A Concise History of Greece
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- 'O &p z La-rp«-n¡y r)~ ' A. ll amiyo~ d~ M7t'J¡.t7tÓ r.IT L-taav, 01tou -~ Sptu t -to l:Tpa't;"l) ye:¡ov rij~ '0¡;.6. o<; ¡;.tpapzLwv 1< . ~ 1-: ::: 1 \ :' Avno:tpo7tO pLxov 7tup o ~6 ).ov f. v Spáae: L. 4 'O :cfwOu ::- ou?yl~ 'A. J ( ,.p~?;~ 11ni -r,,ij 1<. l{!'lñ:li (lmoOt.v r.i ptanptX) Jl.a.! -rtoií ft: tt~pylou A. llM:ztoo (tia--<.rn(JÜt;, 3t~l&.). 5 l. Soldados griegos de permiso tras la for freedom. lnstitute 0( the Greek 3. El generalísimo Alex. Papagos en Papaconstantinou, The Battle of Greece campaña de Albania dan una cálida bien· Parliamen~Atenas , 2005. Bobostitsa, Cuartel General del grupo divi· 1940-1 94 1, Keramikos, Atenas, 1966. venida a los australianos en Atenas. 2. El Comandante General R. Scobi y el sional K. Th. Papaconstantinou, The Battle 5. El primer ministro A. Korizis con marzo 1941. Del libro 60 years alter the secretario general del EAM D. Partsalides of Greece 1940-1941 , Keramikos, K. Kotzias (detrás a la izquierda) y George end of World War 11: Greeks and (segundo por la izquierda). (Cortesía del Atenas, 1966. A. Vlahos (sin sombrero, derecha). Th. Australians in the common struggle IWM). 4. El rey jorge 11 desayunando sobre un Papaconstantinou, The Battle of Greece peñasco en Kleisoura, Th. 1940-1941 , Keramikos, Atenas, /966. POÚTICAS DE LA IMAGEN FOTOGRÁFICA ~ Fotografía y política: Grecia 1940-1944 Procopis Papastratis es catédrático de Historia de la Procopis Papastratis Panteion University de Atenas. Es autor de British policy towards Greece during the Second World War 1941-1944 (Cambridge University Press, /984; 2' edición, 2008). -
Annual-Report-2020.Pdf
LAPORAN TAHUNAN LAPORAN TAHUNAN 2020 ANNUAL REPORT 2020 ANNUAL REPORT ANNUAL Kantor Pusat Headquarters Jl. Rungkut Industri Raya No.18 Surabaya 60293, Indonesia Telephone: +62-31-8431-699 Tbk. PT HM SAMPOERNA Facsimile: +62-31-8430-986 Kantor Perwakilan di Jakarta Corporate Representative Office in Jakarta One Pacific Place, 18th Floor Sudirman Central Business District (SCBD) Jl. Jend. Sudirman Kav.52-53 Jakarta 12190, Indonesia PT HM SAMPOERNA Tbk. Telephone: +62-21-5151-234 Facsimile: +62-21-5152-234 Website: www.sampoerna.com 2020 Email: [email protected] LAPORAN TAHUNAN | ANNUAL REPORT LAPORAN TAHUNAN LAPORAN TAHUNAN LAPORAN TAHUNAN 2020 ANNUAL REPORT 2020 ANNUAL REPORT ANNUAL Kantor Pusat Headquarters Jl. Rungkut Industri Raya No.18 Surabaya 60293, Indonesia Telephone: +62-31-8431-699 PT HM S Facsimile: +62-31-8430-986 Kantor Perwakilan di Jakarta Corporate Representative Office in Jakarta AMPOERNA One Pacific Place, 18th Floor Sudirman Central Business District (SCBD) Jl. Jend. Sudirman Kav.52-53 Jakarta 12190, Indonesia Telephone: +62-21-5151-234 Tbk. Facsimile: +62-21-5152-234 Website: www.sampoerna.com Email: [email protected] 2020 LAPORAN TAHUNAN | ANNUAL REPORT Daftar Isi Contents Ikhtisar Highlights Sekilas Sampoerna 4 Sampoerna at a Glance Fakta-fakta Penting 2020 6 2020 Key Facts Ikhtisar Utama 2020 8 Key Highlights 2020 Kinerja Utama dan Ikhtisar Keuangan 14 Key Performance and Financial Highlights Ikhtisar Saham 15 Stock Highlights Penghargaan dan Sertifikasi 16 Awards and Certifications -
Britain and the Greek Civil War, 1944–1949 British Imperialism, Public Opinion and the Coming of the Cold War
Britain and the Greek Civil War, 1944–1949 British Imperialism, Public Opinion and the Coming of the Cold War JOHN SAKKAS Harrassowitz Verlag (Germany, 2013), 149 pp/28 illust. ISBN: 978-3-447-06718-8 The Greek civil war holds a significant place in the history of twentieth-century Europe for many reasons. Firstly, it was Europe’s bloodiest conflict in the second half of the 1940s; secondly, it marked a turning point in the Cold War; and lastly, it showed how Greece had become an ‘apple of discord’ for both American and Soviet involvement in Greek affairs which led to even more complexity in the country’s post-war politics. Yet despite its significance, only a limited number of studies have been carried out on the subject of this era. After the troubled period