Roman Cinerary Urns in Coloured Stone, S

Interdisciplinary Studies on Ancient Stone Proceedings of the IX ASMOSIA Conference (Tarragona 2009)

Interdisciplinary Studies on Ancient Stone Proceedings of the IX Association for the Study of Marbles and Other Stones in Antiquity (ASMOSIA) Conference (Tarragona 2009)

Edited by Anna Gutiérrez Garcia-M. Pilar Lapuente Mercadal Isabel Rodà de Llanza

INSTITUT CATALÀ D’ARQUEOLOGIA CLÀSSICA Tarragona, 2012 Biblioteca de Catalunya - Dades CIP

Association for the Study of Marble and Other Stones used in Antiquity. International Symposium (9è : 2009 : Tarragona, Catalunya)

Interdisciplinary studies on ancient stone : proceedings of the IX Association for the Study of Marble and Other Stones in Antiquity (ASMOSIA) Conference (Tarragona 2009). – (Documenta ; 23) Bibliograﬁ a ISBN 9788493903381 I. Gutiérrez Garcia-Moreno, Anna, ed. II. Lapuente Mercadal, Pilar, ed. III. Rodà, Isabel, 1948- ed. IV. Institut Català d’Arqueologia Clàssica V. Títol VI. Col·lecció: Documenta (Institut Català d’Arqueologia Clàssica) ; 23 1. Escultura en marbre – Roma – Congressos 2. Construccions de marbre – Roma – Congressos 3. Marbre – Roma – Anàlisi – Congressos 4. Pedres de construcció – Roma – Anàlisi – Congressos 5. Pedreres – Roma – Història – Congressos 904-03(37):552.46(061.3)

Aquesta obra recull les aportacions (comunicacions orals i pòsters) que es van presentar durant el IX Congrés Internacional de l’Association for the Study of Marbles and Other Stones in Antiquity (ASMOSIA), organitzat per l’ICAC en el marc del programa de recerca HAR2008-04600/HIST, amb el suport del programa d’Ajuts ARCS 2008 (referència expedient IR036826) de la Generalitat de Catalunya i del Ministeri de Ciència i Innovació (Accions Complementàries HAR2008- 03181-E/HIST), i celebrat a Tarragona entre el 8 i el 13 de juny del 2009. Aquesta publicació ha estat possible gràcies a l’ajut del programa d’Ajuts ARCS 2008 (referència expedient IR036826) de la Generalitat de Catalunya i del Ministeri de Ciència i Innovació (Accions Complementaries HAR2008-03181-E/ HIST), i també als projectes de recerca HAR2008-04600/HIST (“Explotación, uso e intercambio de materias primas inor- gánicas entre el norte de Hispania, el sur de la Galia y los puertos de Roma”) i HAR2011-25011 (“La explotación y comercio de los recursos naturales en el N. de la Hispania romana: lapis, metalla, aqua”) del Ministeri de Ciència i Innovació.

Comitè editorial Juan Manuel Abascal (Universitat d’Alacant), José María Álvarez Martínez (Museo Nacional de Arte Romano, Mérida), Carmen Aranegui (Universitat de València), Achim Arbeiter (Universitat Georg-August de Göttingen, Alemanya), Jean-Charles Balty (Universitat de París-Sorbona [París IV], França), Francesco D’Andria (Universitat del Salento, Itàlia), Pierre Gros (Universitat de Provença, França), Ella Hermon (Université Laval, Quebec, Canadà), Rosa Plana-Mallart (Universitat Paul-Valéry Montpeller 3, França), Lucrezia Ungaro (Sovraintendenza Capitolina, Direzione Musei, Itàlia) i Susan Walker (Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, Regne Unit).

Durant els nou primers mesos de publicació, qualsevol forma de reproducció, distribució, comunicació pública o transformació d’aquesta obra només es pot fer tenint l’autorització dels seus titulars, amb les excepcions previstes per la llei. Adreceu-vos a CEDRO (Centre Espanyol de Drets Reprogràﬁ cs, www.cedro.org) si heu de fotocopiar o escanejar fragments d’aquesta obra. A partir del desè mes de publicació, aquest llibre està disponible en format PDF a la web de l’ICAC i s’autoritza el públic en general a reproduir, distribuir i comunicar l’obra sempre que se’n reconegui l’autoria i les entitats que la publiquen i no se’n faci un ús comercial, ni lucratiu, ni cap obra derivada.

Primera edició: maig del 2012 Coordinació: Publicacions de l’ICAC Disseny de la col·lecció: Dièdric Coberta: Gerard Juan Gili Fotograﬁ a de la coberta: Placa de broccatello de la vil·la romana dels Munts, a Altafulla (Tarragona).

Maquetació i impressió: Indústries Gràﬁ ques Gabriel Gibert Dipòsit Legal: T-336-2012 ISBN: 978-84-939033-8-1 LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS

Abbe, M. B., Lamar Dodd School of Art, University of Blanc, Ph., Laboratoire de Biominéralisations et Paléoen- Georgia, Athens, GA (USA) vironnements, Université Pierre & Marie Curie [email protected] (UPMC), Paris (France) Abramitis, D., The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New [email protected] York (USA) Blume, C., Courant Forschungszentrum Bildung und [email protected] Religion, Georg-August-Universität Göttingen, Göt- Albiach, R., Servei d’Investigació Prehistòrica, Museu de tingen (Germany) Prehistòria de València, València (Spain) [email protected] [email protected] Borromeo, G. E., Museum of Art, Rhode Island School Àlvarez, A., Unitat d’Estudis Arqueomètrics, Institut of Design, Providence, RI (USA) Català d’Arqueologia Clàssica (ICAC), Tarragona / [email protected] Departament de Geologia, Universitat Autònoma de Brilli, M., Istituto di Geologia Ambientale e Geoingeg- Barcelona (UAB), Barcelona (Spain) neria, Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche (IGAG- [email protected]; [email protected] CNR), Roma (Italy) Andreu, J., Departamento de Historia Antigua, Univer- [email protected] sidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia (UNED), Bromblet, Ph., Centre Interrégional de Conservation et Madrid (Spain) de Restauration du Patrimoine (CICRP), Marseille [email protected] (France) Antolinos, J. A., Universidad de Murcia, Murcia (Spain) [email protected] [email protected] Bruno, M., Roma (Italy) Antonelli, F., Laboratorio di Analisi dei Materiali An- [email protected] tichi (LAMA), Università Iuav di Venezia, Venezia Bugini, R., Istituto Conservazione e Valorizzazione (Italy) Beni Culturali, Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche [email protected] (ICVBC-CNR), Milano (Italy) Apostolaki, C., Department of Mineral Resources En- [email protected] gineering, Technical University of Crete, Chania Burrell, B., Department of Classics, Brock University, St. (Greece) Catharines, Ontario (Canada) [email protected] [email protected] Arana, R. † Passed away in June 2011; Departamento de Buzov, M., Institute of Archaeology, Zagreb (Croatia) Química Agrícola, Geología y Edafología, Universi- [email protected] dad de Murcia, Murcia (Spain) Cancelliere, S., Laboratorio di Analisi dei Materiali An- Arana, S., Escuela Oﬁ cial de Idiomas de Lorca, Exten- tichi (LAMA), Università Iuav di Venezia, Venezia sión Mazarrón, Mazarrón (Spain) (Italy) [email protected] [email protected] Arola, R., Universitat Rovira i Virgili, Tarragona (Spain) Carlson, D., Institute of Nautical Archaeology, Texas [email protected] A&M University, College Station, TX (USA) Attanasio, D., Istituto di Struttura della Materia, Con- [email protected] siglio Nazionale delle Ricerche (ISM-CNR), Roma Cau, M. A., Institució Catalana de Recerca i Estudis (Italy) Avançats (ICREA) / Equip de Recerca Arqueològica [email protected] i Arqueomètrica de la Universitat de Barcelona (ER- Aulinas, M., Departament de Geoquímica, Petrologia i AAUB), Departament de Prehistòria, Història Antiga Prospecció Geològica, Universitat de Barcelona, Bar- i Arqueologia, Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona celona (Spain) (Spain) [email protected] [email protected] Aylward, W., Department of Classics, University of Wis- Cavari, F., Dipartimento di Archeologia e Storia delle consin, Madison, WI (USA) Arti, Università di Siena, Siena (Italy) [email protected] [email protected] Barker, S. J., University of Oxford, Hertford College, Cebrián, R., Parque Arqueológico de Segóbriga, Saelices Oxford (UK) (Spain) [email protected] [email protected] Beltrán, J., Departamento de Prehistoria y Arqueología, Černiková, A., Institute of Applied Mathematics and Universidad de Sevilla, Sevilla (Spain) Information Technologies, Charles University in [email protected] Prague, Praha (Czech Republic) Blanc, A., Laboratoire de Recherche des Monuments [email protected] Historiques, Champs-sur-Marne (France)

