Davis-Brommer-Cuba.Pdf

Observations of Environmental Change in Cuba LISA DAVIS University of Alabama DAVID M. BROMMER University of Alabama ENRIQUE RODRIQUEZ-LOECHES DIEZ-ARGÜELLES Institute of Tropical Geography/Cuban Society of Geography introduction fied the comparative geographic technique in his comparison of Sub-Saharan Africa Analysis of global processes of change and the Southeastern United States. In the at the regional scale is vitally important following, we discuss observations of on- to not only better predict and prepare for going environmental change occurring in change occurring at the regional scale but the Caribbean nation of Cuba made during also to better understand the drivers of a trip to Cuba in May ≤≠≠∫ and highlight change, as they tend to be spatially and some of the environmental changes that temporally complex. The importance of re- are taking place both in Cuba and the gional analyses to questions of global- Southeastern United States. ization, development, and environmental Why Cuba? At first glance there may change in the Caribbean and the South- appear to be few similarities between the eastern United States has been recognized Southeastern United States and a socialist (Torres ≤≠≠∑), as have the importance of island nation located in the Caribbean, but connecting regional scale changes occur- the two locations have many similarities, ring in the Southeastern United States to including being locations of civil wars in global and transnational processes (Lecce the past, having agricultural histories that and Alderman ≤≠≠∂). Comparative geog- include plantation agriculture of sugar raphy, as a means of analysis, is a use- cane and tobacco, having temperate cli- ful way to explore the economic, social, mates, and their geographic proximity to cultural, and environmental trajectories each other. Gamble (≤≠≠∂) also noted of two locations that share certain histori- connections between Caribbean nations cal and physical commonalities. Through and the Southeastern United States ex- comparative analysis diverging and con- tending back to the ∞π≠≠s through a vari- verging paths of socio-cultural and en- ety of socio-economic, political, and cul- vironmental change can be identified and tural processes, as well as the environment new insight gained concerning the impacts and physical geography, in essence view- of ongoing change, as well as future direc- ing the Caribbean and the Southeastern tions of change. Moseley (≤≠≠∑) exempli- United States as a region not defined by southeastern geographer, 49(1) 2009: pp. 84–93 Observations of Environmental Change in Cuba 85 Figure ∞. Political mural, with Che Guevara at the forefront, that reads, ‘‘of these men a town begins.’’ political boundaries but by similar physi- socialist government (Figure ∞), history cal and socio-economic traits. with the former Soviet Union and the It is not our intention to present an United States (Figure ≤), and complex exhaustive discussion of environmental relationship with the United States (Fig- change in Cuba or to discuss all of the so- ure ≥). Equally as tangibly represented in cial, cultural, and natural processes re- the cultural and physical landscape are ex- sponsible. But instead to discuss major en- amples of social, economic, and cultural vironmental changes taking place in Cuba change affecting the physical environ- and to identify the environmental changes ment. As might be expected, some of the that are similar to those experienced in the socio-cultural drivers of environmental Southeastern U.S., shedding light on pro- change in Cuba are similar to those occur- cesses of global environmental change rel- ring in many Caribbean nations, but oth- evant to the region as a whole. Ongoing ers are relatively unique to Cuba because environmental change in Cuba largely they are related to liberalization of the stems from the liberalization of specific tourism and agricultural economies. As is sectors of the Cuban economy and regional common in many locations in the Carib- climate variability. Our observations, bean, growth in the tourism industry has therefore, focus on these vectors of change. had direct impacts on the environment. Most evident of these is the conversion of socio-economic change and natural beaches and coastlines into large resulting urban and physical resorts for packaged tourism. landscape change There are roughly ≥≠≠ Cuban beaches (Sainsbury ≤≠≠∏) used by tourists, mainly Cuba’s cultural and physical landscapes from Europe, including Spain, France, the have abundant visual reminders of Cuba’s United Kingdom, and Germany but also 86 lisa davis, david m. brommer, and enrique rodriquez-loeches diez-argüelles Figure ≤. Combining Soviet and U.S. cultural representations in Cuba, a Soviet Lada drives on the Malécon (coastal road around the Bay of Havana) in front of the Hotel Nacional. The U.S. Mafia held a summit in the Hotel Nacional in ∞Ω∂∏ to plan and begin a casino industry that operated in Havana until the Revolution occurred in ∞Ω∑Ω. It was also the site of a fortification in defense of a potential