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KEMBO MOHADI Versus the STANDARD and STANDARD PRESS (PVT) LTD and DAVISON MARUZIVA and EDDIE CROSS
1 HH 16-13 HC 5517/09 KEMBO MOHADI versus THE STANDARD and STANDARD PRESS (PVT) LTD and DAVISON MARUZIVA and EDDIE CROSS HIGH COURT OF ZIMBABWE ZHOU J HARARE, 13 September 2012 and 17 January 2013 E.W.W. Morris for the excipient R. Dembure for the respondent ZHOU J: This is an exception to the plaintiff’s claim for damages for defamation on the ground that the words complained of carry no reference to the plaintiff and that the declaration makes no proper allegations of facts which would enable the ordinary reader to identify the plaintiff as the person defamed. The background to the dispute between the parties is as follows: The plaintiff is a Cabinet Minister in the current Government of Zimbabwe. He is co- Minister of Home Affairs. The second defendant is a publisher of a newspaper known as The Standard. The third defendant is employed by the second defendant as editor. The first defendant is the name of a newspaper. In its issue of The Standard of October 11-17, 2009 the second defendant published a letter authoured by the fourth defendant under the title “Criminal vandalism”. The full text of the letter is as follows: “DRIVING to Harare last week I saw an astonishing sight just outside Gweru. From Gweru to Harare, a distance of more than 250 kilometres, the electrical system built after independence at a cost of over US$100 million dollars, has been stripped and lies derelict and destroyed. 2 HH 16-13 HC 5517/09 Tens of millions of dollars damage carried out on the side of the main road and in front of the entire country and its police force. -
Canada Sanctions Zimbabwe
Canadian Sanctions and Canadian charities operating in Zimbabwe: Be Very Careful! By Mark Blumberg (January 7, 2009) Canadian charities operating in Zimbabwe need to be extremely careful. It is not the place for a new and inexperienced charity to begin foreign operations. In fact, only Canadian charities with substantial experience in difficult international operations should even consider operating in Zimbabwe. It is one of the most difficult countries to carry out charitable operations by virtue of the very difficult political, security, human rights and economic situation and the resultant Canadian and international sanctions. This article will set out some information on the Zimbabwe Sanctions including the full text of the Act and Regulations governing the sanctions. It is not a bad idea when dealing with difficult legal issues to consult knowledgeable legal advisors. Summary On September 4, 2008, the Special Economic Measures (Zimbabwe) Regulations (SOR/2008-248) (the “Regulations”) came into force pursuant to subsections 4(1) to (3) of the Special Economic Measures Act. The Canadian sanctions against Zimbabwe are targeted sanctions dealing with weapons, technical support for weapons, assets of designated persons, and Zimbabwean aircraft landing in Canada. There is no humanitarian exception to these targeted sanctions. There are tremendous practical difficulties working in Zimbabwe and if a Canadian charity decides to continue operating in Zimbabwe it is important that the Canadian charity and its intermediaries (eg. Agents, contractor, partners) avoid providing any benefits, “directly or indirectly”, to a “designated person”. Canadian charities need to undertake rigorous due diligence and risk management to ensure that a “designated person” does not financially benefit from the program. -
Country Advice Zimbabwe Zimbabwe – ZWE36759 – Movement for Democratic Change – Returnees – Spies – Traitors – Passports – Travel Restrictions 21 June 2010
Country Advice Zimbabwe Zimbabwe – ZWE36759 – Movement for Democratic Change – Returnees – Spies – Traitors – Passports – Travel restrictions 21 June 2010 1. Deleted. 2. Deleted. 