of the 1950s and 1960s, a time dominated by extreme conservatism, anti-communism and nationalist paroxysms, it was difficult to access material sources and this made it nearly impossible to conduct scholarly research, so that older politically-charged interpretations and accounts went mostly unchallenged. However, in the past two decades a new historiographical current has developed as regards the civil war in Greece and new evaluations and debates have emerged that shed fresh light on conventional supposition. Britain and the Greek Civil War, 1944–1949 draws upon the author’s doctoral dissertation and provides a welcome addition to studies on that period in Greek history. John Sakkas takes up a novel approach that does not focus solely on Greek politics, whether they are national or local, nor does it centre simply on British policy in Greece. -
Report from Greece
Reprinted fro~ THE AMERICAN Scuo~, Volume 119, Number 11, Summer, 1970 Copynght@ 1970 by the Umted Chapters of Phi Beta Kappa. REPORT FROM GREECE Under the Junta NICHOLAS GAGE and EUAS KULUKUNDIS The hold of Greece's military dictator arrested for insulting a representative of ship on the average Greek citizen might the regime, condemning the coup or other be compared to the effect of a choke col such offenses. But they have been held lar on a dog. The colonels hold the leash only briefly and then released. In one vil carefully-the repression, the controls are lage in the northwest corner of the coun there-but the leash is so long that it is try, for example, a merchant was arrested not felt until someone forgets and steps for calling the new junta-appointed mon too far, and is brought to the realization arch of the province a thief, in the heat of that the initiative for his actions is not his a debate with fellow villagers. He was own. arrested, imprisoned for a month and The regime has an unusually good sense then tried and acquitted. The purpose of of when to pull and when to give rein. such arrests is to cut off open criticism At the funeral of the late Premier George by making the threat of imprisonment Papandreou, the junta did not use its real in every village. People are made an full police power to scatter the huge example of, and then freed to create the crowd that had gathered. Had it done so, impression that the regime is not arbitrary it probably would have caused further and oppressive but capable of compas demonstrations that would have been sion and even justice. -
The European Parliament and Greece's Accession to the European Community
BRIEFING European Parliament History Series The European Parliament and Greece's accession to the European Community SUMMARY Enlargement of the European Communities (EC) to the south represented one of the most profound changes in European politics of the 1980s. It dramatically altered political, economic and social structures not only in the EC and the then Member States, but also in the three accession countries: Greece, Portugal and Spain. This year marks the 40th anniversary of Greece's accession to the European Communities (now Union). Greece became the tenth EC Member State in 1981, following its transformation from an authoritarian to a democratic system of government. Importantly, Greece’s EC accession was connected with the consolidation of the country’s emerging democratic system, starting with the transitional government under Prime Minister Konstantinos Karamanlis from July 1974 on. Although in the mid-1970s it was not formally involved in deciding on EC membership, the European Parliament saw itself politically obliged to discuss the major guidelines of EC accession and to assert the need for democratic conditions in Greece. Against this background, this Briefing looks at the democratisation process in Greece and the country's EC accession from the perspective of the European Parliament. First, it demonstrates that the Parliament demanded the fulfilment of fundamental democratic criteria before accepting any rapprochement between Greece and the Community. Resting on the basic understanding of democracy, the core demand was the holding of free and fair parliamentary elections. Second, it shows that, following the establishment of democratic structures, the European Parliament quickly developed relations with Greece, for example with the Greek Parliament in the form of a joint parliamentary committee. -
