DOCSLIB.ORG

How Political Parties Reacted and Adapted During Democratic Transitions in Cambodia, El Salvador and Mozambique

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
How Political Parties Reacted and Adapted During Democratic Transitions in Cambodia, El Salvador and Mozambique Wright State University CORE Scholar Browse all Theses and Dissertations Theses and Dissertations 2013 Political Party Transitions in Post-Conflict States: How oliticalP Parties Reacted and Adapted During Democratic Transitions in Cambodia, El Salvador and Mozambique Rachel L. Miller Wright State University Follow this and additional works at: https://corescholar.libraries.wright.edu/etd_all Part of the International Relations Commons Repository Citation Miller, Rachel L., "Political Party Transitions in Post-Conflict States: How oliticalP Parties Reacted and Adapted During Democratic Transitions in Cambodia, El Salvador and Mozambique" (2013). Browse all Theses and Dissertations. 674. https://corescholar.libraries.wright.edu/etd_all/674 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses and Dissertations at CORE Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Browse all Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of CORE Scholar. For more information, please contact [email protected]. POLITICAL PARTY TRANSITIONS IN POST-CONFLICT STATES: HOW POLITICAL PARTIES REACTED AND ADAPTED DURING DEMOCRATIC TRANSITIONS IN CAMBODIA, EL SALVADOR AND MOZAMBIQUE A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts By RACHEL L. MILLER History B.A., Xavier University, 2006 2012 Wright State University WRIGHT STATE UNIVERSITY GRADUATE SCHOOL December 12, 2012 I HEREBY RECOMMEND THAT THE THESIS PREPARED UNDER MY SUPERVISION BY Rachel L. Miller ENTITLED Political Party Transitions in Post-Conflict States: How Political Parties Reacted and Adapted During Democratic Transitions in Cambodia, El Salvador and Mozambique BE ACCEPTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF Master of Arts. ______________________________ December Green, Ph.D. Thesis Director ______________________________ Laura M. Luehrmann, Ph.D. Director, Master of Arts Program in International and Comparative Politics Committee on Final Examination: ___________________________________ December Green, Ph.D. Department of Political Science ___________________________________ Laura M. Luehrmann, Ph.D. Department of Political Science ___________________________________ Pramod Kantha, Ph.D. Department of Political Science ___________________________________ Andrew T. Hsu, Ph.D. Dean, Graduate School ABSTRACT Miller, Rachel L. M.A., Department of Political Science, Wright State University, 2012. “Political Party Transitions in Post-Conflict States: How Political Parties Reacted and Adapted During Democratic Transitions in Cambodia, El Salvador and Mozambique.” This study argues that political parties in the post-conflict period are adaptable to and capable of changing roles as states transition to peacetime settings. In the aftermath of war in El Salvador, Cambodia and Mozambique and during a democratic transition, changes in political party structures and attitudes, and the influence of external actors emerged as significant factors in the way political parties adapted. National and international political contexts, ideological differences and war time political party origins played a part in incumbent and insurgent political parties’ behaviors and electoral successes in the aftermath of war, which has ultimately affected the democratic transition, in some cases undermining. This study demonstrates the nuance of democratic transition, how each individual case is unique and the importance of internal actors during the transition period and after. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..iii TABLE OF CONTENTS……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..iv LIST OF TABLES………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………v LIST OF ACRONYMS……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….vii I. INTRODUCTION……………………………………………………………………………………………………………1 Political Party Definitions……………………………………………………………………………………………..3 II. LITERATURE REVIEW.......................................................................................................6 The Desire to Democratize……………………………………………………………………………………………6 Changes in Party Structure and Attitude………………………………………………………………………10 Influence of External Actors…………………………………………………………………………………………13 III. THE DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION……………………………………………………………………………………17 Overview of Conflicts, Peace Processes, and Political