the Whitestone, poll did not use the plan’s title (i.e. Move NY, berg was introduced and failed in 2007. While Throgs Neck, and the Triborough (now called and avoided any term like congestion or cordon facts and costs-savings go far in illustrating the URBANREVIEWSPRING’18 31

Figure 1. Current revenues from MTA tolls disproportionately go to commuter rail projects. Although the burden of toll payments falls on city residents, most of the revenue from tolls goes to subsidize commuter rails.

benefits and need for Move NY, in the current example, liberals see tolling as an issue of equi- larger scheme to take away the bucolic suburban political culture in Queens, public support lags ty to those who have no choice but to drive to lifestyle present in many Queens neighborhoods. behind. o alter the deeply embedded culture of get to work. Conservatives are suspicious of the Recent proposals from the Mayor’s office to opposition to transportation policy a concerted government, and do not want any more money change zoning laws to accommodate affordable effort to change the perceptions about Move NY leaving the pockets of the (so called) “middle housing have put these neighborhoods further on is necessary for its success in the borough. class” to the government of New York City. the defensive. Move NY, while not a policy from the Mayor’s office, is often suspected as being a Case Study of Queens:3 Suspicion Over Revenue and Benefits part of “another” scheme by the city to push out Culture of Opposition In Queens Politicians were suspicious — Move NY’s lower density neighborhoods and upzone them. Interviews conducted with Queens residents only guarantee is a toll hike, while the promises To many, a suburban lifestyle is the convenience and politicians revealed a deep culture of op- of transit benefits from tolled revenue remain of a personally owned vehicle, even with access position to Move NY: A distrust of the MTA, theoretical. In fact, some politicians who con- to transit.. These drivers do not want to feel that a need to protect the middle class, and a need tacted the MTA and DOT had their suspicions they are paying for every ride they take in their to protect the single family suburban lifestyle of confirmed. The MTA and DOT were allegedly cars. many Queens neighborhoods were frequently unwilling to verify that revenue streams from mentioned. To Queens residents, Move NY was Queens would in fact be used to fund specific Protection of the Middle Class emblematic of a slew of other city policies that projects within the Queens borough. Queens has long been the home of middle aimed to use their borough for citywide revenue Politicians also question why the MTA class families and individuals who are either or housing, without consideration for its current should collect more funds from city residents. priced out of Manhattan or Brooklyn, or prefer residents. City residents already contribute to the MTA the suburban setting of Queens. While Brook- The diverse demographics of Queens contrib- through taxes, ticket fares, and other existing lyn and Manhattan house some of the wealthiest utes to its culture of political opposition. Queens tolls; while the state only provides 4% of the residents in the city, Queens prides itself as being is one of the top five most diverse counties in MTA budget6 The MTA is a state agency and open to all income levels. The congestion within the United States.4 The ethnic communities in provides an integral economic service to the state. the city business district, to many residents in Queens can be quite segregated from one an- With this in mind, many residents and city poli- Queens, is a problem that disproportionately other, each creating its own unique social group ticians insist that the MTA should find funding affects only the upper classes of Manhattan. Re- and community infrastructure. While each group from the state government before reaching deep- introducing a toll on the Queensboro Bridge, may have strong community leadership, often, er into the pockets of city residents. Furthermore, therefore, is considered a tax on the middle class these distinct and particularistic ethnic groups current revenues from MTA tolls disproportion- lifestyle of Queens residents that will only solve distrust the politicians working on their behalf. ately go to commuter rail projects. Although the an issue of congestion for the wealthy city resi- Divisive political issues risk united opposition burden of toll payments falls on city residents, dents. from various ethnic groups.5 most of the revenue from tolls goes to subsidize Queens is also quite diverse politically; some commuter rails. The graphic below, from the city Lack of information to Queens communities vote Republican while others lean Comptroller’s office, illustrates this discrepancy.7 While many elements of the Move NY Plan Democrat. Toll pricing often enjoys the sup- will benefit Queens residents, a culture of op- port of both the right and the left. However, Protection of Suburban Lifestyle position in Queens has created an environment the reverse is also true; both the right and the where residents have a negative reaction to many left will take issue with aspects of the policy. For Move NY is often interpreted as part of a of Move NY’s promises and benefits. For exam- 32 ple, when Queens residents hear that traffic will professions (i.e. teachers, storekeepers and care- ast well, and the Mayor’s plan for a BQX trolley go down and result in significant time savings in takers). While many were apprehensive about a along the waterfront is gaining traction. How- their commutes to Manhattan, many hold a sus- toll on the Queensboro bridge, they were also ever, Queens residents are aware of the new ex- picion that Manhattanites simply want Queens receptive to the proposal for lower tolls on the tension of the subway line along Second Avenue residents out of Manhattan, and using the tolls is outer bridges, as it could bring them significant in Manhattan, as well as the Mayor’s exploration a way to ensure that Queens residents stay out of cost savings. On the other hand, interviewees of the Utica Avenue Line in Brooklyn. Queens Manhattan. Promises that money will fund tran- who work in Manhattan or Queens were against residents often feel forgotten and overlooked in sit projects is interpreted as money going directly tolls on the Queensboro, citing an unfair burden spite of its significant population growth. to politicians who will use the money for their on Queens residents who often travel to Man- own benefits. hattan on the weekends to go to the theater. Recommendations Queens is home to a plethora of industrial Define a problem that MOVE NY is trying to business owners, many of whom use the Queens- Spatial Analysis solve boro bridge to conduct business in Manhattan. Queens suffers from a lack of subway lines and Currently, many Queens residents see Move The currently toll-free bridge results in a lower- access. A glance at a subway map (above) reveals NY as creating more problems than it solves. ing of costs to their consumers, which gives busi- that many people living in Queens have a ten- Unlike Bloomberg’s plan in 2007, Move NY nesses a competitive edge in the market. An addi- minute plus walk to the nearest subway line. Fur- does not define the central problem as increased tional toll scares them, and they are not sure what ther analysis of city data shows that Queens does congestion, but instead presents the toll swap they stand to gain. These business owners only indeed rank last in subway access across the five as a means to provide better transportation in- see a toll hike, and do not understand how less boroughs. Queens has 81 subway stations, while frastructure for the city. This problem is neither traffic will result in increased revenue for their Brooklyn has 170 and Manhattan has 148. The convincing for Queens residents, nor do they businesses. Bronx has only 70 stations, but has 900,00 fewer think that the burden to fund the MTA should Other residents raised doubts that drivers residents than Queens, which is home to 2.3 mil- fall on city residents. would change their habits and thus take the lion people. Queens is larger [in land mass] than Without a convincing problem, Queens resi- Queensboro bridge infrequently due to a new the Bronx as well.10 dents often presume that other motivations are toll. Opponents claim that toll pricing is inelas- Queens is not a true transit desert, as there are behind the plan, such as the goal to greatly reduce tic, meaning that behavior does not necessarily extensive bus lines throughout the borough. The car ownership in the city, or to “toll trips out of change due to a price increase. This argument Select Bus Service is expanding in the borough existence.”11 Conversations about Move NY eas- is compounded by the fact that for many driv- ers crossing over the bridge, there is no alternate route via public transportation.