General Papagos and the Anglo-Greek Talks of February 1941 by JOHN S
General Papagos and the Anglo-Greek Talks of February 1941 by JOHN S. KOLIOPOULOS The Anglo-Greek talks of February 1941 are one of the most con- troversial issues in the historiography of World War II. The talks were held in Athens to discuss Britain's decision earlier in that month to help Greece against a possible German attack, and to agree on a line of defense which could be reasonably expected to check the enemy ad- vance. In addition to the strength of the forces required to hold the enemy and the allocation of these forces, the representatives of the two 'countries were obliged to take into account two important factors: (a) the attitude of Yugoslavia; and (b) the time factor. In accordance with the agreement reached late on February 22, the British would send to Greece, in addition to their air force units already operating in the country, five squadrons of aircraft and land forces equal to four divisions. The British troops would arrive in three installments, and would be deployed on a line to the west of Salonika, running from northwest to southeast along Mt. Vermion and Mt. Olympus, the "Aliakmon line," as it was called. The Greeks, on the other hand, would provide four additional divisions (thirty-five battalions) from Thrace and eastern Macedonia for the defense of the Aliakmon line, and one division in reserve at Larissa. By the same agreement, Anthony Eden, the British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, undertook to approach Yugoslavia in order to enlist its military cooperation with Britain and Greece. -
7. Political Development and Change
F. Yaprak Gursoy 1 Democracy and Dictatorship in Greece Research Question: From its independence in 1821 until 1974 democracy in Greece witnessed several different types of military interventions. In 1909, the military initiated a short-coup and quickly returned to its barracks, allowing democracy to function until the 1920s. During the 1920s, the armed forces intervened in politics frequently, without establishing any form of dictatorship. This trend has changed in 1936, when the Greek military set up an authoritarian regime that lasted until the Second World War. In 1967, again, the Generals established a dictatorship, only to be replaced by democracy in 1974. Since then, the Armed Forces in Greece do not intervene in politics, permitting democracy to be consolidated. What explains the different behaviors of the military in Greece and the consequent regime types? This is the central puzzle this paper will try to solve. Studying Greece is important for several reasons. First, this case highlights an often understudied phenomenon, namely military behavior. Second, analyzing Greece longitudinally is critical: military behavior varied within the country in time. What explains the divergent actions of the same institution in the same polity? Looking at Greece’s wider history will allow showing how the same coalitional partners and how continuous economic growth led to different outcomes in different circumstances and what those different circumstances were. Finally, studying the divergent behavior of the Greek military helps to understand democratic consolidation in this country. Even though Greece has a record of military interventions and unstable democracies, since 1974, it is considered to have a consolidated democracy. -
200Th Anniversary of the Greek War of Independence 1821-2021 18 1821-2021