Liberalization…………………………….18 Free and Fair Elections………………………………………………………………………………………………….29 Party Performance in Elections……………………………………………………………………………………..32 Elections and Democratic Theory………………………………………………………………………………….40 Public Support for Democracy……………………………………………………………………………………….42 Democratic Transitions and Party Changes……………………………………………………………………48 IV. PARTY STRUCTURAL AND ATTITUDE CHANGES…………………………………………………………..49 Demobilization………………………………………………………………………………………………………………51 Development of Party Organization and Democratization of Decision-Making…………….60 Adaptation of Strategies and Goals……………………………………………………………………………….69 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….71 V. ANALYSIS AND CONCLUSIONS……………………………………………………………………………………..74 Successes and Failures in the Transition………………………………………………………………………..75 Successes and Failures in Consolidation…………………………………………………………………………90 Impact of This Study and What it Means Going Forward……………………………………………….92 REFERENCES……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..95 iv LIST OF TABLES Page Table 3.1: Mozambican Presidential and Parliamentary Election Results, 1994-2009………………………34 Table 3.2: Salvadoran Parliamentary Election Results, 1994-2009……………………………………………………35 Table 3.3: Salvadoran Presidential Election Results, 1994-2009……………………………………………………….36 Table 3.4: National Assembly Seats (Lower House) in Cambodia, 1993-2008……………………………………40 Table 3.5: Mozambican Public Opinion on Civil Liberties………………………………………………………………….42 Table 5.6: A Comparison of Gross Domestic Product, Gross Domestic Product Per Capita and the Human Development Index…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..80 Table 5.7: Freedom House Rankings: Cambodia………………………………………………………………………………..82 Table 5.8: Freedom House Rankings: El Salvador……………………………………………………………………………….82 Table 5.9: Freedom House Rankings: Mozambique…………………………………………………………………………..82 v ACRONYMS ARENA—National Republican Alliance CPK—Cambodia’s Communist Party CPP—Cambodian Peoples’ Party DK—Democratic Kampuchea FMLN—Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front FRELIMO—The Liberation Front of Mozambique FUNCINPEC—National United Front for an Independent, Neutral, Peaceful, and Cooperative Cambodia GPA—General Peace Agreement ONUMOZ—United Nations Operation in Mozambique ONUSAL—United Nations Obeserver Mission in El Salvador PPA—Paris Peace Agreement PRK—People’s Republic of Kampuchea RENAMO—Mozambican National Resistance SRP—Sam Rainsy Party UNTAC—United Nations Transnational Authority on Cambodia vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis would not have been completed without the guidance and insight of my committee chair Dr. December Green. Thank you, Dr. Green, for your instrumental direction and help with this thesis. Thank you also to Dr. Laura Luehrmann and Dr. Pramod Kantha for your insights and assistance as members of my thesis committee. To my fiancé Matt, thank you for always having faith in me and giving me a push when I needed it. You were always motivating me to work harder and I appreciate the many hours you spent with me at Panera while I wrote away weekend mornings. Thank you also to my family for their continued support while I worked on this thesis. Mom, Dad, and Hannah your constant love and support as I went through this process were a true motivational force. vii Chapter I: Introduction The end of civil conflict ushers in a period that is often unstable and always uncertain. During the time following the conflict, the function of previously warring parties and their changing role in a peacetime government is crucial to developing the new political landscape. The parties must restructure themselves, adapt to a new political landscape, and promote themselves to earn mass appeal without the aid of arms. The difficulty in the task of establishing a functioning and legitimate peacetime party is evident in the lack of success most parties emerging from conflict have in accomplishing this undertaking. Political parties in the countries of El Salvador, Mozambique, and Cambodia are familiar with this process. All three of these countries have emerged from long periods of civil conflict in the late 1980s and early 1990s, and the warring parties in each have had to adapt to the peacetime political landscape. The National Republican Alliance (ARENA) and the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) in El Salvador, the Mozambican National Resistance (Renamo) and the Liberation Front of Mozambique (Frelimo) in Mozambique, and the Cambodian Peoples’ Party (CPP) and National United Front for an Independent, Neutral, Peaceful, and Cooperative Cambodia (FUNCINPEC) of Cambodia are all parties that have emerged from their respective civil conflicts; and, perhaps surprisingly, have remained important members of the political landscape afterwards. This thesis is a case study of the above mentioned political parties in El Salvador, Mozambique, and Cambodia during the timeframe of their transitions from countries dealing with civil conflicts through the resolution. This study’s timeframe also includes the aftermath of the respective conflicts. The purpose of the study