5 INTERDISCIPLINARY STUDIES ON ANCIENT STONE. PROCEEDINGS OF THE IX ASMOSIA CONFERENCE (TARRAGONA 2009)

Chávez, M. E., Departamento de Prehistoria, Arque- Džin, K., Institute of Social Sciences Ivo Pilar, Zagreb ología, Antropología e Historia Antigua, Universidad / Centre for Archaeological Research, International de La Laguna, Islas Canarias (Spain) Research Centre for Archaeology, Brijuni-Medulin, [email protected] Pula (Croatia) Cipriani, M., Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Paes- [email protected] tum, Capaccio Scalo (Italy) Eguíluz, L., Departamento de Geodinámica, Universidad [email protected] del País Vasco UPV-EHU, Vitoria/Gasteiz (Spain) Corremans, M., Sagalassos Archaeological Research [email protected] Project, Department of Archaeology, Catholic Uni- Elçi, H., Dokuz Eylül University, Torbali Vocational versity of Leuven, Leuven (Belgium) School, Torbali-İzmir (Turkey) [email protected] [email protected] Cox, J., University of Georgia, Athens, GA (USA) Fachard, S., École Suisse d’Archéologie en Grèce, [email protected] Lausanne / Athína (Greece) Cuchí, J. A., Escuela Politécnica Superior, Universidad [email protected] de Zaragoza, Huesca (Spain) Fant, J. C., Department of Classical Studies, Anthropol- [email protected] ogy and Archaeology, University of Akron, Akron, Davidović, J., Museum of Srem, Sremska Mitrovica (Ser- OH (USA) bia) [email protected] [email protected] Folli, L., Istituto Conservazione e Valorizzazione Beni De Dapper, M., Department of Geography, Ghent Uni- Culturali (ICVBC-CNR), Milano (Italy) versity, Gent (Belgium) [email protected] [email protected] Friedland, E. A., Department of Classical and Near East- Degryse, P., Centre for Archaeological Sciences, Division ern Languages and Civilizations, The George Wash- of Geology, Catholic University of Leuven, Heverlee ington University, Washington, DC (USA) (Belgium) [email protected] [email protected] Gaggadis-Robin, V., Centre Camille Jullian, CNRS, Del Pietro, L., Dipartimento di Scienze Archeologiche, Université de Provence, Aix-en-Provence (France) University of Pisa, Pisa (Italy) [email protected] [email protected] Gaied, M. E., Faculté des sciences de Sfax, Sfax (Tunisia) De Paepe, P., Department of Geology and Soil Science, [email protected] Ghent University, Gent (Belgium) Galán, E., Departamento de Cristalografía, Mineralogía y [email protected] Química Agrícola, Universidad de Sevilla, Sevilla (Spain) Dessandier, D., BRGM (French Geological Survey), [email protected] Marseille (France) Gallala, W., Faculté des sciences de Gabès, Gabès (Tu- [email protected] nisia) Djurić, B., Department of Archaeology, University of [email protected] Ljubljana, Ljubljana (Slovenia) Gallego, A., Valencia (Spain) [email protected] [email protected] Dobruna-Salihu, E., Instituti Albanologjik i Prishtinës, Garcés, C., Instituto de Estudios Altoaragoneses (IEA), Prishtinë (Kosovo) Huesca (Spain) [email protected] [email protected] Domènech, A., Unitat d’Estudis Arqueomètrics, Institut García-Prósper, E., Valencia (Spain) Català d’Arqueologia Clàssica (ICAC), Tarragona / [email protected] Deptartament de Geologia, Universitat Autònoma Garcia-Valles, M., Departament de Cristal·lograﬁ a, Mi- de Barcelona (UAB), Barcelona (Spain) neralogia i Dipòsits Minerals, Universitat de Barce- [email protected] lona, Barcelona (Spain) Domingo, J. Á., Università di Roma “La Sapienza”, [email protected] Roma (Italy) Gasull, N., Universitat Rovira i Virgili, Tarragona (Spain) [email protected] [email protected] Donelli, I., Arts Academy, University of Split, Split Gazda, E., Department of the History of Art and Kel- (Croatia) sey Museum of Archaeology, University of Michigan, [email protected] Ann Arbor, MI (USA) Dotsika, E., Laboratory of Archaeometry, Institute of [email protected] Materials Science, NCSR “Demokritos”, Aghia Par- Genera, M., Departament de Cultura, Generalitat de askevi (Greece) Catalunya, Barcelona / SEDPGYM, Madrid (Spain) [email protected] [email protected] Droghini, F., Dipartimento di Scienze Ambientali “G. Giamello, M., Dipartimento di Scienze Ambientali “G. Sarfatti”, Università di Siena, Siena (Italy) Sarfatti”, Università di Siena, Siena (Italy) [email protected] [email protected]

6 LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS

Girardi Jurkic, V., Department of Latin Studies, Univer- López Melción, J. B., Grup d’Investigació Prehistòri- sity of Zagreb, Zagreb (Croatia) ca, Departament d’Història, Universitat de Lleida [email protected] (UdL), Lleida (Spain) Grillo, S. M., Dipartimento di Geoingegneria e Tec- [email protected] nologie Ambientali, Università di Cagliari, Cagliari López Vilar, J., Institut Català d’Arqueologia Clàssica (Italy) (ICAC), Tarragona (Spain) [email protected] [email protected] Gromet, L. P., Brown University, Providence, RI (USA) Loza Azuaga, M. L., Instituto Andaluz del Patrimonio [email protected] Histórico (IAPH), Sevilla (Spain) Gutiérrez Deza, M. I., Convenio Ayuntamiento de [email protected] Córdoba - Universidad de Córdoba, Córdoba Loza Uriarte, M., Iterbide S.C., Vitoria-Gasteiz (Spain) (Spain) [email protected] [email protected] Macias, J. M., Institut Català d’Arqueologia Clàssica Gutiérrez Garcia-M., A., Unitat d’Estudis Arqueomètrics, (ICAC), Tarragona (Spain) Institut Català d’Arqueologia Clàssica (ICAC), Tar- [email protected] ragona / Departament de Ciències de l’Antiguitat i Maniatis, Y., Laboratory of Archaeometry, Institute of l’Edat Mitjana, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Materials Science, NCSR “Demokritos”, Aghia Par- (UAB), Barcelona (Spain) askevi (Greece) [email protected]; [email protected] [email protected] Hamiane, M., University M’Bougara of Boumerdès, Mañas, I., Centro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales Bourmedes (Algeria) (CCHS-CSIC) / Departamento de Historia Anti- [email protected] gua, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia Herrmann, J. J. Jr., Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, MA (UNED), Madrid (Spain) (USA) [email protected] [email protected] Mar, R., Universitat Rovira i Virgili, Tarragona (Spain) Hipol, S., University of Georgia, Athens, GA (USA) [email protected] [email protected] Marcopoulos, T., Department of Mineral Resources Engi- Jovanović, D., Geological Institute of Serbia, Beograd neering, Technical University of Crete, Chania, (Greece) (Serbia) [email protected] [email protected] Mariottini, M., Istituto Superiore per la Conservazione Khalfallah, C., National Archaeological Museum, Setif ed il Restauro, Roma (Italy) (Algeria) [email protected] [email protected] Martínez-Torres, L. M., Departamento de Geodinámi- Kidd, B., Museum of Art and Archaeology, University of ca, Universidad del País Vasco UPV-EHU, Vitoria- Missouri, Columbia, MISS (USA) Gasteiz (Spain) [email protected] [email protected] Kozelj, T., École Française d’Athènes, Thassos (Greece) Mas, C., Equip de Recerca Arqueològica i Arqueomètri- [email protected] ca de la Universitat de Barcelona (ERAAUB), Depar- Lapuente, P., Área de Petrología y Geoquímica, Depar- tament de Prehistòria, Història Antiga i Arqueologia, tamento de Ciencias de la Tierra, Universidad de Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona (Spain) Zaragoza, Zaragoza (Spain) [email protected] [email protected] Mascione, C., Dipartimento di Archeologia e Storia delle Laroche, D., École Nationale Supérieure d’Architecture Arti, Università di Siena, Siena (Italy) de Strasbourg, Strasbourg (France) [email protected] [email protected] Matijaca, M., Croatian Conservation Institute, Split Lazzarini, L., Laboratorio di Analisi dei Materiali Antichi (Croatia) (LAMA), Università Iuav di Venezia, Venenzia (Italy) [email protected] [email protected] Matsas, D., Archaeological Museum, Komotini (Greece) Leka, E., Direction of Prehistoric and Classical Antiqui- [email protected] ties, Ministry of Culture, Athína (Greece) Maver, A., Department of Archaeology, University of [email protected] Ljubljana, Ljubljana (Slovenia) León, P., Departamento de Prehistoria y Arqueología, [email protected] Universidad de Sevilla, Sevilla (Spain) Menchon, J. J., Museu d’Història de Tarragona, Ajunta- [email protected] ment de Tarragona, Tarragona (Spain) Leroux, L., Laboratoire de Recherche des Monuments [email protected] Historiques (LRMH), Champs-sur-Marne (France) Miras, A., Departamento de Cristalografía, Mineralogía [email protected] y Química Agrícola, Universidad de Sevilla, Sevilla López Aldana, P., Sevilla (Spain) (Spain) [email protected] [email protected]