3. Please provide a general update on the situation for Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) members, both rank and file members and prominent leaders, in respect to their possible treatment and risk of serious harm in Zimbabwe. The situation for MDC members is precarious, as is borne out by the following reports which indicate that violence is perpetrated against them with impunity by Zimbabwean police and other Law and Order personnel such as the army and pro-Mugabe youth militias. Those who are deemed to be associated with the MDC party either by family ties or by employment are also adversely treated. The latest Country of Origin Information Report from the UK Home Office in December 2009 provides recent chronology of incidents from July 2009 to December 2009 where MDC members and those believed to be associated with them were adversely treated. It notes that there has been a decrease in violent incidents in some parts of the country; however, there was also a suspension of the production of the „Monthly Political Violence Reports‟ by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum (ZHRF), so that there has not been a comprehensive accounting of incidents: POLITICALLY MOTIVATED VIOLENCE Some areas of Zimbabwe are hit harder by violence 5.06 Reporting on 30 June 2009, the Solidarity Peace Trust noted that: An uneasy calm prevails in some parts of the country, while in others tensions remain high in the wake of the horrific violence of 2008…. -
Enreporting on Zimbabwe's 2018 Elections
Reporting on Zimbabwe’s 2018 elections A POST-ELECTION ANALYSIS Table of Contents ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ii EXECUTIVE SUMMARY iii 1.0 INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND 1 PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS 8 2.0 MEDIA MONITORING OF THE NEWS AGENDA 8 3.0 MONITORING POLITICAL PLURALISM 13 4.0 GENDER REPRESENTATION DURING THE 2018 ELECTIONS 18 5.0 MEDIA CONDUCT IN ELECTION PROGRAMMING - BROADCAST MEDIA 24 6.0 MEDIA’S CONDUCT IN ELECTION REPORTING 28 7.0 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 34 ANNEX 1: HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS REPORTED IN THE MAINSTREAM MEDIA 35 ANNEX 2: LIST OF ACRONYMS 37 REPORTING ON ZIMBABWE’S 2018 ELECTIONS - A POST-ELECTION ANALYSIS i Acknowledgements International Media Support and the Media Alliance of Zimbabwe This publication has been produced with the assistance of the are conducting the programme “Support to media on governance European Union and the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. and electoral matters in Zimbabwe”. The content of this publication is the sole responsibility of Media Monitors and can in no way be taken to reflect the views The programme is funded by the European Union and the of the European Union or the Norwegian Ministry of Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Foreign Affairs. International Media Support (IMS) is a non-profit organisation working with media in countries affected by armed conflict, human insecurity and political transition. ii REPORTING ON ZIMBABWE’S 2018 ELECTIONS - A POST-ELECTION ANALYSIS Executive Summary Zimbabwe’s 2018 harmonised national elections presented a irregularities, they struggled to clearly articulate the implications unique opportunity for the media and their audiences alike. In of the irregularities they reported and the allegations of previous election periods, the local media received severe criticism maladministration levelled against the country’s election for their excessively partisan positions, which had been characterized management body, the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC). -
Petition Final
Petition to the Prime Minister of Zimbabwe, Honourable Morgan Tsvangirai , Co-Ministers of Home Affairs Hon. Kembo Mohadi and Hon Teresa Makone, Speaker of the Seventh Parliament of Zimbabwe, Honourable Lovemore Moyo, The Honourable President of the Senate, Honourable Edna Madzongwe, on the urgent need to stop the arrests and intimidation of journalists. Cc: Honourable Seiso Moyo, Chairman of the Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Media, Information and Technology. All members of Parliament. Minister of Media, Information and Publicity Minister of Information and Communication Technologies Representative negotiators of the Global Political Agreement The SADC Executive Secretary Dr Tomáz Augusto Salomão The SADC facilitator, His Excellency President Jacob Zuma. We, the undersigned journalists and media practitioners, concerned with the continued intimidation and harassment of members of our profession, cognisant of the continued lack of diversity in Zimbabwe’s electronic media, acknowledging the commitments by the three political parties, ZANU PF and the two (2) Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) formations to media reforms in the Global Political Agreement (GPA) as well as the continued statutory regulation of the media, hereby petition the afore-stated to undertake, on behalf of the media fraternity in Zimbabwe the following interim and long term measures for democratic media law reforms; Interim Measures. 1 | Page a) Pressure the inclusive government to ensure a cessation of all harassment, intimidation, illegal detention and criminalisation of the work of journalists, media practitioners and media houses. This is especially urgent given the continued detention of The Standard journalist Nqobani Ndlovu, detained at Khami Remand Prison. This development comes against the arrest of freelance journalists Andrison Manyere and Nkosana Dhlamini on the 30th of October 2010 while covering the constitution making process in Harare. -
