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Tom Brown's Schooldays and the Development of American Society of Church History Tom Brown's Schooldays and the Development of "Muscular Christianity" Author(s): William E. Winn Source: Church History, Vol. 29, No. 1 (Mar., 1960), pp. 64-73 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the American Society of Church History Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3161617 . Accessed: 24/07/2011 20:08 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Cambridge University Press and American Society of Church History are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Church History. http://www.jstor.org TOM BROWN'S SCHOOLDAYS AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF "MUSCULAR CHRISTIANITY" WILLIAM E. WINN The Broad Church movement, of which "muscular Christianity" was one of the most influential expressions, represented a type of lib- eralism within the Church of England. Benjamin Jowett claimed that the name "Broad Church" was first proposed in his hearing by Arthur Hugh Clough and that it had become a familiar term in circles at Oxford a few years before 1850.' In July 1850, A. P. Stanley, writing on the Gorham controversy in the Edinburgh Revicz, said that the Church of England was "by the very conditions of its being, not High or Low, but Broad."2 The term "Broad Church," however only began to be used generally from October 1853, when all unsigned article by W. J. Conybeare, entitled "Church Parties," appeared, also in the Edinburgh Review. F. D. Maurice believed that Conybeare invented the name. In the years previous to 1850 the Evangelicals had begun to lose much of their vigor, and their hold upon the public was not so strong as it had been during the prior generation. This was largely due to their increased narrowness and rigidity, as the traditional doctrines became more fixed and technical, and to their neglect of general learning. In his article, W. J. Conybeare wrote concerning a dominant wing of the Evangelical party: Dr. Arnold has justly described their literary organs as "a true specimen of the party, with their infinitely little minds, disputing about anise and cummin, when heaven and earth are comiing together around them." And he defines an Evangelical of this class to be "a good Christian, with low uncderstanding, a bad education, and ignorance of the world." The only objection to this definition is that their ignorance is not limited to worldly affairs, but extends impartially to things sacred and profane.3 A period of skeptical languor throughout England had set in. Neither a disintegrating Evangelicalism nor a failingi Oxford move- ment could relieve powerful minds of doubts resulting from the findings of natural scientists and German theologians. Many intellectuals went into the wilderness in search of something in which they might believe. J. A. Froude, the historian, once a disciple of Newman, took refuge in Carlylism: Arthur Hugh Clough, the poet, broke away from Oxford and resigned his fellowship; F. W. Newmnanwrote the Phases of FaitIh and gave up his early Evangelicalism; Matthew Arnold broke with 64 TOM BROWN'S SCHOOLDAYS 65 orthodoxy and wrote poems of divine despair; Frederick Robertson struggled for his faith and John Sterling's faith disappeared. But out of this skepticism and connected with it there arose the religious influence which was to the middle of the nineteenth century what Low Churchmen were to its beginning. Coleridge's teachings were the main source of the Broad Church movement, beginning with Ilis Aids to Reflectioni of 1825. Another important source was the teachings of Thomas Arnold. Coleridge and Arnold were both cham- pions of liberty and both encouraged broad learning. Coleridge died in 1834 and Arnold died as a fairly young man in 1842, but both only "lived in the seedtime, not in the time of the harvest, which began about 1848 and which in a sense has continued ever since."4 The name "Broad Church" has often been misinterpreted. Indeed, F. D. Maurice, whom popular usage has designated as the chief the- ologian of the movement, denied as late as 1860 that he knew what "Broad Church" meant. He suggested that if it meant anything, it applied to the followers of Archbishop Whately with whom he did not wish to be identified. However, Maurice, who hated parties above all things, would not have objected to being identified with the term as it wvasused in Stanley's article of 1850. Stanley merely insisted that the Established Church was not a party and that the history and constitu- tion of the Church of England allowed for all different sides of spiritual truth. But Conybeare,in his 1853 article, used the name in a party sense as applying to those Liberal teachers who had long existed in the Church of England, along with Anglo-Catholics and Evangelicals. Much confusion has arisen from the fact that following the vio- lent controversy which started in 1860 over the publication of Essays aIld Rczictws,there was a tendency to label all liberals within the Church of England as "Broad Churchmen" without taking into consideration the extreme differences among these liberals. Although the Broad Church movement was never organized in any way, it did contain two distinct groups of liberal thinkers. The first group was closely as- sociated with Oxford and tended to be more critical and theoretical than the second group which was composed mainly of men who had been students at Cambridge.The first included Whately, Dr. Arnold, Stanley, Matthew Arnold and Jowett. These men were predominantly Aristote- lians in that they placed great stress upon formal logic. Like Aristotle they emphasized the importance of collecting, arranging and classify- ing facts, and, again like Aristotle, they tended to think of God as first cause of things rather than as Person. The second group included Coleridge, \Vordsworth, MAaurice,and in many respects Tennyson and Browning. These imenwere predominantly Platonic in method. They were interested in facts, but, like Plato, they were interested much more 66 CHURCHHISTORY in principles.5 They tended to think of God in personal terms. Both groups generally welcomed progress in science and in the textual criti- cism of the Bible, but the second was less hostile to tradition and to church authority than the first. The men in the first group were of necessity completely out of sympathy with the Oxford movement, which was partly a reaction against their kind of liberalism. On the other hand, the Cambridge group, although often in opposition to the Oxford movement, held much in common with the leaders of that move- ment. These Broad Churchmen, taken together, were united against terrorism and the suppression of truth and thus became the medium through which the Church gradually regained contact with the modern forces in the world. They greatly contributed to the contraction of the sphere of the pure fundamentalism of High Churchmenlike Pusey and Evangelicals like Bishop Samuel Wilberforce. Related to both of these groups within the Broad Church move- ment was what came to be called "muscular Christianity." The two nrlostinfluential leaders of this developmentwere Charles Kingsley and Thomas Hughes, author of Totm Brown's Schooldays, probably the most important book ever to be written about Public Schools. Muscular Christianity first made its appearance in Kingsley's novels, especially in Westward Ho!, the novel which proved to be such a powerful propaganda agent in the recruitment of soldiers for the Crimean War. Although Kingsley was the founder of muscular Chris- tianity, he detested the phrase and asserted bitterly that he had received the label at the time when he was active in the Christian Socialist campaign.6 In the development of his muscular Christianity, Kingsley was indebted to F. D. Maurice for the belief in God's law-the thesis that all things advance steadily from worse to better. But the primary in- fluence was Thomas Carlyle. From Carlyle, Kingsley took over the gospel of work and a love for Old Testament morality. Early in his studies Carlyle had become acquainted with the tradi- tions and legends of Scandinavia, and lie conceived a strong affection for the Vikings. Later he combined the romance of the Northmen with English industry in such a way that labor took on a poetical significance. He combinedhis observationof prosaicfacts with his collectionof poetical material.The Northmenwere the heroes in whom he delighted,and he made them the heroes of his poem of industry .... By thus awakening the associationsof a remotepast, and filling up the backgroundof his pic- ture with the shadowyforms of giants, doublyto be reverencedbecause, like Greek demigods,they were slated to be the progenitorsof modern labourers, he gave to the scene of industry a fanciful glow.7 Carlyle had also been attracted by the Hebrew prophets.
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