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Core Document Forming Part of the Reports of States Parties El Salvador
    United Nations HRI/CORE/SLV/2011 International Human Rights Distr.: General 12 November 2012 Instruments English Original: Spanish Core document forming part of the reports of States parties El Salvador* [5 January 2011] * In accordance with the information transmitted to States parties regarding the processing of their reports, the present document was not edited before being sent to the United Nations translation services. GE.12-47562 (EXT) HRI/CORE/SLV/2011 Contents Paragraphs Page I. General information about the reporting State ........................................................ 1–136 3 A. Demographic, economic, social and cultural characteristics of the State ....... 1–54 3 B. Constitutional, political and legal structure of the State ................................. 55–136 15 II. General framework for the protection and promotion of human rights................... 137–223 34 A. Acceptance of international human rights norms............................................ 137–140 34 B. Legal framework for the protection of human rights at national level............ 141–174 38 C. Framework within which human rights are promoted at national level.......... 175–212 43 D. Reporting process at national level................................................................. 213–223 49 III. Information on non-discrimination and equality and effective remedies................ 224–247 50 A. Non-discrimination and equality..................................................................... 224–232 50 B. Effective remedies .........................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • El Salvador: Political, Economic, and Social Conditions and U.S
    El Salvador: Political, Economic, and Social Conditions and U.S. Relations Clare Ribando Seelke Specialist in Latin American Affairs January 3, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21655 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress El Salvador: Political, Economic, and Social Conditions and U.S. Relations Summary Throughout the last few decades, the United States has maintained a strong interest in El Salvador, a small Central American country with a population of 7.2 million. During the 1980s, El Salvador was the largest recipient of U.S. aid in Latin America as its government struggled against the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN) insurgency during a 12-year civil war. A peace accord negotiated in 1992 brought the war to an end and formally assimilated the FMLN into the political process as a political party. After the peace accords were signed, U.S. involvement shifted toward helping the government rebuild democracy and implement market- friendly economic reforms. Mauricio Funes of the FMLN was inaugurated to a five-year presidential term in June 2009. Funes won a close election in March 2009, marking the first FMLN presidential victory and the first transfer in political power between parties since the end of El Salvador’s civil war. Funes’ victory followed strong showings by the FMLN in the January 2009 municipal and legislative elections, in which the party won a plurality of the seats in the National Assembly and the largest share of the municipal vote. President Funes still has relatively high approval ratings (69% in November 2010), but faces a number of political, economic, and social challenges.
    [Show full text]
  • NSIAD-91-166 El Salvador: Military Assistance Has Helped Counter But