7 INTERDISCIPLINARY STUDIES ON ANCIENT STONE. PROCEEDINGS OF THE IX ASMOSIA CONFERENCE (TARRAGONA 2009)

Miró, C., ICUB- Servei d’Arqueologia, Barcelona (Spain) Polikreti, K., University of Tirana, Tirana (Albania) [email protected] [email protected] Molist, N., Museu d’Arqueologia de Catalunya-Olèrdo- Pollini, J., Department of Art History, University of la, Barcelona (Spain) Southern California, Los Angeles, CA (USA) [email protected] [email protected] Moretti, J. C., IRAA du CNRS, MOM, Université de Preite-Martinez, M., Dipartimento di Scienze della Ter- Lyon 2, Lyon (France) ra, Università di Roma “La Sapienza”, Roma (Italy) [email protected] [email protected] Moya, A., Grup d’Investigació Prehistòrica, Departa- Přikryl, R., Institute of Geochemistry, Mineralogy and ment d’Història, Universitat de Lleida (UdL), Lleida Mineral Resources, Charles University in Prague, (Spain) Praha (Czech Republic) [email protected] [email protected] Muñoz, A., Museu Bíblic Tarraconense, Tarragona Prochaska, W., Department of Applied Geological Sci- (Spain) ences and Geophysics, University of Leoben, Leoben [email protected] (Austria) Niso, J., Iterbide S.C., Vitoria-Gasteiz (Spain) [email protected] [email protected] Rébé, I., Centre Archéologique de Ruscino, Perpignan Nogales, T., Museo Nacional de Arte Romano de Mérida (France) (MNAR) / Consejería de Educación y Cultura, Junta [email protected] de Extremadura, Mérida (Spain) Revilla, E., Museu d’Història de Barcelona (MUHBA), [email protected]; [email protected] Barcelona (Spain) Noguera, J. M., Área de Arqueología, Universidad de [email protected] Murcia, Murcia (Spain) Reyes, O., Unidad de Arqueología, IE University, Sego- [email protected] via (Spain) Ontiveros, E., Laboratorio de Geología, Instituto Anda- [email protected] luz del Patrimonio Histórico (IAPH), Sevilla (Spain) Riache, C., National Archaeological Museum of Setif, [email protected] Setif (Algeria) Orﬁ la, M., Departamento de Prehistoria y Arqueología, [email protected] Universidad de Granada, Granada (Spain) Riera Rullan, M., Palma de Mallorca, Illes Balears (Spain) orﬁ [email protected] [email protected] Otiña, P., Salou (Spain) Rižnar, I., Ljubljana (Slovenia) [email protected] [email protected] Ovadiah, A., Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv (Israel) Rodà, I., Institut Català d’Arqueologia Clàssica (ICAC), [email protected] Tarragona / Departament de Ciències de l’Antiguitat Paduan, I., Croatian Conservation Institute, Split i l’Edat Mitjana, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (Croatia) (UAB), Barcelona (Spain) [email protected] [email protected] Pensabene, P., Dipartimento di Scienze dell’Antichità, Rodríguez, O., Departamento de Prehistoria y Arque- Università di Roma “La Sapienza”, Roma (Italy) ología, Universidad de Sevilla, Sevilla (Spain) [email protected] [email protected] Pérez, C., Unidad de Arqueología, IE University, Segovia Romano, I.B., American School of Classical Studies at (Spain) Athens, Princeton, NJ (USA) [email protected] [email protected] Perna, S., Department of Classics Royal Holloway, Uni- Romero, M., Servicio de Arqueología, Ayuntamiento de versity of London, London (UK) Antequera, Málaga (Spain) [email protected]; [email protected] Royo, H., Unitat d’Estudis Arqueomètrics, Institut Cat- Pike, S., Department of Earth and Environmental Sci- alà d’Arqueologia Clàssica (ICAC), Tarragona / De- ence, Willamette University, Salem, OR (USA) partamento de Ciencias de la Tierra, Universidad de [email protected] Zaragoza, Zaragoza (Spain) Pitarch, A., Laboratory of X-ray Analytical Applications [email protected] (LARX), Institut de Ciències de la Terra “Jaume Alm- Russell, B., Classics Department, King’s College Lon- era” (ICTJA-CSIC), Barcelona (Spain) don, London (UK) [email protected]; [email protected] [email protected] Pivko, D., Department of Geology and Paleontology, Salán, M., Madrid (Spain) Faculty of Natural Sciences, Comenius University, [email protected] Bratislava (Slovakia) Scardozzi, G., Istituto per i Beni Archeologici e Monu- [email protected] mentali, Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche (IBAM- Pojani, I., University of Tirana, Tirana (Albania) CNR), Lecce (Italy) [email protected] [email protected]

8 LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS

Soler, B., Instituto de Arqueología de Mérida (IAM- Varti-Matarangas, M., Institute of Geology and Mineral CSIC), Mérida (Spain) Exploration (IGME), Athína (Greece) [email protected] [email protected] Šťastná, A., Institute of Geochemistry, Mineralogy and Vázquez, M. A., Departamento de Cristalografía, Min- Mineral Resources, Charles University in Prague, eralogía y Química Agrícola, Universidad de Sevilla, Praha (Czech Republic) Sevilla (Spain) [email protected] [email protected] Storage, W., Offi ce for History of Science and Technol- Vermeulen, F., Centro Interdisciplinar de História, Cultu- ogy, University of California, Berkeley (USA) ras e Sociedades (CIDEHUS), Universidade de Évora, [email protected]; [email protected] Évora (Portugal) Stoyanov, T., Department of Archaeology, Sofi a Univer- [email protected] sity “St. Kliment Ohridski”, Sofi a (Bulgaria) Villa, I., Isotopengeologie, Mineralogisch-Petrographi- [email protected] sches Institut, Universität Bern, Bern (Switzerland) Stoyanova, D., Department of Archaeology, Sofi a Uni- [email protected] versity “St. Kliment Ohridski”, Sofi a (Bulgaria) Visona, D., Dipartimento di Scienze della Terra, Univer- [email protected] sità di Padova, Padova (Italy) Sturgeon, M., Department of Art, University of North [email protected] Carolina at Chapel Hill, Chapel Hill, NC (USA) Vitti, M., Sovraintendenza Beni Culturali, Comune di [email protected] Roma, Roma (Italy) Taelman, D., Department of Archaeology, Ghent Uni- [email protected] versity, Gent (Belgium) Waelkens, M., Sagalassos Archaeological Research [email protected] Project, Department of Archaeology, Catholic Uni- Tambakopoulos, D., Laboratory of Archaeometry, In- versity of Leuven, Leuven (Belgium) stitute of Materials Science, NCSR “Demokritos”, [email protected] Aghia Paraskevi (Greece) Wescoat, B. D., Art History Department, Emory Uni- [email protected] versity, Atlanta, GA (USA) Taylor, R., Departamento de Prehistoria y Arqueología, [email protected] Universidad de Sevilla, Sevilla (Spain) Wielgosz, D., Institute of Archaeology, University of [email protected] Warsaw, Warszawa (Poland) Teixell, I., Museu d’Història de Tarragona, Ajuntament [email protected] de Tarragona, Tarragona (Spain) Wurch-Kozelj, M., École Française d’Athènes, Thassos [email protected] (Greece) Toma, N., Institut für Klassische Archäologie, Christian- [email protected] Albrechts-Universität, Kiel (Germany) Yavuz, A. B., Geological Engineering Department, [email protected] D.E.Ü. Engineering Faculty, İzmir (Turkey) Tykot, R. H., Department of Anthropology, University [email protected] of South Florida (USF), Tampa, FL (USA) Younès, A., Faculté des Sciences Humaines et Sociales de [email protected] Tunis, Tunis (Tunisia) Ungaro, L., Sovraintendenza Beni Culturali, Comune di [email protected] Roma, Roma (Italy) Zachos, G. A., Research Centre for Antiquity, Academy [email protected] of Athens, Athína (Greece) van den Hoek, A., Harvard Divinity School, Cambridge, [email protected] MA (USA) [email protected] Van Keuren, F., Lamar Dodd School of Art, University of Georgia, Athens, GA (USA) [email protected]

