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The Politics of Writing 'Democratic' Narratives in Zimbabwe
Different narration, same history: The politics of writing ‘democratic’ narratives in Zimbabwe Walter Kudzai Barure & Irikidzayi Manase Different narration, same history: The politics of writing ‘democratic’ narratives in Zimbabwe Over the past five decades, Zimbabwe’s political trajectories were characterised by a historiographic revision and deconstruction that revealed varying ideological perceptions and positions of political actors. This article reconsiders the current shifts in the Zimbabwean historiography and focuses on the politics of positioning the self in the national narrative. The article analyses three Zimbabwean political autobiographies written by political actors from the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), particularly Michael Auret’s From Liberator to Dictator: An Insider’s Account of Robert Mugabe’s Descent into Tyranny (2009), Morgan Tsvangirai’s At the Deep End (2011), and David Coltart’s The Struggle Continues: 50 Years of Tyranny in Zimbabwe (2016). It also discusses how writing in Zimbabwe is a contested terrain that is bifurcated between oppositional and dominant imaginaries of politics, the revolutionary tradition, and past performances of power. Keywords: history, narratives, oppositional and dominant imaginaries, political autobiographies, Zimbabwe. Introduction This article considers how oppositional narratives answer back to patriotic narratives’ denigration of opposition and civic discourses, and their exclusion of the citizenship of minorities such as white Zimbabweans. Zimbabwe- an letters have witnessed the rise of a body of writings, produced by the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and other political and human rights actors, termed ‘democratic’ narratives, which contest patri- otic narratives that were constructed using a singular version of history (see Ranger who defines patriotic history as a monolithic version of history that supports the performance of power by ZANU-PF political actors). -
Dismantling the System of Mugabeism
Dismantling The System Of Mugabeism All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means electronic or mechanical including photocopy, recording or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the author. ISBN 978-3-00-059482-3 First Edition © 2018 1 Dismantling The System Of Mugabeism Dedication. To my fellow Zimbabweans, we defeated Mugabe the person but Mugabeism is still intact. We must dismantle this system and bring total democratization of our country Zimbabwe. My children Lilly, Tanaka and Nkosilathi,Jr you don’t deserve to grow up in such a collapsed country which is now a shadow of itself. This is the little contribution I can make towards challenging a regime which is putting your future at stake. ‘This is the history of a failure’ (Che Guevara, The African Dream) 2 Dismantling The System Of Mugabeism Foreword. I feel refreshed and motivated to write this book in this new-old political dispensation. New in the sense that, this is the first time ever since I was born to see this country having another President who is not Robert Gabriel Mugabe and old in the sense that those who are now in power are the same people who have been in charge of this country for the past four decades working alongside Mugabe. Yes Mugabe has gone but the system he created is still intact. Are the Mnangagwas of this world going to reform and become ambassadors of peace, tolerance, democracy and respect of the rule of law? Or they will simply pick up the sjamboks from where Mugabe left them and perpetuate his legacy of brutality? Is corruption going to end considering that a few former Ministers who were arrested by Mnangagwa’s administration were being used as scapegoats, most of the criminals and kleptocrats who committed serious crimes against humanity and corruption are still serving in the post-Mugabe ZANU PF government? The same old people who bled Zimbabwe dry serving in the kleptocratic regime of Robert Mugabe are the same people who are serving under Mnangagwa. -
MDC – Harare – Bulawayo – Council Elections 2006 – Gukurahundi