Who Will Pay? Many Queens residents were unaware of the various mechanisms within the Move NY plan that will raise revenue. To them, a toll over the Queensboro Bridge is a direct toll only on Queens residents. Residents seem to be unaware that there are drivers using this bridge coming from other boroughs or from New York State. While the concept of “bridge shopping” may seem obvious to policy makers, it is not familiar to many Queens residents and politicians.

Data Many Queens residents work in the Central Business District (CBD) in Manhattan. How- ever, only around 49,000 of those who work in the CBD actually drive into work — around 210,000 use public transportation.

Residents of Queens who work in the Bronx, Upper Manhattan, Suffolk County, Westchester, Hudson County, Bergen County, and Staten Island would all see significant cost savings on their work trips due to the toll decreases on the outer bridges. These are workers who all depend on their cars to get to work as there are no direct public transit options originating from Queens and ending in these other outer boroughs and counties.8 Perhaps Queens politicians are listen- ing to the political elite when they defend their citizens’ rights to travel to Manhattan’s CBD without tolls instead of their constituents. The residents interviewed for this paper who work outside of the CBD are largely in low earning Figure 2: Transit Deserts in Queens9 URBANREVIEWSPRING’18 33

ily devolve into explanations as to why Queens politicians may understand this, but feel that the hear this as accusatory and that somehow the lack residents need their cars. This is indicative of benefits of supporting a policy like Move NY do of tolls over the Queensboro Bridge gives them the fact that to Queens residents, Move NY ap- not outweigh the potential political costs — that the better end of a deal, while others lost out. pears to aim for an alteration of the car culture of alienating their voter base. Move NY advocates A replacement to this term needs to avoid any in the borough. A more clearly defined problem, must help politicians understand how the risk terminology that may put Queens residents on one that is clearly felt by Queens residents and of congestion is felt collectively, and specifically the defensive. solved by Move NY, would avoid ancillary con- stress the direct impacts on Queens residents. Conclusion versations about funding the MTA and the need Recent transit news highlights the need for a Move NY should engage Queens residents for personal vehicles in certain areas of the city. plan like Move NY. This past year, Bruce Schaller, with customized messages that are tailored to principal of Schaller Consulting, published a re- specific communities within Queens. When A New Sense of Urgency port about the failure of the city to plan for the talking to the CBD drivers who value their time Transportation policy is often personal — ev- congestion Transportation Network Companies highly, time savings should be the emphasis. Lib- eryone travels in some capacity, and feels con- (TNCs) add to the city’s streets. Vehicle Miles eral groups will likely support a plan that empha- nected to their chosen mode of transportation. Travelled (VMT) is rising, and subway transit sizes the environmental benefits and improved Changes to transportation policy are therefore service and ridership is dipping. Schaller proved transit, while Conservative groups ought to un- perceived as personal as well. Politicians are wary that TNCs were adding significant congestion derstand that this is an alternative to a tax on all of transportation policy issues, as a position on to the streets of NYC, and that the new tech- citizens to raise funds for transportation. Queens transportation policy will likely polarize many nology of TNCs, which makes passengers’ lives residents stand to benefit from the lowered tolls voters. easier, was causing a significant burden on the throughout the city. Effort needs to be made to One proven way to affect public opinion is to city’s traffic and roads. Last year TNCs caused a highlight the cost savings, using targeted cam- draw attention to a state of emergency in regards net increase of 600 million vehicle miles traveled paigns, technology, and personal conversations to the current transportation system. The Haas in NYC. The ease of app- based hailing services with community leaders. Ordinance in 1937 limited the number of medal- is taking passengers away from public transit as Thus far, Move NY presents itself as a ratio- lions on the streets of New York City. However, well.14 nal policy solution to an obvious problem of the ordinance passed after outbreaks of violence In his report, Schaller strongly recommends congestion NYC. In the current political cli- erupted on the streets of New York, as cab driv- road pricing as a means of reducing congestion mate, empirical studies and evidence are often ers cut rates and fought over passengers. Aside and raising needed funds for public transit. The considered biased and subjective. A thorough from the violence, stores along Madison Avenue Move NY plan, per Schaller, is well suited to con- understanding of the culture and demograph- complained that congestion was bad for business; tain the rise of TNCs in NYC because it adds ics of Queens residents is essential in building empty busses and cabs were roaming the streets a surcharge to for-hire-vehicles (FHV). Using a narrative that can help shape perceptions of of Manhattan. There was fear that congestion was GPS technology, Move NY charges FHV by the public policy. also bad for development in the city. At the time, mile and the minute in Manhattan south of 69th politicians understood that limiting the number Street. Added costs would both discourage TNC of taxis on the