9 Nota bene The quality of the texts and images relies on the quality of the originals provided by the authors. CONTENTS

Presentation ...... 15 In Memoriam Rafael Arana ...... 17

1. APPLICATIONS TO SPECIFIC ARCHAEOLOGICAL QUESTIONS. USE OF MARBLE Roman marble salvaging, S. J. Barker...... 22 Computer technology and three-dimensional models in determining the recutting of Roman portraits: the Getty Augustus, J. Pollini and W. Storage ...... 31 The import and the use of white marble and coloured stone for wall and ﬂ oor revetment at Sagalassos, M. Corremans, P. Degryse, D. Wielgosz and M. Waelkens . . . . . 38 Quarry origins, commission, and import of the marble sculptures from the Roman Theater in Philadelphia/Amman, Jordan, E. A. Friedland and R. H. Tykot ...... 52 The “peopled” scroll motif in the Land of Israel in the Roman period: the case of the marble friezes in the Roman theatre at Beth Shean/Scythopolis, A. Ovadiah ...... 61 An introductory study to the ornamental and building stones of the Djemila (Algeria) archaeological site, D. Dessandier, F. Antonelli, L. Lazzarini, M. Varti-Matarangas, L. Leroux, M. Hamiane, C. Riache and C. Khalfallah ...... 68 Unﬁ nished kouros in the Mytilene Archaeological Museum: marble sculpture in Lesbos in the Archaic period, E. Leka ...... 75 Ancient sculptures of imported marble in the central part of Dardania (present day Kosovo), E. Dobruna-Salihu ...... 82 Two incomplete sculptures from Cavae Romanae quarries (Istria, Croatia), K. Džin . . . 89 Late Roman sarcophagi in central Italy made from scavenged blocks, J. J. Herrmann Jr. . 93 Archaeometric analyses of white marbles from Hadrian’s Villa (Tivoli, Italy) and the use of Pentelic and Dokymaean marbles in the statuary of the so-called Canopus, P. Pensabene, F. Antonelli, L. Lazzarini and S. Cancelliere ...... 104 Ancient coloured marbles and their surrogates in the Milan cathedral (late 16th century), R. Bugini and L. Folli...... 109 The marmora from the Forum of Ruscino (Château-Roussillon, France), P. Pensabene, I. Rébé and I. Rodà ...... 113 The stones of Ammaia (Portugal): use and provenance, D. Taelman, F. Vermeulen, M. De Dapper and P. De Paepe ...... 117 The opus sectile of the curia of Ilipa (Alcalá del Río, Seville). Considerations on the use of stone in public architecture from Roman Baetica, O. Rodríguez, I. Mañas and E. Ontiveros ...... 127 Suitability criteria for the selection of marble to be used for restoration: application to the Alhambra Palace (Granada, Spain), A. Miras, M. A. Vázquez, E. Galán, C. Apostolaki and T. Marcopoulos ...... 136 Almándoz marble from Navarra in the Arcaya Roman thermae in Álava (Northern Spain), L. M. Martínez-Torres, L. Eguíluz, M. Loza Uriarte and J. Niso ...... 142 Espejón marmor and its use in Roman Hispania, M. Salán...... 146 Use of marmora in the ornamental program of Las Pizarras Roman site (ancient Cauca, Segovia, Spain), C. Pérez, O. Reyes, I. Rodà, A. Àlvarez, A. Gutiérrez Garcia-M., A. Domènech and H. Royo ...... 151 Funding of public buildings and calculation of the costs of the stone materials. The case of the Forum of Segobriga (Cuenca, Spain). P. Pensabene, R. Mar and R. Cebrián. . 161 The marble repertoire of the Roman villa of Cornelius (Valencia, Spain), R. Albiach, E. García-Prósper and A. Gallego ...... 176

11 INTERDISCIPLINARY STUDIES ON ANCIENT STONE. PROCEEDINGS OF THE IX ASMOSIA CONFERENCE (TARRAGONA 2009)

Petrographic study of the tumular cist with carved steles of Reguers de Seró (Artesa de Segre, Lleida, Catalonia), M. Garcia-Valles, M. Aulinas, J. B. López Melción and A. Moya 183 The imported marmora from the Jaume I School: an assemblage from the Provincial Forum of Tarraco, R. Arola, J. Á. Domingo and N. Gasull ...... 190 The marmora used in the imperial cult area of Tarraco (Hispania Citerior), A. Àlvarez, J. M. Macias, A. Muñoz, À. Pitarch, I. Teixell and J. J. Menchon ...... 196 Marmora at the Tarraco of the Antonines: the assemblage of Sant Pau and Santa Tecla Hospital (Tarragona, Spain), A. Gutiérrez Garcia-M. and J. López Vilar ...... 204 Columns and rotae in Tarraco made with granite from the Troad, I. Rodà, P. Pensabene and J. Á. Domingo ...... 210

2. PROVENANCES AND IDENTIFICATION I. MARBLES Tracing the origin of marbles by inclusion ﬂ uid chemistry, W. Prochaska and D. Attanasio ...... 230 Determining white marble provenance of Greek and Roman sculpture in the Museum of Art and Archaeology, University of Missouri, B. Kidd, D. Attanasio and R. H. Tykot . 238 On the Ephesian origin of greco scritto marble, D. Attanasio, A. B. Yavuz, M. Bruno, J. J. Herrmann Jr., R. H. Tykot and A. van den Hoek ...... 245 A new source of bigio antico marble: the ancient quarries of Iznik (Turkey), A. B. Yavuz, M. Bruno and D. Attanasio ...... 255 The Sanctuary of the Great Gods on Samothrace, Greece: an extended marble provenance study, Y. Maniatis, D. Tambakopoulos, E. Dotsika, B. D. Wescoat and D. Matsas ...... 263 Provenance investigation of two marble artefacts from ancient Stymphalos, Greece, Y. Maniatis, D. Tambakopoulos and M. Sturgeon ...... 279 The search for the Prehistoric marble sources in the Cyclades, D. Tambakopoulos and Y. Maniatis ...... 287 Characterization and distribution of marble from Cap de Garde and Mt. Filﬁ la, Algeria, J. J. Herrmann Jr., D. Attanasio, R. H. Tykot and A. van den Hoek ...... 300 Provenance investigation of marble sculptures from Butrint, Albania, V. Gaggadis-Robin, I. Pojani, K. Polikreti and Y. Maniatis ...... 310 Provenance study of Czech marbles based on a comparison of mineralogical-petrographic, cathodoluminescence, plus C and O isotopic characteristics, A. Šťastná, R. Přikryl and A. Černíková...... 322 Rome: white marbles in the Fora of Caesar, Augustus, and Trajan, D. Attanasio, M. Brilli, M. Bruno, L. Ungaro and M. Vitti ...... 331 Three fragments of a Marsyas sarcophagus: multimethod marble analyses, F. Va n Keuren, D. Attanasio, J. J. Herrmann Jr., S. Hipol, J. Cox, L. P. Gromet and D. Abramitis . 344 Investigations on the white marbles of architectural elements in Salento (Southern Italy), L. Del Pietro ...... 355 White sculptural materials from Villa Adriana: study of provenance, P. Lapuente, P. León, T. Nogales, H. Royo, M. Preite-Martinez and Ph. Blanc ...... 364 Black sculptural materials from Villa Adriana: study of provenance, P. Lapuente, T. Nogales, P. León, H. Royo and M. Preite-Martinez ...... 376 The importation of white marble into Paestum during the Republic and at the beginning of the Empire, M. Cipriani, L. Lazzarini and S. Cancelliere ...... 384 The white marble quarries of Campiglia Marittima (Livorno, Italy) and the provenance of marble artefacts from Populonia, F. Cavari, F. Droghini, M. Giamello, L. Lazzarini and C. Mascione ...... 390 White marbles provenance study of Caesar’s head and other major sculptures found in the Rhône River at Arles (France), Ph. Blanc, Ph. Bromblet and L. Leroux ...... 401

12 CONTENTS

Petrography and elemental geochemistry of the Roman quarries of Los Castillejos and Los Covachos (Almadén de la Plata, Seville, Spain). Outcrops and semi-elaborated products, E. Ontiveros, J. Beltrán, R. Taylor, O. Rodriguez and P. López Aldana ...... 407 Study of provenance of the Roman sarcophagus known today as the tomb of King Ramiro II of Aragon, P. Lapuente, J. A. Cuchí, H. Royo, M. Preite-Martinez, Ph. Blanc and C. Garcés...... 419 Provenance of some ancient marbles from El Pla de Ses Figueres (Cabrera, Balearic Islands, Spain), A. Àlvarez, I. Rodà, M. Riera Rullan, A. Gutiérrez Garcia-M., A. Domènech and H. Royo ...... 426