Special Edition: 200th Anniversary of the Greek War of Independence 1821-2021 18 1821-2021 A publication of the Dean C. and Zoë S. Pappas Interdisciplinary March 2021 VOLUME 1 ISSUE NO. 3 Center for Hellenic Studies and the Friends of Hellenic Studies From the Director Dear Friends, On March 25, 1821, in the city of Kalamata in the southern Peloponnesos, the chieftains from the region of Mani convened the Messinian Senate of Kalamata to issue a revolutionary proclamation for “Liberty.” The commander Petrobey Mavromichalis then wrote the following appeal to the Americans: “Citizens of the United States of America!…Having formed the resolution to live or die for freedom, we are drawn toward you by a just sympathy; since it is in your land that Liberty has fixed her abode, and by you that she is prized as by our fathers.” He added, “It is for you, citizens of America, to crown this glory, in aiding us to purge Greece from the barbarians, who for four hundred years have polluted the soil.” The Greek revolutionaries understood themselves as part of a universal struggle for freedom. It is this universal struggle for freedom that the Pappas Center for Hellenic Studies and Stockton University raises up and celebrates on the occasion of the 200th anniversary of the beginning of the Greek Revolution in 1821. The Pappas Center IN THIS ISSUE for Hellenic Studies and the Friends of Hellenic Studies have prepared this Special Edition of the Hellenic Voice for you to enjoy. In this Special Edition, we feature the Pappas Center exhibition, The Greek Pg. -
Transcript of “The Greeks: Crucible of Civilization” Episode One: “The Birth of Democracy”
Transcript of “The Greeks: Crucible of Civilization” Episode One: “The Birth of Democracy” Transcript of PBS Video - The Greeks: Crucible of Civilization Part 1 – The Birth of Democracy 0:00 – Series Introduction: The Significance of the Greeks The Greeks. A people glorious and arrogant, valiant and headstrong. These were the men and women who laid the very foundations of Western Civilization. Their monuments still recall perhaps the most extraordinary two centuries in history, a time that saw the birth of science and politics, philosophy, literature and drama. [A time that] saw the creation of art and architecture we still strive to equal. And the Greeks achieved all this against a backdrop of war and conflict, for they would vanquish armies, navies, and empires many times their size, and build an empire of their own which stretched across the Mediterranean. For one brief moment, the mighty warships of the Greeks ruled the seas, their prosperity unequalled. These achievements, achievements which still shape our world, were made not by figures lost to time, but by men and women whose voices we can still hear, whose lives we can follow, men such as Themistocles, one of the world’s greatest military generals; Pericles, a politician of vision and genius; and Socrates, the most famous philosopher in history. This is the story of these astonishing individuals, of the rise and fall of a civilization that changed the world. 2:35 – Episode Introduction: The Revolution 508 BC. Five centuries before the birth of Christ. In a town called Athens, a tiny city in mainland Greece, pandemonium ruled the streets. -
Signalling Virtue, Promoting Harm: Unhealthy Commodity Industries and COVID-19
SIGNALLING VIRTUE, PROMOTING HARM Unhealthy commodity industries and COVID-19 Acknowledgements This report was written by Jeff Collin, Global Health Policy Unit, University of Edinburgh, SPECTRUM; Rob Ralston, Global Health Policy Unit, University of Edinburgh, SPECTRUM; Sarah Hill, Global Health Policy Unit, University of Edinburgh, SPECTRUM; Lucinda Westerman, NCD Alliance. NCD Alliance and SPECTRUM wish to thank the many individuals and organisations who generously contributed to the crowdsourcing initiative on which this report is based. The authors wish to thank the following individuals for contributions to the report and project: Claire Leppold, Rachel Barry, Katie Dain, Nina Renshaw and those who contributed testimonies to the report, including those who wish to remain anonymous. Editorial coordination: Jimena Márquez Design, layout, illustrations and infographics: Mar Nieto © 2020 NCD Alliance, SPECTRUM Published by the NCD Alliance & SPECTRUM Suggested citation Collin J; Ralston R; Hill SE, Westerman L (2020) Signalling Virtue, Promoting Harm: Unhealthy