streets would alleviate the traffic in use and raise funds for transportation projects the city, and allow those who drove taxis to have within NYC. a functional work environment.12 13 The current Move NY slogan claims that it is NYC faces congestion problems that will lead “fairer.” This slogan presumes that the current to an emergency if no action is taken. Queens state of tolls in NY is “unfair.” Queens residents LEGACY The financial success of the 1984 Olympics ings. Currently, there are no national policy initiatives Queensbridge’s boundaries reflect USHA’s initial bias proved that if organized “correctly” (by private aimed at increasing parent participation, and there is for locating projects on superblocks that set projects capital rather than municipal bodies), hosting a paucity of research on the subject. Some studies apart from the street grid and the surrounding com- mega-events could be a boon for both corporate have recommended that families and schools should munities, gentrification has further delineated the sponsors and government officials. Though the form partnerships in order to combat education in- boundaries of the Queensbridge Houses. Over the LAOOC did not significantly change existing urban equality. past few years, the gentrification of Long Island City fabric or work to improve local conditions through The overrepresentation of black children qualify- has intensified, with new luxury glass condominium infrastructure or employment initiatives, the surplus ing for special education services is a problematic, towers sprouting one after the other, often in stark demonstrated how Olympics are a form of profitable yet painfully symptomatic, issue stemming from contrast to the more modest red-brick buildings of business for municipalities and their surrounding structural injustices. The trends described by re- the project. Still, along the streets adjacent to the regions. This has become increasingly apparent since searchers and CRT advocates associate institutional project there is little sign of luxury development, with the 1984 Olympics, with the television rights alone bias with access to opportunity for marginalized most establishments, such as bodegas and warehous- for Atlanta (1996), Sydney (2000) and Athens (2004) students, a contemporary manifestation of chronic es, catering to low-income residents and industry. selling for $872 million, $1.1 billion, and $1.7 billion, structural injustice and the paradigm of white These gentrification pressures do put Queensbridge respectively.25 supremacy. Though RtI and MTSS have been widely Houses as a likely potential candidate for demolition implemented, they are not services that can solve or privatization - which, of course, would be at odds Renewed interest in hosting the Olympics post-1984 this problem without working in tandem with poli- with the original social mission of the complex. has largely been a result of the intra-urban competi- cies targeted at improving cultural representation in The demolition of public housing sites across the na- tion for private capital. Mega-events and the accom- curriculum as well as parent advocacy and support. tion over the past two decades has dovetailed with panying spectacle provide cities with an opportunity Envisioning a future that fulfills the true tenets of efforts by cities to improve their tax base through to engage in marketing for their cities, leveraging the 26 democracy and social justice requires discursive ac- gentrification.3 However, there are a number of forc- self promotion as a method of urban regeneration. tion. Rather than flattening or ignoring differences, es countervailing against this outcome for Queens- This pro-growth strategy, spearheaded by local elites political society must engage with them, understand bridge, at least in the short-term. First, NYCHA is one and corporate sponsors, fails to address the needs of them, and seek fundamental solutions that radically of the few public housing authorities that retains poli- the most marginalized groups at-risk in host cities. disrupt structures of social power. Taking “respon- cies that target the working poor and has therefore The “sanitation” of Los Angeles and Atlanta came ex- sibility” for the past empowers society to share largely avoided turning public housing into housing actly at the time when the world’s focus would be on responsibility in the future17: creating a pluralist of last resort for the urban underclass.4 As a result, these two cities, with massive amounts of private in- imagination catalyzed by collective and mutual public housing in New York enjoys more popular vestment at stake; between 1995 and 1996, over 9,000 commitment. support than public housing in many other US cities, homeless people were arrested for loitering in Atlan- 27 QUEENSBRIDGE The Queensbridge Houses expe- and NYCHA has so far privatized a minimal amount ta. This was a 400% increase from previous years. of its units. Second, unlike in the 1970s, New York Laws were passed criminalizing the removal of litter rienced higher crime rates in the 1980s and 1990s, and developed a reputation for gang- and drug-relat- is no longer struggling to attract private investment. from trash cans, clearly targeting the city’s homeless Gentrification has spread throughout the city, and population. At the same time, Atlanta’s public hous- ed activities. Such changes were poetically reflected 28 upon in the early lyrics of rapper Nas, who grew up therefore, affordable housing is a politically sensi- ing stock was decimated, and its residents displaced. tive issue for local politicians. Lastly, activism among These realities challenge the connection between the in the complex during the height of the city’s crack epidemic. In his song “One Love,” he updated his project