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: ZWE31570 Country: Zimbabwe Date: 20 April 2007 Keywords: Zimbabwe – MDC – Harare – Bulawayo – Council Elections 2006 – Gukurahundi This response was prepared by the Country Research Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. Questions 1. Does the MDC have an office in Harare? 2. How many branches are there in the province of Bulawayo? 3. How many wards are there? 4. Can you provide information on the leaders of the MDC in the province of Bulawayo? 5. Can you provide information on the activities of the MDC in the province of Bulawayo in 2006? 6. Can you provide information on council elections in Bulawayo around October 2006? 7. Did Zanu PF lose seats in the council elections in Bulawayo in October 2006? 8. Can you provide information about Gukurahunde? RESPONSE 1. Does the MDC have an office in Harare? The MDC headquarters are located in Harvest House, the corner of Angwa Street and Nelson Mandela Avenue in Harare. Angwa Street is parallel to First Street. Attached is a map of Harare, showing Angwa Street, First Street and Nelson Mandela Avenue (Africa South of the Sahara 2003 2003, Europa Publications, 32nd edition, London, p.1190 – Attachment 1; Mawarire, Matseliso 2007, ‘Police left a trail of destruction at Harvest House’, Zimdaily.com website, 29 March http://zimdaily.com/news/117/ARTICLE/1480/2007-03-29.html – Accessed 30 March 2007 – Attachment 2; ‘Harare’ 1998, Hotels-Tours-Safaris.com website http://www.hotels-tours-safaris.com/zimbabwe/harare/images/citymap.gif – Accessed 30 March 2007 – Attachment 3). -
Africa Briefing, Nr. 38: Zimbabwe's Continuing Self-Destruction
Update Briefing Africa Briefing N°38 Pretoria/Brussels, 6 June 2006 Zimbabwe’s Continuing Self-Destruction I. OVERVIEW increasingly close to martial law. It has banned rallies, marches and prayer meetings during the period surrounding the anniversary and put security forces With scheduled presidential elections less than eighteen on high alert. Growing numbers of students, religious months away, Zimbabwe faces the prospect of greater activists and members of other civil society groups have insecurity and violence. The economy’s free fall has been detained. deepened public anger, and the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) party wants The rising influence of the military leadership in the to avoid a popular vote by using the legislature it controls succession struggle is troubling. Zimbabwe’s armed to establish a “transitional presidency” and appoint a forces have always been a pillar of the ruling party’s successor to Robert Mugabe, who has said he will retire. power but recent months have seen increasing military By engineering a transition, Mugabe also intends to secure involvement in the party machinery and policy formulation. a dignified personal exit that includes a retirement package The crumbling economy has meant a loss of government and security guarantees. However, such plans may come revenues, and the military rank and file are being paid less unglued due to wrangling within ZANU-PF. Through all and at irregular intervals, leading them into criminality, this the opposition Movement for Democratic Change allegedly including cross-border armed robbery. (MDC) has been weakened by a major leadership split. Government difficulties in paying the troops raise a question of whether the security forces can still be relied Low voter turnout in November 2005 deprived the newly on to put down protests. -
ZIMBABWE COUNTRY REPORT April 2004
ZIMBABWE COUNTRY REPORT April 2004 COUNTRY INFORMATION & POLICY UNIT IMMIGRATION & NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE HOME OFFICE, UNITED KINGDOM Zimbabwe April 2004 CONTENTS 1 Scope of the Document 1.1 –1.7 2 Geography 2.1 – 2.3 3 Economy 3.1 4 History 4.1 – 4.193 Independence 1980 4.1 - 4.5 Matabeleland Insurgency 1983-87 4.6 - 4.9 Elections 1995 & 1996 4.10 - 4.11 Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) 4.12 - 4.13 Parliamentary Elections, June 2000 4.14 - 4.23 - Background 4.14 - 4.16 - Election Violence & Farm Occupations 4.17 - 4.18 - Election Results 4.19 - 4.23 - Post-election Violence 2000 4.24 - 4.26 - By election results in 2000 4.27 - 4.28 - Marondera West 4.27 - Bikita West 4.28 - Legal challenges to election results in 2000 4.29 Incidents in 2001 4.30 - 4.58 - Bulawayo local elections, September 2001 4.46 - 4.50 - By elections in 2001 4.51 - 4.55 - Bindura 4.51 - Makoni West 4.52 - Chikomba 4.53 - Legal Challenges to election results in 2001 4.54 - 4.56 Incidents in 2002 4.57 - 4.66 - Presidential Election, March 2002 4.67 - 4.79 - Rural elections September 2002 4.80 - 4.86 - By election results in 2002 4.87 - 4.91 Incidents in 2003 4.92 – 4.108 - Mass Action 18-19 March 2003 4.109 – 4.120 - ZCTU strike 23-25 April 4.121 – 4.125 - MDC Mass Action 2-6 June 4.126 – 4.157 - Mayoral and Urban Council elections 30-31 August 4.158 – 4.176 - By elections in 2003 4.177 - 4.183 Incidents in 2004 4.184 – 4.191 By elections in 2004 4.192 – 4.193 5 State Structures 5.1 – 5.98 The Constitution 5.1 - 5.5 Political System: 5.6 - 5.21 - ZANU-PF 5.7 - -
After Mugabe Mnangagwa’S Choice