    ll~liftvl St.at,ths (;thnt*ral At~t~ollrll,irrb~~fi~e ___ “.-- -.__II..,“-1- __..I ._ ..” _^“_l_ __“”..__ _,. ._. .._... ,”.. *“, 11- -_-_._.... __-. --.-----l_-..-.--- -_--_---- Report, t,o the I-IorWY~able GAO Kd ward M. Kcmr~ody, IJ .S. Stmde .l__l-l” _-_1 “--m-“1.. April I!)91 EL SALVADOR Military Assistance Has Helped Counter but Not Overcome the Insurgency -.-“_(- _.~ ._-. _.- _-.l___l_^-__l_-__ - -... -“----p--m- -.-.-- --- National Security and International Affairs Division B-242216 April 23,199l The Honorable Edward M. Kennedy United States Senate Dear Senator Kennedy: In responseto your request, this report describeswhat impact U.S. military assistanceto El Salvador has had on that country’s ability to counter insurgent forces, how the assistance has changed that country’s military capabilities, and how the assistancehas attempted to instill and support respect for democracy and human rights. Unless you release its contents earlier, we plan no further distribution of this report until 30 days from its issue date. At that time, we will send copies of the report to appropriate congressional committees and the Secretariesof Defenseand State. Major contributors to this report are listed in appendix I. If you have any questions, please call me on (202) 2754128. Sincerely yours, Joseph E. Kelley Director, Security and International Relations Issues l3xecutive Swnmary Since 1980, the United States has provided over $1 billion in military aid Purpose to El Salvador to assist the government in its fight against an insur- gency. Senator Edward M. Kennedy requested that GAO review the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Chronicle of Parliamentary Elections 2008 Elections Parliamentary of Chronicle Chronicle of Parliamentary Elections Volume 42
    Couverture_Ang:Mise en page 1 22.04.09 17:27 Page1 Print ISSN: 1994-0963 Electronic ISSN: 1994-098X INTER-PARLIAMENTARY UNION CHRONICLE OF PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 2008 CHRONICLE OF PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS VOLUME 42 Published annually in English and French since 1967, the Chronicle of Parliamen tary Elections reports on all national legislative elections held throughout the world during a given year. It includes information on the electoral system, the background and outcome of each election as well as statistics on the results, distribution of votes and distribution of seats according to political group, sex and age. The information contained in the Chronicle can also be found in the IPU’s database on national parliaments, PARLINE. PARLINE is accessible on the IPU web site (http://www.ipu.org) and is continually updated. Inter-Parliamentary Union VOLUME 42 5, chemin du Pommier Case postale 330 CH-1218 Le Grand-Saconnex Geneva – Switzerland Tel.: +41 22 919 41 50 Fax: +41 22 919 41 60 2008 E-mail: [email protected] Internet: http://www.ipu.org 2008 Chronicle of Parliamentary Elections VOLUME 42 1 January - 31 December 2008 © Inter-Parliamentary Union 2009 Print ISSN: 1994-0963 Electronic ISSN: 1994-098X Photo credits Front cover: Photo AFP/Pascal Pavani Back cover: Photo AFP/Tugela Ridley Inter-Parliamentary Union Office of the Permanent Observer of 5, chemin du Pommier the IPU to the United Nations Case postale 330 220 East 42nd Street CH-1218 Le Grand-Saconnex Suite 3002 Geneva — Switzerland New York, N.Y. 10017 USA Tel.: + 41 22 919
    [Show full text]
  • Perestroika and the Politics of the Revolutionary Left in Latin America
    University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014 1-1-1991 Perestroika and the politics of the revolutionary left in Latin America. Stephen R. Pelletier University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_1 Recommended Citation Pelletier, Stephen R., "Perestroika and the politics of the revolutionary left in Latin America." (1991). Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014. 1811. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_1/1811 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014 by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ummoo/ MwlntHbl ,, '»'‘‘*«'? ?-:ranSiI.Jh*„,*' 312Dbb D2T6 ] UNIVERSITY LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF MASSACHUSETTS LIBRARY AT AMHERST ARCHIVES LD 3234 M267 1991 P3885 BDDDDDDDaaDDaaDDDDDDDDODDDDD PERESTROIKA AND THE POLITICS OF THE REVOLUTIONARY LEFT IN LATIN AMERICA A Dissertation Presented by STEPHEN R. PELLETIER Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY September 1991 Department of Political Science Copyright by Stephen Raymond Pelletier 1991 All Rights Reserved PERESTROIKA AND THE POLITICS OF THE REVOLUTIONARY LEFT IN LATIN AMERICA A Dissertation Presented by STEPHEN R. PELLETIER Approved as to style and content by: Howard J. Wiarda, Chair , ABSTRACT PERESTROIKA AND THE POLITICS OF THE REVOLUTIONARY LEFT IN LATIN AMERICA SEPTEMBER 1991 STEPHEN R. PELLETIER, B.A., MARQUETTE UNIVERSITY Ph . D . , UNIVERSITY OF MASSACHUSETTS Directed by: Professor Howard Wiarda The purpose of this dissertation is to examine the impact of Soviet perestroika and foreign policy "new thinking" on the Revolutionary Left in Cuba, Nicaragua and El Salvador.