tenants and the relatively decentralized nature idealism of Olympism as a movement and the me- of New York City politics also play an essential role ga-events themselves. Organizers have succeeded in incarcerated friend on recent neighborhood happen- ings, “Plus Little Rob is selling drugs on the dime, in the superior conditions of public housing in New maintaining the perceived importance of the event, York, compared to cities like Chicago where much of no matter how divorced from its humanistic foun- hanging out with young thugs that all carry nines [guns], at night time there is more trife [violence] the public housing was mismanaged and eventually dations it has become. The Olympics, in addition to demolished through HOPE VI.5 These factors can showcasing the skills of the world’s premiere athletes, than ever.” 1 But, as Katherine Bristol has similarly argued in her critique of the “Pruitt-Igoe myth,” the help explain why Queensbridge recently received $87 also provides an opportunity for pro-growth munici- million for façade and roof restoration. pal forces to ally with private capital. These priorities higher crime rates and resultant social chaos of these years cannot be blamed solely on the design of pub- Nevertheless, Queensbridge, along with the rest of often win out at the cost of local citizens. The Olym- NYCHA’s portfolio, is still endangered because of pics continue to grow in importance as a transna- lic housing projects, such as Queensbridge. Instead, these trends should be placed in proper socio-his- continued federal divestment. Local authorities, tional cultural sporting event despite fierce criticisms such as NYCHA, receive funds every year from the from all crevices of the political spectrum at every torical context: the continued deindustrialization of New York’s economy, which had negative impacts on Department of Housing and Urban Development level of representation. In line with Gramsci’s notion (HUD) to cover the gap between rent revenues and of cultural hegemony, our contemporary Olympics is working-class communities of color, in tandem with the growth of the illicit crack cocaine economy in the operating costs. HUD uses a formula to determine a stage for corporate interests and elites to deploy the this amount, but Congress ultimately decides on the Olympic ideology towards legitimizing their roles in 1980s, not just in public neighborhoods, but in work- ing-class communities across the city. Fortunately, to- percentage of the formula to allocate to local authori- society Private actors collaborate with state agents to ties. Beginning in 2003, funding dropped to 95 per- provide safe areas for consumption, for capital sur- day, Queensbridge is a significantly safer community. Crime throughout the 114th precinct, in which the cent of the formula, then to 89 percent in 2005, and plus, and for accumulation. For Los Angeles, the subsequently to 78 percent in 2007.6 In response to success of the “entrepreneurial spirit” of a mostly project is located, was down in 2016 by almost 100 percent compared to 1990.2 underfunding, NYCHA has hired developers through privatized games validated the militarization of the HUD’s Rental Assistance Demonstration (RAD) pro- LAPD. Root causes of strife, such as unemployment The location of Queensbridge reflects the biases of modern housing reformers for new communities gram to convert 1,700 apartments, across 17 projects and drug addiction, or any other social ills plaguing in Brooklyn and the Bronx, into Section 8 housing, inner-city LA, were ignored in favor of aggressive po- outside the urban core, as well as the market reality that relatively inexpensive land in Queens made such which will be managed by both NYCHA and a private an expansive project financially feasible. Queens- real estate company.7 SOCIAL POLICY An example of teaching with CRT Ackerman’s ambition to develop an alter- is education on American Western expansion. While bridge’s location also meant that instead of having been encircled by older slums, it has traditionally native model for housing the working class has been some may choose to teach the lesson through the eyes realized. Queensbridge Houses is a remarkable ex- of the Anglo or white pioneers and politicians who been surrounded by industrial uses, including more recently, the Ravenswood Generating Station - a 2.5 ample of how government can build and continue to supported westward expansion, CCRTL incorporates successfully manage affordable housing for the work- multiple paradigms in curriculum implementation megawatt power plant. Additionally, its location on the urban edge meant that Queensbridge was a brand ing class, and at the same time collaborate with lo- by providing the perspective of indigenous people. cal non-profits and community-based organizations CCRTL ensures that the classroom is strategically new community. Therefore, unlike many other public housing projects throughout the city, Queensbridge to offer social services to residents. The project’s tu- structured to foster a community that can explore dif- multuous social climate in the 1980s and 1990s was ferences of opinion and background, safe social inter- did not involve slum clearance. This was in line with the philosophy of “modern housers” - such as Cath- not due to any inherent design flaw of the project, actions, and mutual support among classmates. En- but was simply indicative of the restructuring of New gaging students from non-dominant cultures could erine Bauer, who believed that money should be used to build new communities, like Sunnyside Gardens, York’s larger political economy. The project’s success have a profound importance in closing the achieve- is even more impressive in the face of the federal gov- ment gap and lessening the amount of minority