commodity industries and COVID-19. NCD Alliance, SPECTRUM Table of contents Executive Summary 4 INTRODUCTION 6 Our approach to mapping industry responses 7 Using this report 9 CHAPTER I ADAPTING MARKETING AND PROMOTIONS TO LEVERAGE THE PANDEMIC 11 1. Putting a halo on unhealthy commodities: Appropriating front line workers 11 2. ‘Combatting the pandemic’ via marketing and promotions 13 3. Selling social distancing, commodifying PPE 14 4. Accelerating digitalisation, increasing availability 15 CHAPTER II CORPORATE SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY AND PHILANTHROPY 18 1. Supporting communities to protect core interests 18 2. Addressing shortages and health systems strengthening 19 3. Corporate philanthropy and COVID-19 funds 21 4. Creating “solutions”, shaping the agenda 22 CHAPTER III PURSUING PARTNERSHIPS, COVETING COLLABORATION 23 1. -
John S. Koliopoulos Unwanted Ally: Greece and the Great
JOHN S. KOLIOPOULOS UNWANTED ALLY: GREECE AND THE GREAT POWERS, 1939-1941 Greece’s international position and national security, from the spring of 1939 when the Axis powers initiated a policy of outright conquest in Europe until the German invasion of the country two years later, have, until recently, been examined mainly from the point of view of contemporary official Greek policy, leading thus to the development of a semi - official Greek historiography1. Most of the governing as sumptions and premises of this historiography grew out of both war time rhetoric and the post - war requirements of Greek policy, to be come in time axiomatic. Some of these assumptions and premises are: a) that Greece followed, before the' Italian attack, a neutral policy towards the great European powers; b) that the Italian attack was unprovoked ; c ) that Anglo - Greek cooperation was subsequent — and consequent — to the Italian attack ; d ) that the Greek Government, although resolved to resist a German attack, did everything to avoid it, and e) that the German invasion was unprovoked and undertaken to rescue the defeated Italians in Albania. In this paper I propose to examine these assumptions in the light of evidence newly made avail able, and see particularly whether Greece followed a really neutral policy until the Italian attack, and whether the Greco - Italian war was, until Germany decided to intervene and extinguish the poten tially dangerous conflict in the Balkans, more than a local war loosely connected with the strategical interests of Britain and Germany. Greece’s foreign relations before World War II were first put to the test in April 1939, on the occasion of the Italian occupation of Al bania. -
Directory of Fire Safe Certified Cigarette Brand Styles Updated 11/20/09
Directory of Fire Safe Certified Cigarette Brand Styles Updated 11/20/09 Beginning August 1, 2008, only the cigarette brands and styles listed below are allowed to be imported, stamped and/or sold in the State of Alaska. Per AS 18.74, these brands must be marked as fire safe on the packaging. The brand styles listed below have been certified as fire safe by the State Fire Marshall, bear the "FSC" marking. There is an exception to these requirements. The new fire safe law allows for the sale of cigarettes that are not fire safe and do not have the "FSC" marking as long as they were stamped and in the State of Alaska before August 1, 2008 and found on the "Directory of MSA Compliant Cigarette & RYO Brands." Filter/ Non- Brand Style Length Circ. Filter Pkg. Descr. Manufacturer 1839 Full Flavor 82.7 24.60 Filter Hard Pack U.S. Flue-Cured Tobacco Growers, Inc. 1839 Full Flavor 97 24.60 Filter Hard Pack U.S. Flue-Cured Tobacco Growers, Inc. 1839 Full Flavor 83 24.60 Non-Filter Soft Pack U.S. Flue-Cured Tobacco Growers, Inc. 1839 Light 83 24.40 Filter Hard Pack U.S. Flue-Cured Tobacco Growers, Inc. 1839 Light 97 24.50 Filter Hard Pack U.S. Flue-Cured Tobacco Growers, Inc. 1839 Menthol 97 24.50 Filter Hard Pack U.S. Flue-Cured Tobacco Growers, Inc. 1839 Menthol 83 24.60 Filter Hard Pack U.S. Flue-Cured Tobacco Growers, Inc. 1839 Menthol Light 83 24.50 Filter Hard Pack U.S.