B COUNCIL DECISION 2011/101/CFSP of 15 February 2011 Concerning Restrictive Measures Against Zimbabwe (OJ L 42, 16.2.2011, P
2011D0101 — EN — 20.02.2014 — 004.001 — 1 This document is meant purely as a documentation tool and the institutions do not assume any liability for its contents ►B COUNCIL DECISION 2011/101/CFSP of 15 February 2011 concerning restrictive measures against Zimbabwe (OJ L 42, 16.2.2011, p. 6) Amended by: Official Journal No page date ►M1 Council Decision 2012/97/CFSP of 17 February 2012 L 47 50 18.2.2012 ►M2 Council Implementing Decision 2012/124/CFSP of 27 February 2012 L 54 20 28.2.2012 ►M3 Council Decision 2013/89/CFSP of 18 February 2013 L 46 37 19.2.2013 ►M4 Council Decision 2013/160/CFSP of 27 March 2013 L 90 95 28.3.2013 ►M5 Council Implementing Decision 2013/469/CFSP of 23 September 2013 L 252 31 24.9.2013 ►M6 Council Decision 2014/98/CFSP of 17 February 2014 L 50 20 20.2.2014 Corrected by: ►C1 Corrigendum, OJ L 100, 14.4.2011, p. 74 (2011/101/CFSP) 2011D0101 — EN — 20.02.2014 — 004.001 — 2 ▼B COUNCIL DECISION 2011/101/CFSP of 15 February 2011 concerning restrictive measures against Zimbabwe THE COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION, Having regard to the Treaty on European Union, and in particular Article 29 thereof, Whereas: (1) On 19 February 2004, the Council adopted Common Position 2004/161/CFSP renewing restrictive measures against Zimb abwe (1 ). (2) Council Decision 2010/92/CFSP (2 ), adopted on 15 February 2010, extended the restrictive measures provided for in Common Position 2004/161/CFSP until 20 February 2011. -
Matebeleland South
HWANGE WEST Constituency Profile MATEBELELAND SOUTH Hwange West has been stripped of some areas scene, the area was flooded with tourists who Matebeleland South province is predominantly rural. The Ndebele, Venda and the Kalanga people that now constitute Hwange Central. Hwange contributed to national and individual revenue are found in this area. This province is one of the most under developed provinces in Zimbabwe. The West is comprised of Pandamatema, Matesti, generation. The income derived from tourists people feel they have been neglected by the government with regards to the provision of education Ndlovu, Bethesda and Kazungula. Hwange has not trickled down to improve the lives of and health as well as road infrastructure. Voting patterns in this province have been pro-opposition West is not suitable for human habitation due people in this constituency. People have and this can be possibly explained by the memories of Gukurahundi which may still be fresh in the to the wild life in the area. Hwange National devised ways to earn incomes through fishing minds of many. Game Park is found in this constituency. The and poaching. Tourist related trade such as place is arid, hot and crop farming is made making and selling crafts are some of the ways impossible by the presence of wild life that residents use to earn incomes. destroys crops. Recreational parks are situated in this constituency. Before Zimbabwe's REGISTERED VOTERS image was tarnished on the international 22965 Year Candidate Political Number Of Votes Party 2000 Jelous Sansole MDC 15132 Spiwe Mafuwa ZANU PF 2445 2005 Jelous Sansole MDC 10415 Spiwe Mafuwa ZANU PF 4899 SUPPORTING DEMOCRATIC ELECTIONS 218 219 SUPPORTING DEMOCRATIC ELECTIONS BULILIMA WEST Constituency Profile Constituency Profile BULILIMA EAST Bulilima West is made up of Dombodema, residents' incomes. -
The Mortal Remains: Succession and the Zanu Pf Body Politic