stu- on cheap land at the urban edge. Still, the process of site selection for Queensbridge ernment’s continued divestment in public housing. dents that end up being tracked into SpEd settings. However, in order to maintain and even expand upon Parents of non-white students are often thought reveals how public design still had to respond to mar- of to be less participatory than the parents of white ket realities. NYCHA chose the industrial waterfront students. Like their children, African-American as the site for the Queensbridge Houses because of parents have been historically alienated from public its lower land values which enabled the architects to education. This stems from a perception of disrespect design a lower-density community. In contrast, the from school administrators and teachers towards higher densities of the East River Houses reflected the African-American parents and subsequent mistrust. higher land values in Manhattan and kept land cover- Language barriers and general cultural differences age and room costs sufficiently low. If public housing also obstruct parent-school communication. The was expanded in the near future, appreciating land Wimberly Initiative, developed in 1990, was aimed at values along the waterfront would likely preclude the decreasing the number of black males in special edu- location of new public housing there. cation and involved a parent-run program to assist Current issues of gentrification have brought up families in better representing their sons in IEP meet- questions about Queensbridges future. While Ridgewood CA: New Village Press, 2012), 89-92. 1 Firestone, David. “A Blue-Collar Haven Is Both Stable 3 Don Mitchell, The Right to the City: Social Justice and and Ethnically Diverse.: CITY Halting Blight at Border Of 7 City of New York (2014) Housing New York: a five-borough, ENDNOTES the Fight for Public Space. (New York: The Guilford Press, Two Neighborhoods.” The New York Times. 1994, sec. The ten-year plan. 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"Security and Surveillance in the preservenet.com/freeways/FreewaysCheonggye.html. cuts-hud Athens 2004 Olympics." International Two Neighborhoods.” The New York Times. 1994, sec. The 7 Congress for the New Urbanism, “Seoul - Cheonggye Metro Section. Accessed September 29, 2017. https://search. Criminal Justice Review 17, no. 3 (2007): 220-38. Freeway,” accessed November 30, 2017, https://www.cnu.org/ 10 Picture the Homeless. “Number of Homeless People in doi:10.1177/1057567707306649. proquest.com/hnpnewyorktimes/docview/109372841/ highways-boulevards/model-cities/seoul. abstract/77307E5B619943C1PQ/2. NYC Shelters Each Night,” April 12, 2018 based on NYC 4 Gold, John R., and George Revill. "Exploring land- 8 Lee, Jong-yul and Chad David Anderson, “The Restored Department of Homeless Services and Human Resources Ad- scapes of fear: marginality, spectacle and Cheonggyecheon and the Quality of Life in Seoul,” Journal of 4 Historic Districts Council. “Queens Landmarks-Ridgewood ministration and NYCStat shelter census reports. Retrieved: surveillance." Capital & Class 27, no. 2 (2003): Urban Technology, Vol. 20, No. 4 (2013), 6. http://www.coalitionforthehomeless.org/the-catastrophe-of- 27-50. doi:10.1177/030981680308000104. North.” Accessed December 21, 2017. http://hdc.org/hdc- 9 Korea Tourism Organization, “Cheonggyecheon Stream across-nyc/queens/queens-landmarked/ridgewood-north homelessness/facts-about-homelessness/ 5 Gold and Revill, 2003, p.38 & Cheonggye Plaza,” accessed November 30, 2017, http:// 6 Flyvbjerg, Bent, Nils Bruzelius, and Werner Rothengatter. english.visitkorea.or.kr /enu/ATR/SI_EN_3_1_1_1. 5 Falud, Susan C. “Ridgewood-Glendale Opens Its Doors: 11 Murphy, Jarrett. “The Secret History of AMI,” City Megaprojects and risk an anatomy of jsp?cid=897540. Limits, February 17, 2016. Retrieved: http://citylimits. ambition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016. Ridgewood-Glendale Opening.” The New York Times. 1982, 10 KTO, “Cheonggyecheon Stream & Cheonggye Plaza.” sec. REAL ESTATE. Accessed on September 29, 2017. https:// org/2016/02/17/the-secret-history-of-ami/ 7 (Coaffee and Johnston in Gold and Gold, 2012, p. 141) 11 Bae Seung-Hyeon and Lee Gahng-Ju Lee, “A Study of the 8 (Coaffee and Johnston in Gold and Gold, 2012, p. 143). search.proquest.com/hnpnewyorktimes/docview/114637932/ Use of the Gwanghwamun Square through the Evolution abstract/77307E5B619943C1PQ/8. 12 Nonko, Emily. “421-a’s revival, Affordable New York, 9 Andranovich, Greg, Matthew J. Burbank, and Charles H. of the City Structure of Seoul,” International Union of incentivizes low-income housing.” Heying. "Olympic Cities: Lessons Architects, World Congress 2017, accessed December 5, 2017. 6 New York City Department of City Planning. “ACS Survey Learned from Mega-Event Politics." Journal of Urban http://www.uia2017seoul.org/P/papers /Full_paper/Paper/ Curbed, April 11, 2017. Retrieved: http://ny.curbed. Affairs 23, no. 2 (2001): 113-31. 2014: Demographics.” Accessed September 28, 2017. http:// Poster/P-0401.pdf maps.nyc.gov/census/. com/2017/4/11/15257926/nyc-affordable-housing-revival- 10 (Coaffee and Johnston in Gold and Gold, 2012, p. 145) 12 Anthony Maniscalco, Public Spaces, Marketplaces, and the developer-incentives 11 (Coaffee and Johnston in Gold and Gold, 2012, p. 145) Constitution,20. 7 Social Explorer. “US Demography 1790 to Present 12 Flyvbjerg, Bent, Alexander Budzier, and Allison Stewart. 