3. PROVENANCES AND IDENTIFICATION II. OTHER STONES Archaeometric characterisation of one Tunisian and two Italian calcareous alabasters used in antiquity, L. Lazzarini, D. Visonà, M. Giamello and I. Villa ...... 436 A fi rst study of some lumachelle (fossiliferous stones) used in Roman antiquity, L. Lazzarini and M. Mariottini...... 445 Stone blocks used for the building of the Thysdrus and Thapsus amphitheatres in Tunisia, A. Younes, M. E. Gaied and W. Gallala ...... 452 Alabastro a pecorella, Aïn Tekbalet, and Bou Hanifi a, Algeria: a preliminary report, J. J. Herrmann Jr., A. van den Hoek and R. H. Tykot ...... 463 Sirmium’s main limestone quarry at Dardagani (Bosnia and Herzegovina), B. Djurić, A. Maver, I. Rižnar, D. Jovanović and J. Davidović ...... 471 Miocene limestone as dressed stone for Carnuntum Roman town and surrounding settlements in Upper Pannonia (Austria, Slovakia, Hungary), D. Pivko...... 480 Ancient uses of the Roman breccia (brèche des Romains) in Gaul, A. Blanc and Ph. Blanc ...... 487 Notes on local stone use in Colonia Patricia Corduba (Córdoba, Spain), M. I. Gutiérrez Deza ...... 493 Roman use, petrography and elemental geochemistry of the Surco Intrabético limestones (western region of Málaga province, Spain), J. Beltrán, E. Ontiveros Ortega, M. L. Loza Azuaga and M. Romero ...... 500 Local stone used on the Roman bridge of Martorell (Barcelona, Spain), A. Àlvarez and À. Pitarch ...... 511 Petrographic characterisation of an opus sectile found in the Roman town of Pollentia (Alcudia, Majorca, Spain), M. E. Chávez, C. Mas, M. Orfi la, A. Àlvarez, I. Rodà, A. Gutiérrez Garcia-M., A. Domènech and M. Á. Cau...... 518

4. TRANSPORT AND TRADE OF STONE Contracts and costs for shipping marble in the Roman Empire, J. C. Fant ...... 528 Shipwrecks and stone cargoes: some observations, B. Russell ...... 533 The Temple of Apollo at Claros and the Kizilburun shipwreck: preliminary analysis of isotopic data, W. Aylward, D. Carlson, D. Laroche, J. C. Moretti and S. Pike ...... 540 Marble trade in Moesia Inferior. The case of Tomis and Odessos. Its origin and its characteristics, N. Toma ...... 549

5. QUARRIES Unknown ancient marble quarries of Western Asia Minor, M. Bruno, H. Elçi, A. B. Yavuz and D. Attanasio ...... 562 Ancient marble and alabaster quarries near Hierapolis in Phrygia (Turkey): new data from archaeological surveys, G. Scardozzi ...... 573 The marble quarries of the metropolis of Ephesos and some examples of the use for marbles in Ephesian architecture and sculpturing, W. Prochaska and S. M. Grillo. . . . . 584 The ancient quarry at Pagani-Alyfanta, Lesbos, Greece, G. A. Zachos and E. Leka . . . . 592

13 INTERDISCIPLINARY STUDIES ON ANCIENT STONE. PROCEEDINGS OF THE IX ASMOSIA CONFERENCE (TARRAGONA 2009)

Cipollino marble quarries south of Karystos at Aghii (Euboea, Greece), M. Bruno and M. Vitti ...... 604 New work on quarrying in the territory of Eretria, Euboea, B. Russell and S. Fachard . . 612 Grey limestone quarries of Byllis (Albania), T. Kozelj and M. Wurch-Kozelj...... 619 The ancient quarries in Croatia. The technology of extracting stone, M. Buzov . . . . . 628 Ancient quarries on the Eastern Adriatic Coast with speciﬁ c reference to the island of Brač (Croatia), I. Donelli, M. Matijaca and I. Paduan ...... 636 The Cavae Romanae quarry. Properties and use of the stone for the amphitheatre in Pula (Croatia), V. Girardi Jurkić ...... 640 The quarries of Almadén de la Plata (Seville, Spain): new data from the recent archaeological interventions, O. Rodríguez, J. Beltán, P. López Aldana, E. Ontiveros and R. Taylor ...... 645 The Roman quarries of the town and territory of Los Bañales (Uncastillo, Zaragoza, Spain), A. Gutiérrez Garcia-M, H. Royo and J. Andreu ...... 651 Quarrying, use and scope of Cabezo Gordo and Rambla de Trujillo marbles (Murcia, Spain) in the Roman era, R. Arana †, J. A. Antolinos, J. M. Noguera, B. Soler and S. Arana ...... 657 Roman quarries in the northeast of Hispania (modern Catalonia, Spain), A. Gutiérrez Garcia-M...... 665 The Roman quarry at Montjuïc (Barcelona, Spain), C. Miró and E. Revilla ...... 680 The Roman Republican and medieval quarry of Sant Miquel d’Olèrdola (Olèrdola, Barcelona), N. Molist and P. Otiña ...... 688 Stone quarrying on the ﬁ nal stretch of the Ebro (Spain), M. Genera and A. Àlvarez . . . 696

6. QUARRYING TECHNIQUES, ORGANIZATION AND STONE MANUFACTURING Quarry blocks in marmor Iassense from the Balik Pazari at Iasos (Turkey), M. Bruno . . . 706 Use of a saw in Roman and proto-Byzantine period on the island of Thassos, T. Kozelj and M. Wurch-Kozelj ...... 715 Stone-cutting workshops at the Getic capital Helis (NE Bulgaria) – tools and techniques, T. Stoyanov and D. Stoyanova...... 723 The quarries at Luni in the 1st century AD: ﬁ nal considerations on some aspects of production, diffusion and costs, P. Pensabene ...... 731 The red travertine of Mula (Murcia, Spain): management and administration of quarries in the Roman period, B. Soler, J. M. Noguera, R. Arana † and J. A. Antolinos . . 744

7. PIGMENTS AND PAINTINGS ON MARBLE The role of the stone in the polychrome treatment of Hellenistic sculptures, C. Blume. . 754 A Hellenistic greek marble statue with ancient polychromy reported to be from Knidos, M. B. Abbe, G. E. Borromeo and S. Pike ...... 763

8. SYMBOLISM OF STONES. LOCAL AND IMPORTED MATERIALS The use and symbolism of Pentelic marble in Domitianic Rome, I. B. Romano, S. Pike and E. Gazda ...... 772 Phrygian for Phrygians: semiotics of “exotic” local marble, B. Burrell ...... 780 The colours of death. Roman cinerary urns in coloured stone, S. Perna ...... 787

14 THE COLOURS OF DEATH. ROMAN CINERARY URNS IN COLOURED STONE

S. Perna

Abstract remains of the dead: urns, chests or altars, squared or As coloured marbles began to be imported to Rome, cylindrical in shape, carved in limestone or white mar- from the 1st century BC funerary urns in Egyptian ala- ble, made of lead or precious metal, glass or terracotta3. baster, purple porphyry and, sometimes, granite, appear Alongside the wider range, from the early 1st century BC in Roman burials. Relatively rarer than the other ash appear urns in Egyptian calcareous alabaster, purple por- receptacles they pose questions regarding their selection phyry and, sometimes, Aswan granite, which continue in and use. Recorded find-spots are columbaria and funer- use into the 2nd century AD. These are vase shaped con- ary monuments belonging to wealthy individuals, in- tainers without decoration characterized in the majority cluding liberti, and, in some circumstances, the Imperial of the examples by a “soup-bowl” shape with recurring family. In the realm of death the concern of certain Ro- features, such as round or hemispherical body, handles man social groups for visibility and memory is evident, with leaf attachments, pedestal foot and lid often cul- and the use of urns in exotic coloured stone may be seen minating in a pear shaped finial. Other variants of these as an important means of affirming social differentia- urns, however, occur to the point that at least three other tion and prestige. This paper offers some interpretations “types” can be identified.4 of stone symbolism connected to death investigating in The prestige of the stones and the characteristic vase- what ways these urns could be perceived as objects of shape distinguish these urns which, compared to other self-promotion given the importance conferred to mar- typologies of Roman ash containers, appear to have been ble in Roman society1. a much rarer commodity. The relatively low number – 111 – of the hitherto catalogued examples seems to Keywords validate this idea. It must be pointed out, however, that Egyptian calcareous alabaster, purple porphyry, Aswan this real or apparent rarity is or could be only a conse- Granite, Roman funerary urns, social status, colour sym- quence of the complex history which characterises the bi- bolism. ography of these objects in modern times. Many of these items had been recovered in the past in purely fortuitous circumstances or further to rudimentary excavations fol- Introduction lowing the 16th-18th centuries treasure hunts finalised to the recovery of antiquities for private collectors5. This re- When from about 400 BC cremation became the sulted in a high number of decontextualised objects6. In normal practice remaining so throughout the first cen- addition to this, the incompleteness of the past archaeo- tury AD2, containers of various shapes, material and logical reports7, the dispersion of these objects through- forms were used by the Romans to preserve the cremated out private collections and museums, heavy restorations