THE MORTAL REMAINS: SUCCESSION AND THE ZANU PF BODY POLITIC Report produced for the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum by the Research and Advocacy Unit [RAU] 14th July, 2014 1 CONTENTS Page No. Foreword 3 Succession and the Constitution 5 The New Constitution 5 The genealogy of the provisions 6 The presently effective law 7 Problems with the provisions 8 The ZANU PF Party Constitution 10 The Structure of ZANU PF 10 Elected Bodies 10 Administrative and Coordinating Bodies 13 Consultative For a 16 ZANU PF Succession Process in Practice 23 The Fault Lines 23 The Military Factor 24 Early Manoeuvring 25 The Tsholotsho Saga 26 The Dissolution of the DCCs 29 The Power of the Politburo 29 The Powers of the President 30 The Congress of 2009 32 The Provincial Executive Committee Elections of 2013 34 Conclusions 45 Annexures Annexure A: Provincial Co-ordinating Committee 47 Annexure B : History of the ZANU PF Presidium 51 2 Foreword* The somewhat provocative title of this report conceals an extremely serious issue with Zimbabwean politics. The theme of succession, both of the State Presidency and the leadership of ZANU PF, increasingly bedevils all matters relating to the political stability of Zimbabwe and any form of transition to democracy. The constitutional issues related to the death (or infirmity) of the President have been dealt with in several reports by the Research and Advocacy Unit (RAU). If ZANU PF is to select the nominee to replace Robert Mugabe, as the state constitution presently requires, several problems need to be considered. The ZANU PF nominee ought to be selected in terms of the ZANU PF constitution. -
Rethinking the Role of Political Economy in the Herald's
Midlands State University FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES RETHINKING THE ROLE OF POLITICAL ECONOMY IN THE HERALD’S CONSTRUCTION OF FACTIONAL FIGHTING IN ZANU-PF POST 2013 By Takunda Maodza (R124850T) A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR HONOURS DEGREE IN MEDIA AND SOCIETY STUDIES GWERU, ZIMBABWE MAY 2015 RETHINKING THE ROLE OF POLITICAL ECONOMY IN THE HERALD’S CONSTRUCTION OF FACTIONAL FIGHTING IN ZANU-PF IN 2014 APPROVAL FORM The undersigned certify that they have supervised the student Takunda Maodza`s dissertation entitled: Rethinking the role of political economy in The Herald’s construction of factional fighting in Zanu-PF post 2013 submitted in partial fulfilment of requirements of Honours Degree in Media and Society Studies at Midlands State University. ………………………………… .............../.............../................ Supervisor: Z. Mugari Date ……………………………… .............../.............../................ Chairperson: Date ………………………………… .............../.............../................ External Examiner Date DECLARATION R12485OT Page i RETHINKING THE ROLE OF POLITICAL ECONOMY IN THE HERALD’S CONSTRUCTION OF FACTIONAL FIGHTING IN ZANU-PF IN 2014 I, Takunda Maodza, do hereby declare that the work contained in this dissertation is entirely my brain child with only the exception of quotations or references which have been attributed to their sources. I further declare that this work has never been previously submitted and is being submitted in partial fulfilment of Honours Degree in Media and Society Studies at Midlands State University. ………………………………… .............../.............../................ Takunda Maodza Date DEDICATION R12485OT Page ii RETHINKING THE ROLE OF POLITICAL ECONOMY IN THE HERALD’S CONSTRUCTION OF FACTIONAL FIGHTING IN ZANU-PF IN 2014 This research is dedicated to my parents Clara and Runesu Maodza for their material and moral support to my educational pursuit. -
Women in the 7Th Parliament Current Position of Zimbabwean Women in Politics
WOMEN IN POLITICS SUPPORT UNIT Women in the 7th Parliament Current Position of Zimbabwean Women in Politics WiPSU Providing support to women in Parliament and Local Government in Zimbabwe aiming to increase women’s qualitative and quantitative participation and influence in policy and decision making. WOMEN LEGISLATORS IN THE 7TH SESSION OF THE ZIMBABWEAN PARLIAMENT Parliament of Zimbabwe 2008 • Women make up 20% of the 7th Parliament of Zimbabwe. • 55 women legislators in the 7th Parliament out of a total of 301 legislators. • 23 women in the Upper House (Senate). • 34 Women in the Lower House (House of Assembly). • Edna Madzongwe is the current Senate President. • Nomalanga Khumalo is the Deputy Speaker of Parliament. WOMEN IN THE UPPER HOUSE OF PARLIAMENT Current Position of Women Number of Political Name of Senator Women in Senate Party • 23 Women Senators out 1 Siphiwe Ncube MDC (M) of a total of 91. 2 Agnes Sibanda MDC(T) • Constitutionally 3 more 3 Gladys Dube MDC(T) Senators are yet to be appointed.( there might be 4 Enna Chitsa MDC(T) more after the negotiations are 5 Sekai Holland MDC(T) concluded) • Women constitute 25% of 6 Rorana Muchiwa MDC(T) 2008 Upper House 7 Monica Mutsvangwa ZANU PF • President of the Senate 8 Kersencia Chabuka MDC (T) is female 9 Getrude Chibhagu ZANU PF 10 Angeline Dete ZANU PF 11 Alice Chimbudzi ZANU PF 12 Jenia Manyeruke ZANU PF 13 Gladys Mabhuza ZANU PF Senate President Edna Madzongwe ZANU PF 14 15 Chiratidzo Gava ZANU PF 16 Viginia Katyamaenza ZANU PF 17 Imelda Mandaba ZANU PF 18 Tambudzani Mohadi ZANU PF 19 Sithembile Mlotshwa MDC (T) 20 Tariro Mutingwende ZANU PF 21 Virginia Muchenge ZANU PF 22 Angeline Masuku ZANU PF 23 Thokozile Mathuthu ZANU PF 2 |WiPSU [email protected] or [email protected] WOMEN IN THE LOWER HOUSE OF PARLIAMENT Current Position of Political Women No. -