13 Kristine F. Miller, “Art or Lunch?”, in Designs on the 13 Association for Neighborhood and Housing Development. The Oxford Olympics Study 2016: (HTML5).” Accessed September 29, 2017. https://www. Public: The Private Lives of New York’s Public Spaces. (Min- socialexplorer.com/a9676d974c/explore. “Albany Agrees to Resurrect the 421-a Tax Exemption,” Cost and Cost Overrun at the Games. Working paper. Said neapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2007), 37. April 8, 2018. Retrieved: https://anhd.org/albany-agrees-to- Business School, University of 14 Personal observation, January 2016 visit to the Cheong- 8 New York City Department of City Planning. “ACS Survey resurrect-the-421-a-tax-exemption/ Oxford. July, 2016. 1-28. gyecheon. 13 Lindsey, Robert . "Private Funds Grow For '84 2014: Demographics.” Accessed September 28, 2017. http:// 15 Personal observation, January 2016 visit. maps.nyc.gov/census/. 14 Brenzel, Kathryn and Will Parker. “It’s back: Lawmakers Olympics On Coast." The New York Times. December 16 Ibid. revive 421a as Affordable NY.” The 10, 1982. Accessed November 28, 2017. http://www.nytimes. 17 Jeffery Hou, “Making Public, Beyond Public Space,” 91. 9 Ibid. com/1982/12/11/us/private-funds- grow-for- 18 Korea Tourism Organization, “Traditional Charm & Real Deal, April 9, 2017. Retrieved: https://therealdeal. 84-olympics- on-coast.html. Excitement Meet at the Lotus Lantern Festival,” April 27, 10 New York City Department of City Planning. “M1.pdf.” com/2017/04/09/its-back-lawmakers-revive-421a-as- 14 Los Angeles Olympic Organizing Committee. Official 2017, accessed November 30,. http://english.visitkorea.or.kr/ affordable-ny/ Report of the Games of the XXIIrd Accessed October 2, 2017. https://www1.nyc.gov/assets/plan- enu/ATR/SI_EN_3_6.jsp?cid=2009159. ning/download/pdf/zoning/districts-tools/m1.pdf. Olympiad Los Angeles, 1984. 1985. Los Angeles. 19 Korea Tourism Organization, “2017 Autumn Festivals in 15 Murphy, Janet. “The Secret History of AMI.” City Limits, 15 The New York Times. "1984 Olympics To Rely On Korea,” accessed November 30, 2017. 11 Ibid. February 17, 2016. Retrieved: Private Enterprise." The New York Times. December http://english.visitkorea.or.kr/enu/ATR/SI_EN_3_6. 05, 1981. Accessed November 28, 2017. http://www.nytimes. 20 Cham Estrera, “Cheonggyecheon Stream, Seoul: Christmas http://citylimits.org/2016/02/17/the-secret-history-of-ami/ com/1981/12/06/us/1984-olympics- to-rely- 12 Cooney, Betty M. “Massive Ridgewood Rezoning is Exam- Festival.” Walk with Cham (travel blog), January 17, 2016, ined by City Planning.” Queens Chronicle. 2000, sec. Central/ on-private- enterprise.html. accessed December 3, 2017. http://www.walkwithcham. 16 New York City Community Land Initiative.(Year Not 16 Traganou, Jilly. Designing the Olympics: representation, Mid Queens News. Accessed April 6, 2018. http://www. com/2016/01/cheonggyecheon-stream-seoul-christmas.html qchron.com/editions/central/massive-ridgewood-rezoning- Stated) Fighting to Save Our Communities: How Com- participation, contestation. New York: 21 Kristine F. Miller, “Public Space as Public Sphere”, in munity Land Trusts can help us take control of our buildings, Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2016. is-examined-by-city-planning/article_490f67d4-7a16-5757- Designs on the Public: The Private Lives of New York’s b4d5-8666499190e9.html. neighborhoods, and futures” Retrieved: https://nyccli.files. 17 (LAOOC, 1995) Public Spaces. (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, wordpress.com/2017/02/posterforwebviewing2.pdf 18 (LAOOC, 1995 2007), 15. 13 Kerzner, Paul (Community Board 5), interviewed by 19 Davis, Mike. City of Quartz: Excavating the future in los 22 Don Mitchell, The Right to the City, 141. 17 Savitch-Lew, Abigail. “De Blasio Admin. Opens Door angeles. S.I.: Verso, 1990. Victoria Garvey, Ridgewood NY, April 2018, transcript, 23 David Josef Volodzko, “Is South Korea ready to take on handwritten, New York City, New York. to Community Land Trusts.” City Limits, January 10, 2017. 20 Felker-Kantor, Max. "The 1984 Olympics fueled Racism? First, it must admit it exists.” The South China Morn- Retrieved: http://citylimits.org/2017/01/10/de-blasio-admin- L.A.’s war on crime. Will the 2028 Games ing Post, December 10, 2017. Accessed December 11, 2017. 14 Ibid. opens-door-to-community-land-trusts/ do the same?" The Washington Post. August 06, 2017. http://www.scmp.com/week-asia/politics/ article/2122913/ Accessed November 28, 2017. south-korea-ready-take-racism-first-it-must-admit-it-exists 18 New York City Department of Housing Preservation https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/made-by- history/ 15 Barca, Christopher. “Most of CB 5 wants Ridgewood downsized.” The Queens Chronicle. 2017, sec. Central/Mid and Development, Community Land Trust Request for wp/2017/08/06/the-1984- olympics- 24 Preservation Institute, “Seoul, South Korea: Cheonggye Expressions of Interest (RFEI), Retrieved April 9, 2018. http:// fueled-l- a-s- war-on- crime-will- the-2028- games-do- the- Queens News. Accessed December 21, 2017. http://www. Fre e w ay.” qchron.com/editions/central/most-of-cb-wants-ridgewood- www1.nyc.gov/site/hpd/developers/request-for-proposals/ same/?utm_term=.c3f73a1f2e68. 25 Koreabridge, “Korea Now and Then: Cheonggyecheon ( CLT-RFEI.page 21 (LAOOC, 1985) downsized/article_23de0dc9-f72c-59e2-832c-d0a41d20175e. 청계천),” June 17, 2011, accessed December 3, 2017. http:// html. 22 (Felker-Kantor, 2017) koreabridge.net/post/korea-now-and-then-cheonggyecheon- 23 Freed, David. "Police Brutality Claims Are Rarely 청계천-intraman 16 Anonymous New Yorker. “Part 1: Falling for the dream Prosecuted : Law: Vast majority of more than 300 26 Katherine Lonsdorf, “From Freeways to Waterways: What Move NY cases in L.A. County since 1980 were dismissed, Times study of owning in New York City.” Curbed New York. 2017, Los Angeles Can Learn From Seoul,” KCET, August 9, 2011, sec. Queens. Accessed April 6, 2018. https://ny.curbed. 