COMMENT AFTER MUGABE MNANGAGWA’S CHOICE We have removed a tyrant but not yet a tyranny, argues David Coltart or the last two years I have warned that what they did. Others have criticised those of us Zimbabwe was facing a perfect storm—the who complained about the illegality, saying that unique convergence of several factors that we were purists and out of touch with the need to could tear the country apart.* The eye of remove the biggest evil, namely Mugabe. However, Fthat storm hit Zimbabwe in mid-November and it is not my main purpose here to argue why the although it tore down the house of Robert Mugabe, coup was wrong. Let me rather quote the words it left remarkably little other damage. What I didn’t of the great philosopher John Locke who wrote anticipate was the level of unity within the military. in 1690 that ‘wherever law ends, tyranny begins’. I feared that the divisions within the ruling ZANU Tyranny, not Robert Mugabe, was our greatest evil, PF party were reflected in the military and that and the breach of our laws and Constitution has the removal of Mugabe would result in a firefight merely entrenched and perpetuated tyranny. within the armed forces. Although there was serious If there is any doubt about this one needs only to tension between the police and the army, the army consider the composition of the new Cabinet. Since and airforce stood together causing remarkably 2008 Robert Mugabe was in essence a fig leaf—the little loss of life. -
The Struggle Continues: 50 Years of Tyranny in Zimbabwe by David Coltart Jackana Media, 2016, 680 Pages, $US 28.95 (Paperback) I
BOOK REVIEWS The Struggle Continues: policeman involved in a developing guerrilla war. 50 Years of Tyranny in We see the law student in South Africa in 1981 Zimbabwe receiving a personal telegram from Zimbabwean Prime By David Coltart Minster Robert Mugabe urging him to return home Jackana Media, 2016, ‘to assist us to achieve our objective of establishing 680 pages, $US 28.95 a prosperous and harmonious and humane society (paperback) in this country’ (p.123). It is only a few years later as ISBN: 9781 4314 23187 a new legal practitioner and secretary of the BLPC (Bulawayo Legal Projects Centre) that Coltart Reviewed by becomes aware of the tragedy overtaking his Robert Forsyth country as he learns of the murderous violence of the ‘Gukurahundi’, in which the North Korean- t a time when in this country the human trained Fifth Brigade of the Zimbabwe army killed rights industry has somewhat gone to seed, it tens of thousands in the western part of the country, is salutatory to be reminded how important presumably on the orders of the Mugabe government. humanA rights really can be and what happens in The narrative settles down to describe the ongoing a country when they are seriously abused, like story of post-colonialist Zimbabwe under a corrupt Zimbabwe. David Coltart’s book does just that. and power hungry ZANU-PF as well as Coltart’s Coltart himself will be known to many Policy readers own involvement as a lawyer seeking to defend his from his appearances at CIS’s annual conference, clients and the rule of law itself. -
Zimbabwe and Political Transition
ZIMBABWE AND POLITICAL TRANSITION SUE ONSLOW MARCH 2011 STRATEGIC UPDATE ZIMBABWE AND POLITICAL TRANSITION This paper looks at the factors which helped ZANU-PF as a former liberation movement retain power and lead to a one-party dominant state. It also explores the extent to which ZANU-PF is adapting to democratic politics and multiparty elections.1 Zimbabwe’s ZANU-PF offers important parallels and insights into the challenges which confront former Southern African liberation movements as they move to become parties of government. These shared aspects include the importance of personality, ethnic and clan politics which helped to shape the liberation movement during the struggle for independence. There is also the important legacy of emphasis on solidarity and lack of internal discussion and debate. Furthermore, the role of ‘armed struggle’ and the associated use of violence have left lasting influences. These formative attitudes and experiences forged political cultures which have continued to play out in the domestic political arena post-independence. ZANU-PF is an extreme case study of the limits of how susceptible and receptive liberation leadership may be to internal dissent and debate as they address the considerable difficulties of nation-state construction after formal independence. By late 1990s ZANU-PF was facing a profound challenge to the legitimacy of its victory, and to the legitimacy and identity of the liberation movement itself. From 2000 the struggle in Zimbabwe constituted ‘a battle for the state’, and this battle is -
Prayer Meeting Or Political Rally?