The Politics of Writing 'Democratic' Narratives in Zimbabwe
Different narration, same history: The politics of writing ‘democratic’ narratives in Zimbabwe Walter Kudzai Barure & Irikidzayi Manase Different narration, same history: The politics of writing ‘democratic’ narratives in Zimbabwe Over the past five decades, Zimbabwe’s political trajectories were characterised by a historiographic revision and deconstruction that revealed varying ideological perceptions and positions of political actors. This article reconsiders the current shifts in the Zimbabwean historiography and focuses on the politics of positioning the self in the national narrative. The article analyses three Zimbabwean political autobiographies written by political actors from the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), particularly Michael Auret’s From Liberator to Dictator: An Insider’s Account of Robert Mugabe’s Descent into Tyranny (2009), Morgan Tsvangirai’s At the Deep End (2011), and David Coltart’s The Struggle Continues: 50 Years of Tyranny in Zimbabwe (2016). It also discusses how writing in Zimbabwe is a contested terrain that is bifurcated between oppositional and dominant imaginaries of politics, the revolutionary tradition, and past performances of power. Keywords: history, narratives, oppositional and dominant imaginaries, political autobiographies, Zimbabwe. Introduction This article considers how oppositional narratives answer back to patriotic narratives’ denigration of opposition and civic discourses, and their exclusion of the citizenship of minorities such as white Zimbabweans. Zimbabwe- an letters have witnessed the rise of a body of writings, produced by the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and other political and human rights actors, termed ‘democratic’ narratives, which contest patri- otic narratives that were constructed using a singular version of history (see Ranger who defines patriotic history as a monolithic version of history that supports the performance of power by ZANU-PF political actors). -
Dismantling the System of Mugabeism
Dismantling The System Of Mugabeism All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means electronic or mechanical including photocopy, recording or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the author. ISBN 978-3-00-059482-3 First Edition © 2018 1 Dismantling The System Of Mugabeism Dedication. To my fellow Zimbabweans, we defeated Mugabe the person but Mugabeism is still intact. We must dismantle this system and bring total democratization of our country Zimbabwe. My children Lilly, Tanaka and Nkosilathi,Jr you don’t deserve to grow up in such a collapsed country which is now a shadow of itself. This is the little contribution I can make towards challenging a regime which is putting your future at stake. ‘This is the history of a failure’ (Che Guevara, The African Dream) 2 Dismantling The System Of Mugabeism Foreword. I feel refreshed and motivated to write this book in this new-old political dispensation. New in the sense that, this is the first time ever since I was born to see this country having another President who is not Robert Gabriel Mugabe and old in the sense that those who are now in power are the same people who have been in charge of this country for the past four decades working alongside Mugabe. Yes Mugabe has gone but the system he created is still intact. Are the Mnangagwas of this world going to reform and become ambassadors of peace, tolerance, democracy and respect of the rule of law? Or they will simply pick up the sjamboks from where Mugabe left them and perpetuate his legacy of brutality? Is corruption going to end considering that a few former Ministers who were arrested by Mnangagwa’s administration were being used as scapegoats, most of the criminals and kleptocrats who committed serious crimes against humanity and corruption are still serving in the post-Mugabe ZANU PF government? The same old people who bled Zimbabwe dry serving in the kleptocratic regime of Robert Mugabe are the same people who are serving under Mnangagwa.