1 This poll offered an option of “do nothing,” which is not finds." Los Angeles Times. July 07, 1991. accessed November 30, 2017. https://www.kcet.org/history- really an option at this point. When both the “do nothing” op- Accessed November 28, 2017. http://articles.latimes.com/ com/2017/7/25/16021560/home-buying-renovation- society/from-freeways-to-waterways-what-los-angeles-can- ridgewood-queens. tion and the “undecided” option are taken out of the results, print/1991-07- 07/news/mn-3054_1_police- learn-from-seoul. the toll swap has an overwhelming majority. It is also impor- brutality 27 Mitchell, Right to the City, 128. tant to note that this poll has a margin of error of +/-3.3% 24 Boyer, Edward J. "Dual Goal Told at Rally: Strike at 17 Feldman, Sarah (Ridgewood Social). “Re: Ridgewood 28 Lonsdorf, “From Freeways to Waterways.” industrial advocacy groups.” Message to Victoria Garvey. at the 95% confidence level, so the differences of support for Crime, Win Olympic Funds." Los 29 Ibid. the toll swap across the boroughs is statistically insignificant. Angeles Times. July 15, 1985. Accessed November 28, 2017. December 11, 2017. 30 Colin Marshall, “Story of cities, #50: the reclaimed stream Queensbridge: Also, The poll skewed its survey to include a larger share of http://articles.latimes.com/1985- bringing life to the heart of Seoul.” The Guardian, May 25, car owners; 68% of the people surveyed own cars, while only 07-15/local/me- 7670_1_olympic-legacy. 1Frederick L. Ackerman & William F. R. Ballard, “A Note 2016. Accessed December 9, 2017. https://www.theguardian. on Site and Unit Planning,” NYCHA Technical Division, 1937. 46% of all city residents overall are car owners. This strong 25 Malfas, Maximos, Eleni Theodoraki, and Barrie Houlihan. com/cities/2016/ may/25/story-cities-reclaimed-stream- representation of car owners confirms the strength of support "Impacts of the Olympic Games as mega- 2 Ibid., 6. heart-seoul-cheonggyecheon. 3 Gwendolyn Wright, Building the Dream: A Social His- for the plan; while some drivers will pay higher tolls under events." Municipal Engineer 157, no. ME3 (September 31 Lee and Anderson, “The Restored Cheonggyecheon,” 4. the Move NY plan, mass transit users would stand to benefit 2004): 209-20. tory of Housing in America (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 32 Preservation Institute, “Seoul, South Korea: Cheonggye 1981), 123. from a revenue stream that solely affected drivers. Fre e w ay.” 26 Harvey, David. "From Managerialism to Entrepre- 4 Hillary Ballon, “Queensbridge Houses and East River 33 Lee and Anderson, “The Restored Cheonggyecheon,” 8. Houses” in Affordable Housing in New York, eds. Nicholas 2 The Permanent Citizens Advisory Council to the MTA neurialism: The Transformation in Urban 34 Cho Myung-rae, “The politics of urban nature restoration: (PCAC) mentioned that they too have difficulties in Queens; Governance in Late Capitalism." Human Geography 71, Dagen Bloom & Matthew Gordon Lasner (Princeton, NJ: the case of Cheonggyecheon restoration in Seoul, Korea.” Princeton University Press, 2016), 99-103. for example, the Queens Borough President has not yet no. 1 (1989), 3-17. International Development Planning Review. No. 32, Vol. 2 provided a volunteer board member to serve on the council to 27 Smothers, Ronald. "As Olympics Approach, Home- 5 NYC Census FactFinder, “Census Tract: Queens 25,” NYC (2010). 145-165. Department of City Planning. represent the Borough. less Are Not Feeling at Home in Atlanta." 35 Colin Marshall, “Story of cities, #50” The New York Times. June 30, 1996. Accessed November 6 Ballon, 101-103. 36 Ibid., 7 NYC Census FactFinder, “Census Tract: Queens 25,” NYC 3 The conclusions and recommendations in this paper are 28, 2017. 37 Cho, “The politics of urban nature restoration,” 152. based on both qualitative and quantitative research. 15 http://www.nytimes.com/1996/07/01/us/as-olympics- Department of City Planning. 38 Hou, “Making Public, Beyond Public Space,” 91-92. 8 Nas, “One Love” in Illmatic (1994; New York, NY: Colum- qualitative interviews were conducted with both residents approach-homeless- are-not- feeling-at- 39 Rachel Premack, “Koreans Have Mastered the Art of and politicians in Queens. Other recommendations are home-in- atlanta.html. bia Records), CD. the Protest,” Foreign Policy, December 2, 2016, accessed 9 NYPD CompStat Unit, “114th Precinct: CompStat Report based on demographic data and spatial analysis of Queens, 28 Garlock, Stephanie. "By 2011, Atlanta Had Demol- November 30, 2017. http://foreign policy.com/2016/12/02/ its residents, and access to public transit. Finally, research on ished All of Its Public Housing Projects. Covering the Week 5/15/17 -5/21/2017,” New York Police koreans-have-mastered-the-art-of-the-protest. Department. other implementations of toll pricing informed the conclu- Where Did All Those People Go?" CityLab. June 03, 40 Lee, and Anderson. “The Restored Cheonggyecheon,” 6. sions in this paper. 2014. Accessed December 07, 2017. 10 Edward G. Goetz, New Deal Ruins: Race, Economic 41 Shin Hyon-hee. “National divide deepens over THAAD.” Justice, and Public Housing Policy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell https://www.citylab.com/equity/2014/05/2011-atlanta- had- The Korea Herald, July 17, 2016. Accessed December 9, 2017. 4 Narua, Svati Kirsten. “The U.S Counties Where Racial demolished- all-its- public-housing- University Press, 2013). http://www.koreaherald.com/view.php?ud=20160717000242. 11 Nicholas Dagen Bloom, Public Housing That Worked: Diversity is Highest and Lowest.” The Atlantic. April 29th, projects-where- did-all- those-people- go/9044/. 