1. This topic forms the basis of my ongoing postgraduate research which, expanding the catalogue I compiled for my MA, aims at creating an analytical graphic corpus of these urns. Therefore, the information presented in this paper should be seen as preliminary. Many aspects related to stone sources, manufacture techniques and what other issues may be discerned within the assemblage are currently being investigated by the present author. 2. On cremation as the predominant practice in the Roman West, including North-Africa see Nock 1972, 278-285; Sinn 1987, 4; Mor- ris 1992, 42-69; Audin 1960, 512-522, 518-532; Chioffi 1998 on embalmment. 3. Sinn1 987, 6. Such diversity has parallels in the epigraphy, and in anecdotal references in the ancient written sources: olla, ossuaria, urna, urnula, hydria, vascellum, testa, but according to Sinn some of the terms do not refer to any particular shape. Rather some of them often occur only in certain inscriptions or contexts. 4. Further to a preliminary typological classification, we identified “canopic” shaped urns; squat cylindrical urns with lug handles, the latter being more ancient vessels reused as cineraria in Roman burials; variously shaped urns. This latter group comprises vessels with features and shapes essentially borrowed from metalwork or pottery, such as jugs with appliqués and masks, craters, cistae, small amphorae, pixides, etc., suggesting that perhaps these were precious decorative vessels later reused as ash containers by their owners. 5. For example two alabaster urns reportedly found in a funerary monument near Ariccia in 1730 and sold by the excavators to Cardinal Albani. See Lucidi 1796, 222; Ficoroni reported in Fea 1790, 137. 6. Emblematic is the case of the many alabaster urns discovered in a tomb at Acqua Acetosa near Rome at the time of pope Clemente IX (1667-1669) and destroyed by the excavators. Only two vases fortuitously escaped destruction and were bought by cardinal Camillo Massimo for his collection. Following the sale of many of his items, the vases were bought by the Duchess of Modena in 1678. Their current location is unknown. 7. See Nardini et al. 1818, 295: alabaster urn found in a tomb at S. Sabba near Rome. Its exact find-spot and current location are unknown.

787 THE COLOURS OF DEATH. ROMAN CINERARY URNS IN COLOURED STONE and a large number of modern replicas hindered their sys- The discourse on Roman burial practices, in Rome, tematic analysis. Despite attempts by scholars – among Italy and throughout the Empire, is rather vast and com- which Carlo Gasparri – to approach this material, the plex, and due to space constraints we will not treat this picture relating to the production and consumption of topic in depth as this would involve a thorough sifting these urns appeared rather fragmented (Gasparri 1993, of the entire literal, epigraphic and artistic material for 115 ff. for preliminary observations of these urns). For which we refer to the main literature (Toynbee 1971; that reason, they have been object of taxonomical studies Morris 1982; Hope 2007 with bibliography). The pic- which, mainly highlighting their decorative and aesthetic ture that emerges, however, is that leading trends and value, overlooked the question of their possible social diversification in Roman funerary practices are identifi- and symbolic value. able throughout a wide chronological and geographical Some recent excavations, however, and a thorough spectrum. Consequently, as burial rites – cremation, in- scrutiny of early archaeological reports provide some im- humation, embalmment – shifted or coexisted (Morris portant evidence for the people who used these urns, and 1982, 42-69; Audin 1960, 512-522, 518-532; Chioffi enable comparison between examples from identifiable 1998 on embalmment), so the typologies of the contain- and non-identifiable contexts. Recorded find-spots are ers – urns, sarcophagi (Koch and Sichtermann 1982; Sinn columbaria and lavish funerary monuments belonging 1982; Kleiner 1988 with further bibliography) - to house to wealthy individuals, especially liberti, and, in some the mortal remains of the dead and the funerary monu- circumstances, the Imperial family. Whilst important ments – cippi, grave-altars, mausolea, columbaria, hypo- information has been disclosed about the contexts, con- gea 8 – varied. Therefore, both written and archaeological firming the funerary function of these objects, another evidence confirm how wide-ranging, partly due to taste important detail emerges: that out of the over 60 varie- and purse, was Roman burial, suggesting that the right ties of imported stone only three have been selected for to a decent burial was inextricably linked to social status the making of these urns and all from Egypt, predomi- and not as granted as it is in modern societies. Indeed, nantly calcareous alabaster. The latter we will treat more whilst of the more humble strata of Roman society little in-depth in this paper. is left archaeologically speaking especially of their buri- The aim of this paper is thus to carry out an over- als, which probably consisted in mass graves or puticuli view of the most relevant and better known funerary (Lanciani 1888, 65 ff.; Morris 1982, 42; Graham 2006, contexts in which these urns are found, to examine why 63-64; Hope 2001, 132), memory and visibility in the they could be perceived as “status markers” and to put realm of death seemed to have been a privilege of the forward some possible motivations behind their use. rich (on the funerary monuments of liberti, see Petersen Then, we shall be looking at their symbolic function 2003, 230 ff.; Petersen 2006; Kleiner 1987). This is to through the use of coloured stone, particularly of the say that the more means people had the more the chances imported ones, drawing attention to their significance their memory would survive. In our case, the selection in the light of more recent approaches, such as colour of coloured stone urns emerges as has having been a pre- and stone symbolism. We believe that ultimately the rogative of the well-to-do. choice of these urns was driven by a profound symbol- Our recent research, which saw the number of known ism connected to the intrinsic value of coloured stones. urns increase from just over 30 to 111 examples, cou- Bearing in mind that the meaning of funerary objects pled with an in-depth contextual analysis and a thorough is often difficult to grasp, we will suggest some points scrutiny of past and more recent excavations, evidenced of discussion on the possible meaning behind the use of more details on the contexts in which these urns appear, coloured marble urns. allowing us to speculate on the social status and the identity of the people buried in them. Firstly, research points towards wealthy individuals using these urns as early as Recontextualising death. Roman burials and the the mid 1st century BC, with a “boost” in the demand use of coloured marble urns for these objects by the upper strata of Roman society, in- clusive of liberti, between the early Augustan period and As outlined above, due to the circumstances of their the mid 1st century AD. Elements that concur to such discovery, these objects cried out for a comprehensive identification are not only the actual surviving structures analysis which would help to reassess their position with- pertaining to funerary monuments, but also the assem- in the wider ideological and social frame of both Roman blages of objects – coins, jewellery, combusted funerary burials and artistic productions in imported marbles. In couches – buried with or inside the urns and modes of order to answer some of the questions related to their oc- deposition. This evidence is further validated by epi- currence in Roman burials, we first need to look at these graphic and sometimes literary sources, which confirm vessels in respect to their contexts, and then at the wider the high status of the burials. Another important aspect meaning of coloured marble in ancient Rome. that emerges is the prevalence of urns carved in Egyptian

8. On typologies of Roman funerary buildings and necropoleis see Zanker and von Hesberg 1987; von Hesberg 1992; Kockel 1982; Hope 2001.