    [Show full text]
  • Cambodia's Transition to Hegemonic Authoritarianism
    Cambodia's Transition to Hegemonic Authoritarianism Author Morgenbesser, Lee Published 2019 Journal Title Journal of Democracy Version Version of Record (VoR) DOI https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2019.0012 Copyright Statement © 2019 National Endowment for Democracy and The Johns Hopkins University Press. This article first appeared in Journal of Democracy, Volume 30, Number 1, January 2019, pp. 158-171. Reprinted with permission by The Johns Hopkins University Press. Downloaded from http://hdl.handle.net/10072/386016 Griffith Research Online https://research-repository.griffith.edu.au CAMBODIA’S TRANSITION TO HEGEMONIC AUTHORITARIANISM Lee Morgenbesser Lee Morgenbesser is a lecturer in comparative politics at the School of Government and International Relations of Australia’s Griffith Uni- versity. He is the author of Behind the Façade: Elections Under Au- thoritarianism in Southeast Asia (2016). Tragedy runs like a thread through the history of Cambodian politics. Since 1953, when the country gained its independence from France, it has endured four coups, three foreign invasions, one civil war, and a cataclysmic genocide carried out by the Communist Party of Kam- puchea (better known as the Khmer Rouge) between 1975 and 1979. Authoritarian rule has been a reliable accompaniment to this massive suffering—the genocide is thought to have killed as much as a quarter of the population—and unfair elections have in turn been a reliable ac- companiment to authoritarianism. Monarchs, military juntas, personal- ist dictators, and dominant parties have all repeatedly used such bogus elections to prolong their time in power. For eighteen months in 1992 and 1993, the United Nations intervened directly.
    [Show full text]
  • EU EOM Report on El Salvador Parliamentary and Municipal
    333333 European Commission EL SALVADOR Election Observation Mission FINAL REPORT January – March 2018 This project is funded by the European Union EUROPEAN UNION ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION EL SALVADOR, Legislative and Municipal Elections, 4 March 2018 TaBle of Contents I. Executive Summary and Priority Recommendations...................................................................1 II. Introduction...............................................................................................................................4 III. Political Context .........................................................................................................................4 IV. Implementation of Previous EOM Recommendations ................................................................5 V. Legal Framework .......................................................................................................................6 A. International Principles and Commitments ........................................................................... 6 B. Constitutional Human Rights ................................................................................................ 7 C. Electoral Legislation .............................................................................................................. 7 D. Election System and Constituency Delimitation .................................................................... 8 VI. Election Administration..............................................................................................................9
    [Show full text]
  • Part II Current Condition and Prospects
    Part II Current Condition and Prospects Chapter 1 Overview of Present State of Cambodia Part II Chapter 1 Section 1. Politics Section 1. Politics Yukio IMAGAWA 1. Good governance about 20 years. Although the peace process had many problems, it constituted the basis for the present politi- This paper deals with the state and problems of cal situation. In the following sections, the peace pro- Cambodia’s politics as a prelude to the discussion of cess, and then developments in Cambodia’s internal af- “good governance,” a key issue in development assis- fairs and its external relations in recent years after peace tance to that war-ravaged country. However, it is first was established are reviewed. necessary to look briefly at what “good governance” is from the viewpoint of politics. 2. The Cambodian peace process Although “good governance” is not necessarily syn- onymous with “good government,” it can be simply de- Cambodia once enjoyed peace under the policy of fined as “good governing by good government.” “Good neutrality promulgated by Prince Norodom Sihanouk, government” is often said to be tantamount to “cheap who was adored by the people as the father of indepen- government” or “small government” in terms of reduc- dence. But after March 1970, when Lieutenant General ing the financial burden on the public. But this is only Lon Nol overthrew Prince Sihanouk in a coup d’état, one aspect of good government. What matters most is Cambodia was turned into a killing field during a civil that good governance is conducted by a democratic gov- war that lasted about 20 years.
    [Show full text]
  • El Salvador: Political and Economic Conditions and U.S
    El Salvador: Political and Economic Conditions and U.S. Relations Clare Ribando Seelke Specialist in Latin American Affairs August 13, 2012 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21655 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress El Salvador: Political and Economic Conditions and U.S. Relations Summary The United States has maintained a strong interest in developments in El Salvador, a small Central American country with a population of 6 million. During the 1980s, El Salvador was the largest recipient of U.S. aid in Latin America as its government struggled against the leftist Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN) insurgency during a 12-year civil war. A peace accord negotiated in 1992 brought the war to an end and formally assimilated the FMLN into the political process as a political party. After the peace accords were signed, U.S. involvement shifted toward helping successive Nationalist Republican Alliance (ARENA) governments rebuild democracy and implement market-friendly economic reforms. In March 2009, Mauricio Funes, a former television journalist and the first FMLN presidential candidate without a guerilla past, defeated Rodrigo Ávila of the conservative ARENA party for a five-year presidential term. His inauguration marked the end of more than 20 years of ARENA rule and the first transfer of political power between parties since the end of El Salvador’s civil war. Funes’ victory followed strong showings by the FMLN in the January 2009 legislative elections. During the first half of his term, President Funes generally pursued moderate policies that enabled him to form cross-party coalitions in the National Assembly, but which caused periodic friction between him and more radical members of his party.