42 Jean Chung, “The people of Seoul support the Arctic 30,” 2014. https://www.theatlantic.com/national/archive/2014/04/ 29 Gramsci, Antonio. Selections from the Prison notebooks. New York in the Twentieth Century (Philadelphia, PA: Greanpeace, 2013, accessed December 10, 2017. http://www. University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008). mapping-racial-diversity-by-county/361388/ Translated by Quintin Hoare and greenpeace.org/eastasia/multimedia/slideshows/climate- Geoffery Nowell. Smith. London: Lawrence & Wishart, 12 Derek Hyra, The New Urban Renewal: The Economic energy/seoul-support-arctic-30/ Transformation of Harlem and Bronzeville (Chicago, IL: 5 Interview with Professor Shyama Venkatsewar, Director of 1991. 43 Lee Seung-Ook, Kim Sook-Jin, and Joel Wainwright, “Mad Public Policy Program, Roosevelt House at Hunter College. University of Chicago Press, 2008), 106-108. cow militancy: Neoliberal hegemony and social resistance in 13 Will Fischer, “Public Housing Squeezed Between Higher Structural Injustice South Korea,” Political Geography, Volume 29, Issue 7, Sep- 6 Stringer, Scott M. “The Invisible Fare.: p. 10 1John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Utility Costs and Stagnant Funding,” Center on Budget and tember 2010, 359. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/ Policy Priorities, 2006. University Press, 1971), p. 7. article/pii/S096262981000140X. 7 However, Queens residents do benefit from the LIRR, and 2 Iris Marion Young, “Political Responsibility and Structural 14 Brad Stanhope, “Tenants Will Stay at Home as NYCHA’s 44 Lee et al., “Mad cow militancy,” 359. RAD Conversion Continues,” Novogradac & Company LLP, Bronx residents benefit from the Metro North. This graph Injustice,” University of Kansas, May 5, 2003, p. 8. 45 Ibid, 365. is therefore misleading, since even though a surplus goes to 3 Council of Economic Advisors, Economic Report of the April 6, 2018, https://www.novoco.com/periodicals/articles/ 46 Ibid. tenants-will-stay-home-nychas-rad-conversion-continues commuter rails, it is still assisting intercity travel. President (1964), 73. 47 Ibid. 4 James T. Patterson, America’s Struggle Against Poverty, 48 Ibid., 367. 8 Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Center for Economic Studies. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2000), 66. 49 Ibid., 368. Affordable Housing: 5 Ibid. 50 Choe Sang-hun, “South Korea Removes President Park 9 Chris Wong, Carto Maps 6 Ira Katznelson, When Affirmative Action Was White (New 1De Blasio, Bill. 2018. The Fairest Big City in America, State Geun-hye,” New York Times, March 9, 2017, accessed Decem- of the City Address in 2018. Retrieved: http://www1.nyc. York: W.W. Norton, 2005), 43. ber 9, 2017. https://www.nytimes.com/2017/03/09/world/asia/ 10 Maniace, Len. “In Queens, a Subway Too Far.” Planet NYC. 7 Ibid. gov/assets/home/downloads/pdf/press-releases/2018/SOTC- park-geun-hye-impeached-south-korea.html 2018-Book.pdf https://planetnyc.wordpress.com/2016/02/02/in-queens-a- 8 Patterson, 169. 51 Jennifer Williams, “The bizarre political scandal that just subway-too-far/ 9 Ibid. led to the impeachment of South Korea’s president,” Vox, 10 Ibid. 2 Bagli, Charles. New York Secures the Most Affordable March 9, 2017, accessed December 10, 2017, https://www.vox. Housing Units in 27 Years, New York Times. January 11, 11 “Public Hearing: Traffic Congestion and Mitigation in 11 bid., 242. com/world/2016/ 11/30/13775920/south-korea-president- the City of New York.” NYC Traffic Congestion Mitigation 12vYonatan Ben-Shalom et al., An Assessment of the Ef- 2017. Retrieved: https://www.nytimes.com/2017/01/11/nyre- park-geun-hye-impeached. gion/de-blasio-affordable-housing.html Commission. Hofstra University, Hempstead, NY. October fectiveness of Anti-Poverty Programs in the United States, 52 Williams, “The bizarre political scandal.” 4, 2007. National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper 53 Ibid. #17042, (2011), 37. 3 United States Census Bureau. 2014 New York City Housing 54Ibid. and Vacancy Survey - Series IIA: Vacant for Rent Housing 12 Van Gelder, Lawrence. “Medallion Limits Stem From the 13 Ibid. 55 Rachel Premack, “Koreans Have Mastered the Art of the 30’s.” The New York Times. May 11, 1986. 14 Patterson, 204. Units by Rent Regulation Status. Retrieved: https://www. Protest.” census.gov/housing/nychvs/data/2014/ser2a.html 15 Ben-Shalom et al, 8. 56 Choe Sang-hun. “South Korea Removes President Park 13 Madison Ave. Traffic As Property Menace.: The New York 16 Patterson, 237. Geun-hye.” 4 Ibid. Times. January 29, 1928. 17 Young, p. 19. 57 Agence France-Presse, “South Korea court says Park Geun-hye trial to continue, despite boycott by ex-president,” Cheonggyecheon: 5 Ibid. 14 Schaller, Bruce. “Unsustainable? The Growth of App-Based The South China Morning Post, November 28, 2017, accessed Ride Services and Traffic, Travel, and the Future of New York 1 Anthony Maniscalco, Public Spaces, Marketplaces, and December 9, 2017. http://www.scmp.com/news/asia/east-asia/ 6 Grabar, Henry (2015) Inside the Gamble That Could Make City.” Schaller Consulting, February 27, 2017. the Constitution: Shopping Malls and the First Amendment. article/2121926/south-korea-court-says-park-geun-hye-trial- (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 2015), 13-36 or Break Bill de Blasio: Can the Market Solve an Affordable continue-despite Housing Crisis? URL: https://nextcity.org/features/view/ 2 Jeffery Hou, “Making Public, Beyond Public Space,” in Beyond Zuccotti Park: Freedom of Assembly and the Occupa- new-york-city-affordable-rent-affordable-housing-de-blasio- tion of Public Space, edited by Ron Shiffman et al. (Oakland, alicia-glen URBAN REVIEW Back issues of the Urban Review can be found [email protected] online at www.hunteruap.org/guapa 695 Park Avenue West Building 1611 Learn more about the graduate program in New York, NY 10065 Urban Policy and Planning at Hunter College at P: 212-772-5518 www.hunteruap.org. F: 212-772-5593