788 s. Perna calcareous alabaster represented by 101 out of 111 ex- amples9. Lastly, the predominance - 65 out of 111 – of “bowl” shape urns, particularly from the early 1st century AD, and their appearance across a wider geographic spectrum. Recorded find-spots are columbaria and funerary monuments belonging to the upper echelons in Rome and to local Roman elites in other parts of Italy - particularly in Campania (Pompeii, Capua, Succivo, Cumae), Sicily (Siracusa, Taormina), Veneto (Altinum) Friuli (Aq- uileia), Emilia Romagna (Rimini, Sarsina) Puglia (Lecce) – where in some cases these urns are in use as early as the mid 1st century BC. Outside Italy, recorded find- spots are in France (Aix-en-Provence, Montpellier, Lyon, Gard, Nîmes) Dalmatia (Split, Pula, Zadar), North Afri- ca (Libya), Spain (Cadiz, Sevilla) and England (London). In these latter cases, however, it must be pointed out, that whilst our preliminary research has lead to identification of these objects, many contexts are less known and not thoroughly analysed by the present author. In Italy, particularly in Rome and its environs, the social picture relating to the use of such funerary items is more deeply stratified, but, as noted above, this in- cludes members of the imperial family and its dependants, as further confirmed by the dedicatory inscriptions engraved on the urns themselves (CIL VI 34939, 1282, 1535). Whilst literary sources allude at the use of coloured stone urns and sarcophagi by emperors, such as Nero, who is reported to have been buried in a porphyry coffin10, and Septimius Severus (d. AD 211), who discordant accounts want either buried in an urn of purple stone11 – presumably Egyptian purple porphyry – or of alabaster12, these refer to much later periods to those in which these urns first appeared. Nevertheless, Fig. 1. The so-called urn of Livilla in Egyptian alabaster, a possible precedent which could testify to this practice Rome Vatican Museums. Photo: Amelung 1908. within the imperial family in an earlier age is the so- called urn of Livilla in Egyptian alabaster, 1.31 metres high, and now in the Vatican Museums13 (Fig. 1). It was Amongst these blocks, that bearing the name of Livilla found in 1777 in the vicinity of the Mausoleum of Au- (d. AD 41) Germanicus’ daughter and Caligula’s sister, gustus along with six rectangular cippi of travertine each to whom the urn had been attributed for it was found bearing the name of a member of the imperial family14. near to the inscription15. Although the identification

9. Of the 111 urns two are of red and black Aswan granite from the upper Nile. Seven are of the dark purple porphyry from Mons Porphyrites (Gebel Dokhan) in Egypt’s Eastern Desert. All the rest are made of a kind of stone which is traditionally called ‘Egyptian alabaster’: a semi-translucent honey-coloured, yellowish-brownis, often with opaque white vertical or horizontal bands and concentric circles. In modern geological terms, it is a variety of limestone, a sedimentary calcareous rock, formed by chemical precipitation of water saturated with dissolved calcium carbonate, also known as calcite. Egypt is a major source, but it also occurs in other parts of the Mediterranean, known also to the Romans. In all probability, the ‘Egyptian alabaster’ used for the urns is, like the granite and porphyry, of Egyptian origin. Har- rell 1990; Harrell et al. 2007; Aston 1994; Aston et al. 2000; Colak and Lazzarini 2002; Lazzarini 2004; Klemm and Klemm 1991, 2008. 10. Suetonius, Nero, 50: “ Solium porphyretici marmoris superstante lunensi ara, circumsaeptum est lapide Thasio”. 11. Cassius Dio, Historia Romana,77, 15: “Afterwards his bones were put in an urn of purple stone..” 12. Herodian 3.15.7: “After burning his body and putting the ashes, together with perfumes, into an alabaster urn..”. According to the His- toria Augusta, Septimius Severus 24, the urn was gold. 13. Inv.no. 2302. In the Braccio Nuovo gallery from 1936, previously in Galleria delle Statue. Visconti 1792, 166-178; Amelung 1908, 664, no.420; Meinhardt in Helbig 1963, no.420 14. CIL VI 888-892. See also Visconti (op.cit, 170) for the identification of the imperial family members. 15. CIL VI 891. Livilla Germanici. C[aesaris filia] H[ic s]it[a est]. Apart from the question of the ownership of the cinerarium, which is rather arguable, discovery of the names followed by the formulae “hic crematus est” and “hic situs/a est” has lead to the interpretation that the travertine cippi used to form the floor of thebustum or ustrinum Augusti described by Strabo 5.3.8. On the location and identification of the ustrinum of Augustus in the Campus Martius see LTUR, V, 97 s.v. ustrinum Augusti; on this and other imperial ustrina see also Boatwright 1985, 495. On the latest reconstruction of the mausoleum of Augustus see von Hesberg and Panciera 1994, 80-87.

789 THE COLOURS OF DEATH. ROMAN CINERARY URNS IN COLOURED STONE may be doubted - the proximity to the inscription may trini with Antonia Furnilla and Quintus Marcius Barea have been fortuitous - the find-spot, the size of the urn Sura, were the parents of Titus’ second wife and the lat- - the largest in our corpus - and the quality of the ala- est occupiers of the tomb. The chronological succession baster hint at a probable ownership, if not of Livilla, of the burials is evidenced by the varying styles of the of one or more members of the Julio-Claudian fam- ash containers distributed in a hierarchical order first, ily16. Amongst the examples of urns used by the Roman and then grouped by family, as new “occupiers” came urban aristocracy are the two Egyptian alabaster urns, along, between the nine niches along the three sides of found in fragments, from the funerary monument of the monument. Therefore, six decorated Luna marble Marcus Artorius Geminus in Rome (Fig. 2). Discovered urns, ranging in date on stylistic grounds between AD in 1880 later dismantled from its original location on 20 and the early flavian period, appear alongside the the right bank of the Tiber and reconstructed in the Luna marble vase-shaped urn of Minatia Pollia (CIL VI Museo Nazionale Romano, the sepulchrum was previ- 31763; Silvestrini 1987, 51-52, 66-67) and a travertine ously attributed to the Platorini family (Lanciani 1880, one without inscription. The two alabaster urns, one 120-138). A recent analysis of the epigraphic evidence bearing the name of Crispina (CIL VI 31764; Silves- and disposition of the urns inside the monument by trini 1987, 52-53), wife of Sulpicius Platorinus who was Francesca Silvestrini (Silvestrini 1987, 35-54, 55-71) decemvir stilitibus iudicandis (CIL VI 31761; Silvestrini has shown that the monument was from about AD 20- 1987, 38-41), the other possibly belonging to Sulpicius 30 the resting place of the members of at least four Ro- Platorinus himself, were placed in the same niche and man aristocratic families linked to each other by an ar- are probably amongst the earliest in the tomb (Silves- ticulated strategy of marriages. The complex genealogy trini 1987, 55-70, 80-82). Despite Silvestrini’s arduous and phases of occupation of the tomb between the early and detailed reconstruction, especially of the complex reign of Tiberius and the Flavian age thus reconstructed family tree, the fact that the two urns only survive in see the Sulpicii and the Artorii as the first owners, with fragments does not allow us to identify them typologi- the founders Marcus Artorius Geminus – praefectus aer- cally and chronologically. It is significant, however, to arii militaris in AD 10 ca. – and wife Minatia Pollia, the purposes of our analysis the fact that they occur in followed by their heirs and relatives the Crispini Caepi- such an elite context displayed alongside white marble ones, the Septicii and the Marcii (CIL VI 31761- 31767; and travertine containers. Silvestrini 1987, 35-54). The latter, identified by Silves- Evidence of the use of these urns by imperial liberti and dependants is represented by two urns with dedicatory inscriptions. One is the elongated “bowl” shaped urn in pink Aswan granite funerary – the only specimen in this stone hitherto retrieved - of Napes, Antonia Minor’s freedwoman (CIL VI 22868. Napes. Antoniae Drusi. L(iberta)), from the Esquiline columbaria and now in the Musei Capitolini (BullCom 3, 1875, 245- 246; Talamo 1988, 23, fig. 2. Inv.no. 1324) (Fig.3). The other is the Egyptian alabaster urn of Claudia Thais, now in the Museo Nazionale Romano (Inv. no. 55914; Taglietti 1979, 232), found in 1898 in Rome in a columbarium located between the Tiber’s left bank and the Via Ostiense (Borsari 1898, 188 no.8), representing one of the earliest dateable example of the “bowl” type17. Clau- dia Thais was Emperor Claudius’ freedwoman18 and was dedicated the urn by her husband Nymphicus Epagathus, who was himself Claudius’ freedman of Greek origins. The status and full name of Nymphicus are known from the inscription on his marble urn which had been found Fig. 2. Interior of the sepulchrum of the Artorii, Rome, in the same columbarium19 and which, according to Museo Nazionle Romano. Photo: Silvestrini 1987. the inscription, had been dedicated to him by his wife

16. We might be facing here the possibility of a multiple burial within the same container given its large size. Although ashes were found inside the urn, these do not seem to have been quantified; therefore this hypothesis awaits further investigation. 17. The other being the black granite urn discovered in 1881 at Warwick Square, City of London, now at the British Museum, inv. no. 1993,0102.12. The urn contained burnt bones and a coin of Claudius, which would presumably date the deposition to the mid 1st century AD. See also Pitt 2006, 49. 18. CIL VI 34939. D(is) M(anibus) S(acris). Claudiae. Thaidi Vix(it) Ann(is) XXV. Nymphicus. Coniugi Carissimae. 19. Borsari 1898, no.7. A square marble (white? other stone?) urn measuring 26X27X33 cm and decorated with four antefixes on each corner and a relief framed by a tympanum representing a crow pecking fruits from a basket. The inscription CIL VI 34888 reads: Dis Mani- bus. Ti(berio) Claudio. Aug(usti) Lib(erto). Nymphico. Fecit Claudia. Epagatho Coniugi Suo. Bene.Merenti.