ZIMBABWESponsored supplement “On Saturday, 14 April 2007, The Save Zimbabwe Campaign will hold a prayer meeting at St Patrick’s Community Centre in the suburb of Makokoba in Bulawayo. The prayer rally will commence at 0900hours till 1200hours. Representatives from labour, the church, students unions, political for- mations and other pro-democracy groups are expected to converge in Bulawayo to pray for the nation currently facing a deep-seated and multi-layered national crisis. Speakers include the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) leaders, Morgan Tsvangirai (president); Arthur Mutambara (president); National Constitutional Assem- bly (NCA) chairperson, Dr Lovemore Mad- huku; Zimbabwe National Students Union (ZINASU) president, Promise Mkwananzi; Christian Alliance chairperson, Dr Rev Levy Kadenge; Paul Siwela (Zapu FP), Arch- bishop Pius Ncube; the Zimbabwe Congress Prayer meeting of Trade Unions (ZCTU) among others. We call upon the people of Zimbabwe or political rally? to attend this rally which shall shape Zim- babwe’s destiny. For people outside Zimbabwe who might still be debating The leadership of the Campaign once the difference between a “prayer meeting” and a “political again reiterates its commitment to the resolu- tion of the Zimbabwean crisis in total defi- rally”, below is a taster. It is an advertisement published in ance of the brutality being perpetrated by the the Zimbabwe Independent on 13 April by The Save Zimbabwe state security agents. Campaign, calling on people to attend a “prayer rally” in We deplore the use of violence by those Bulawayo on 14 April. Headlined, ‘The Save Zimbabwe who are in power not by peoples’ consent but through coercive means. -
Zimbabwe April 2002
ZIMBABWE COUNTRY ASSESSMENT April 2002 Country Information and Policy Unit Immigration & Nationality Directorate Home Office, United Kingdom Zimbabwe, April 2002 CONTENTS I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 - 1.5 II GEOGRAPHY 2.1 - 2.4 - Economy 2.4 III HISTORY 3.1 - 3.82 Independence 1980 3.1 - 3.5 Matabeleland Insurgency 1983-87 3.6 - 3.9 Elections 1995 & 1996 3.10 - 3.11 Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) 3.12 - 3.13 Parliamentary Elections, June 2000 3.14 - 3.23 - Background 3.14 - 3.16 - Election Violence & Farm Occupations 3.17 - 3.18 - Election Results 3.19 - 3.23 Continuing Political Violence & Intimidation 3.24 - 3.52 - Post-election Violence 2000 3.24 - 3.27 - Incidents in 2001 3.28 - 3.44 - Incidents in 2002 & Presidential Election 3.45 - 3.52 Legal Challenges to 2000 Results, & By-elections 3.53 - 3.62 - Legal Challenges 3.53 - 3.57 - By-elections 3.58 - 3.62 Bulawayo Local Elections, September 2001 3.63 - 3.67 Presidential Election 2002 3.68 - 3.82 - Background 3.68 - 3.69 - Restrictive Legislation 3.70 - 3.72 - Election Result 3.73 - 3.80 - Sanctions & Commonwealth Suspension 3.81 - 3.82 IV STATE STRUCTURES 4.1 - 4.51 The Constitution 4.1 - 4.5 Political System: 4.6 - 4.19 - ZANU-PF 4.7 - 4.8 - Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) 4.9 - 4.10 - ZANU-Ndonga 4.11 - Liberty Party/Liberty Party of Zimbabwe 4.12 - 4.15 - Other Minor Parties 4.16 - 4.19 Judiciary 4.20 - 4.25 Military 4.26 - 4.32 Internal Security 4.33 - 4.36 Legal Rights/Detention 4.37 - 4.41 - Death Penalty 4.41 Prisons 4.42 - 4.43 Medical Services 4.44 - 4.49 - General -
A Perspective on the Zimbabwean Talks and the Election of the Speaker Senator David Coltart September 03, 2008
A perspective on the Zimbabwean talks and the election of the Speaker Senator David Coltart September 03, 2008 During the last few weeks there has been frenzied media speculation that Robert Mugabe has entered into, or is about to enter into, a deal with the MDC formation led by Arthur Mutambara (MDC M ) *1. The MDC M in honouring the terms of the MOU has steadfastly maintained a media silence which in turn has created a vacuum of information. That vacuum has been filled by media speculation, propaganda issued by ZANU PF and statements made by leaders of the MDC formation led by Morgan Tsvangirai (MDC T). In addition a few belligerent statements of Arthur Mutambara and the attendance of Arthur Mutambara and other leaders at the Heroes Acre ceremony and elsewhere have reinforced the perception in the minds of the public and that there is indeed a deal. Indeed many newspapers, with some noteworthy exceptions such as the New York Times, have taken it as given that there was a deal reached. Whilst the existence of a deal has been emphatically denied, the controversy surrounding the e lection of Speaker in the last week has served to enhance the perception that there is some deal. It is my belief that there is a very serious gap between the public's perception of what is taking place and the truth. It also deeply concerns me that even colleagues in the struggle to bring democracy to Zimbabwe appear to have deliberately distorted the truth for partisan ends. I cannot see how that can advance our just cause; all it serves to do is to further divide those who oppose the Zanu PF regime. -
ZIMBABWE Submission to the Commonwealth Ministerial Action
ZIMBABWE Submission to the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group, January 30, 2002. Summary ........................................................................................................................2 Freedom of expression ..................................................................................................2 Rule of Law .................................................................................................................2 Violence ......................................................................................................................3 Recommendations to the Commonwealth.......................................................................3 Background: “Firm Action Against Violence and Intimidation”—Zimbabwe’s Abuja Commitment...................................................................................................................4 Freedom of Expression...................................................................................................6 Restrictions on Foreign Correspondents .........................................................................6 Harassment and Attacks on Journalists...........................................................................7 Legal Moves Against Associated Newspapers of Zimbabwe............................................9 Interception of Communications ..................................................................................10 Threats to Human Rights Activists...............................................................................11