U.S. invasion during the Cuban Missile Crisis. Tunnels that once stored weapons and ammunition still exist today beneath the front lawn of the Hotel Nacional, with empty Soviet ammunition crates in place. from Canada and other parts of the Ameri- ∞Ω∑Ω. An interesting broader topic related cas, with the obvious exception of the to the continued expansion of the Cuban United States. We encountered Spanish tourism industry within the Caribbean is and British tourists most frequently. Many the impact its growth will have on the beaches are not maintained or urbanized tourism-based economies of other Ca- to the level associated with large resorts ribbean nations, particularly should the but many are and growth towards resort United States ease travel restrictions cur- style beaches is clearly visible along Cuba’s rently placed on its citizens regarding coastline, with new construction of large, travel to Cuba. As Padilla and McElroy multi-story hotels along beachfronts in lo- (≤≠≠π) point out, U.S. tourists currently cations such the Playa municipality of comprise half of the tourists in the Carib- Havana, located west of the Almendares bean but less than ∂ percent of the visitors River near neighborhoods formerly home to Cuba. Changes in U.S. travel restrictions to Havana’s elite before the Revolution in have great potential to change this pattern Observations of Environmental Change in Cuba 87 Figure ≥. The U.S. Interest Building in Havana, located on the Malécon. Black flags shown in the foreground are meant to obscure the world news ticker that sits atop and is operated by the U.S. Interest Building. The monument in the foreground and to the right is to over ≤≠≠ servicemen that died on the U.S.S. Maine when it exploded in Havana Harbor prior to the Spanish American War in ∞∫Ω∫. and thus would have significant repercus- Socio-economic changes that occurred sions on Caribbean nations currently de- as a result of the departure of the Soviet pendent on U.S. tourism dollars. Union resulted in significant changes in An interesting result of tourism indus- land use. The cessation of trade with the try expansion is the momentum tourism Soviet Union in the ∞ΩΩ≠s left Cuba with- has brought to the historic preservation out its primary food-trading partner and and restoration of the urban landscape of thus, a food shortage resulted. The food Havana Vieja (Old Havana). In ∞Ω∫≤, UN- shortage led the Cuban government to de- ESCO named Havana Vieja a World centralize its agricultural economy and Heritage Site as a result of the varied ar- focus on localized centers of food produc- chitectural styles (Figure ∂ and Figure ∑) tion that did not require transportation to and historic structures present. This desig- population centers, as both fuel and exten- nation, combined with the expansion of sive road networks were also in short sup- the tourism industry in Cuba beginning in ply (Alvarez and Peurta ∞ΩΩ∂). In ∞ΩΩ≥, the ∞ΩΩ≠s, led to substantial effort and re- the Cuban government converted its state investment of tourism profits into the res- owned and regulated farm system to a toration of historic and/or culturally sig- farming cooperative system called BUCP or nificant structures in Havana Vieja (Figure Basic Units of Cooperative Production ∏), including museums and other public (Unidades Basicas de Produccion Coopera- spaces, such as schools and churches. tiva), which were shown to outperform 88 lisa davis, david m. brommer, and enrique rodriquez-loeches diez-argüelles Figure ∑. Example of diverse architectural Figure ∂. Example of diverse architectural style in Havana Vieja. style in Havana Vieja. state farms in both quality and quantity of major boroughs of the city has one or more agricultural products (Alvarez and Peurta agropecuarios. Because of the great amount ∞ΩΩ∂). of skill and knowledge necessary to convert Subsequent liberalization of the agri- disused land into productive farmland, cultural economy allowed free enterprise many urban farms are operated by govern- food markets (agropecuarios) (Figure π) to ment agrononomists but employ citizens. be established that permit farmers to sell It is estimated that as much as ≥≠ percent their surplus produce to citizens for profit, of the produce consumed in Cuba is grown which has fueled interest among Cuban cit- in urban farms (Sainsbury ≤≠≠∏). izens in establishing urban farms, including organoponicos (raised-bed gar- similarities in environmental dens), autoconsumos (gardens operated change between cuba and the by schools and workplaces for their own southeastern u.s. consumption), and huertos intensivos (community gardens). The increase in ur- Not all processes of environmental ban farming resulted in substantial and change taking place in Cuba are driven by apparent land use change in population its unique socio-cultural and historical cir- centers, such as Havana, by encouraging cumstance. In the case of Cuba’s natural conversion of brownfields and disused lots systems, such as rivers and climate, the into farmland (Figure ∫).

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