    [Show full text]
  • Reflections on the Presidential Elections in El Salvador by Harriet Mullaney
    Reflections on the Presidential Elections in El Salvador By Harriet Mullaney In March I participated in an international election observer mission organized by El Centro de Intercambio y Solidaridad (CIS) in El Salvador. Our goal was to "provide objective observation…in order to strengthen the democratic process and accompany the Salvadoran people in their efforts to consolidate their democracy and uphold respect for the will of the Salvadoran people". I came away from the experience very conflicted. It was incredibly heartening to witness democracy burgeoning in a country where civil war waged from 1980-1992. People came to the polls in record numbers to exercise their franchise in an orderly manner. While the structure of the various electoral authorities was overly complex, my group was able to establish a good working relationship and, on the whole, came away from the experience feeling that we had accomplished our goal-at one level. Voter Lists It was also a discouraging experience because, at its heart, the electoral process was not truly fair, open and transparent. The campaign was marred by serious intimidation, fear mongering, prohibited propaganda, slander and insults, violence, accusations of vote buying, and blatant violations of the Electoral Code. In the week leading up to the election, we heard numerous reports of employers threatening to terminate employees who did not vote for ARENA. On voting day, we were presented with numerous complaints of vote buying. We split into two groups and went to the sites of the alleged activity but, of course, saw nothing. (It was rumored that the price of a vote was $10.
    [Show full text]
  • Elections in Cambodia July 28 National Assembly Elections
    Elections in Cambodia July 28 National Assembly Elections Frequently Asked Questions Europe and Asia International Foundation for Electoral Systems 1850 K Street, NW | Fifth Floor | Washington, D.C. 20006 | www.IFES.org July 17, 2013 Frequently Asked Questions When is Election Day and who are citizens voting for? ................................................................................ 3 Who can be a candidate in Cambodia? ........................................................................................................ 3 What are the rules on campaigning? ............................................................................................................ 3 Who can vote in Cambodia? ......................................................................................................................... 3 How was voter registration conducted? ....................................................................................................... 3 What is the structure of the government? ................................................................................................... 3 Are there reserved seats for women? What is the gender balance within the candidate list? ................... 4 What is the election management body? What are its powers? ................................................................. 4 How many polling stations are set up on Election Day? ............................................................................... 4 How were polling stations allocated to voters? ..........................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Cambodia Parliamentary Elections, 27 July 2008
    PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN CAMBODIA ELECTION OBSERVATION DELEGATION 24 – 29 July 2008 Report by Mr. Glyn Ford Chairman of the Delegation Annexes: A. List of participants B. Programme C. Press release by EU Election Observation Mission (29 July 2008) D. Preliminary statement of the EU Election Observation Mission (29 July 2008) E. Official election results 1 Introduction Following an invitation from the Royal Government of Cambodia, the Conference of Presidents decided at its meeting on 12 June 2008 to authorise the sending of a delegation of the European Parliament to observe the Cambodian National Assembly elections, which took place on 27 July 2008. The delegation was composed of seven Members appointed by the political groups in accordance with the rolling d'Hondt system (the list of participants is annexed to this report). As is usual, the European Parliament's delegation was fully integrated into the European Union Election Observation Mission (EU EOM), which was led by Mr Martin Callanan, MEP. This EOM opened its offices in Phnom Penh on 13 June 2008 and 44 long-term observers were deployed a week later in all 20 provinces and 4 municipalities, thus covering the 24 constituencies. On Election Day, some 130 EU observers were deployed throughout the country. The 2008 National Assembly elections were the fourth multi-party elections since the signing of the peace agreement in 1991. The previous elections in 2003 were also observed by a delegation of the European Parliament and Mr Glyn Ford was the Chairman on that occasion, too. A number of preparatory meetings took place in Brussels and Strasbourg before the EP delegation left, during which Members had the opportunity to examine the political situation in the country and decide on the most appropriate deployment plan.
    [Show full text]