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own and his descendants’ funerary monument compris- ing of an alabaster cinerary urn21. Despite being “adver- tised”, the actual urn was never found, but its mention in the inscription can be taken as indicative of the ac- cessibility of such funerary items to liberti/slaves or to those who selected them on their behalf. In support of this, we might posit, apart from the example of the urn dedicated to Claudius Nymphicus to his wife, that the alabaster urn, mentioned in Statius and which housed the remains of Flavius Ursus’ slave Philetus, could have been the generous gift made in extremis by an inconsol- able master to his favourite servant and lover22. Amongst the earliest and better documented examples of urns belonging to illustrious individuals are the Egyptian alabaster urns of various shapes, possibly an- tiques, from the funerary monument of Publius Verginius Paetus, tribunus militum a populo, aedilis and pontifex of Sarsina in Emilia Romagna23 (Fig. 4). The monument dates to the early Augustan period and consists of a cubic structure decorated with Doric frieze, arms and symbols -sella curulis, hasta, clypeus, fasces- representing Paetus’ political and military offices (Aurigemma 1963, 89-92; Polito 1998, 158) (Fig. 5). Three ash receptacles, one of which preserved traces of a purple cloth with gold threads, were found buried at the base of the monument enclosed within metal caskets and square blocks of sandstone. The Verginii were members of the ancient local aristocracy which came to occupy important offices within the municipium of Sarsina in the early Augustan Fig. 3. Amphora shaped urn of Napes in Red/Pink Aswan period following Verginius Paetus’ prestigious promo- granite. Rome, Musei Capitolini. Photo: Talamo 1988. tion to tribunus militum a populo24. The ostentation of his funerary monument can be appreciated when placed Claudia20. It is interesting to notice in the same context alongside other illustrious funerary monuments at the the choice of two urns made from different materials: Pian di Bezzo necropolis, such as the adjacent cuspidal Nymphicus had probably been more generous to his wife mausoleum of Aefionius Rufus(Toynbee 1971, 131; Or- than his wife to him! It is likely that both urns, like their funeral, were commissioned and planned some years in advance by the couple when they were both alive. A degree of planning which, although exemplified in literature by Trimalchio’s dinner party, is attested in Roman society (Hope 2007, 80-82). Moreover, this literary an- ecdote may be evidenced materially by a further inscription found in the columbaria of Vigna Codini in 1852, the complex of burials for imperial liberti and household slaves of the Julio-Claudian family members (Toynbee 1971, 113-4). The inscription stands above the funerary Fig. 4. The three Egyptian alabaster cineraria from the monument once belonging to Africanus Augustus Verna, Verginii burial site. Sarsina, Museo Archeologico Comunale. an imperial “homegrown” slave, who had arranged his Photo: Ortalli 1998.

20. Taglietti 1979: 232 suggests that Claudia is Nymphicus’ second wife, another freedwoman. On the contrary, she could be his first and only wife dedicating the urn to him whilst still alive. Despite the missing formula “viva/us (fecit)” we cannot exclude this possibility. 21. CIL VI 5306: Africanus Augustus Verna. Qui Et Supra Aediculam. Cum Cancellis Et Ornamentis. Aereis Et Hydriam Onychinam. Sibi Et Suis Posterisque Eorum. De Suo Se Vivo Fecit. 22. Statius, Silvae, II. 6. Consolatio ad Flavium Ursum de amissione pueri delicati, 89-93 vv: “nec quod tibi Setia canos restinxit cineres, gremio nec lubricus ossa quod vallavit onyx, miseris acceptius umbris quam gemitus”. The poem was written by Statius (around AD 93) for his friend and solicitor Flavius Ursus on the occasion of the death of his beloved slave. On the identity of Flavius Ursus see van Dam 1984, 390-91. 23. Ortalli 1998b, 66, 79. Sarsina became roman municipium and was inscribed to the Pupinia tribus in 90 BC. 24. The equestrian office oftribunus militum a populo, established by Augustus, could be attained after public recommendation to the emperor of the most noteworthy and prominent citizens by their own town. See Deniaux 2000, 233-34; CIL VI 31763; Silvestini 1987, 51-52, 66-67.

791 THE COLOURS OF DEATH. ROMAN CINERARY URNS IN COLOURED STONE

Fig. 5. Reconstruction of the Verginius Paetus’ funerary monument in the Pian di Bezzo necropolis. Photo: Aurigemma 1963. talli 1997, 323). The magnificence of these two and other funerary monuments (Ortalli 1987, 155-182) clearly Fig. 6. The Egyptian alabaster urn from the mausoleum A2 demonstrates the level of wealth and power reached by at the necropolis of Porta Mediana, Cumae. Baia, Museo local public officials, even of smallmunicipia, as well as Archeologico Campi Flegrei. Photo: Munzi 2008. forms of competition between members of the local elites in the early Augustan age. In such a context, the use of exotic stone urns, which, as Ortalli suggests, could have couch, which adopted by Rome upper and middle classes been exposed during the funerary rites, is imbued with between the Late Republican and the early Augustan peri- deep social and ritual connotations (Ortalli 1998b, 79). ods, had the binary function of stylish status marker and It must be pointed out that the custom of enclosing ritual object26. A similar installation and funerary assem- the ash receptacle within stone, terracotta or lead con- blage are observed in the case of the cylindrical Egyptian tainers - whether to protect it from wear and tear or from alabaster urn from a mausoleum discovered in 2001 outside theft - is generally diffused in Roman burial contexts, and the Porta Mediana in Cumae and dating to the late Repub- in the case of our coloured stone urns it occurs on several lican period (Fig. 6). In this case, the urn had been placed occasions. The ovoid shape Egyptian alabaster urn from a inside a cavity dug into a tufa podium and covered by a vaulted hypogeum on the Esquiline Hill was protected by a terracotta dolium lid, and contained bones pertaining to a thin lead lining and buried inside a terracotta dolium. The female adult and burnt remains of an ivory couch (Nava urn contained burnt bones of a woman aged circa 35-50, 2006, 255-256; Munzi 2008, 403). The mausoleum itself is a turquoise gem, and fragments of carved bone pertain- of tumulus type with podium and tambour decorated with ing to a fine funerary couch which had been burnt along carved reliefs, and was part of a burial complex along with with the body of the deceased25.The rich burial, which has another squared mausoleum located immediately outside been dated to the early Augustan period, does not appear the city walls. The lack of dedicatory inscriptions, like in to have been an isolated case in the area which also yielded the case of the Esquiline burial, makes it difficult to assess the above mentioned Aswan granite urn of Napes and some the identity of the owners of the mausoleum, but the typol- fragments pertaining to another alabaster urn (Registro Og- ogy and the prominent location seem to hint at high rank getti Raccolti, 13 March 1873). As Talamo points out, the personages. Similarly, an anonymous late Republican burial extramural area of the Esquiline Hill, which faced the an- at Torre Gaia on the Via Casilina – ancient Via Labicana cient Via Labicana, had been used as burial site by Roman – yielded two Egyptian alabaster urns and a white marble middle and upper classes from the early Iron Age to the Late one27. These had been cemented in the foundations of a Republican period, and many monumental tombs stood in funerary monument, arranged around a terracotta dolium, the area even after the redevelopment of the area promoted and covered by a layer of white lime for the placing of three by Maecenas in 42 BC (Talamo 1987, 20-23). Despite the inhumation burials later in the 2nd century AD28. The larg- lack of details on the ownership, the opulence of the burial est urn in the shape of an amphora contained the ashes of is further underlined by the presence of the bone funerary a 25 year adult male strewn with a red unguent made from

25. Talamo 1987,18-26; Talamo 1992, 192-194. Bronze nails and more fragments were found in the dolium for a total of 1100 pieces. The fragments, once restored, were analysed by Talamo who reconstructed the frame of the couch. The decoration consisted of Dionysiac and mythological scenes. 26. Such funerary couches were decorated with motifs of high eschatological or mysteric content. See also Bianchi 2010, 43-44. 27. Excavation 1979. Montalcini de Angelis D’Ossat 1980, 89-92 no.3. Both urns are now in the Museo Nazionale Romano. 28. Montalcini de Angelis D’Ossat 1980. The inhumation burials did not appear to be connected with the early cremations, but the salvaging of the three urns was perhaps finalised to preserving the memory of a remote ancestor.

792 s. Perna resin; a gold finger ring with oval calcified amazonite gem engraved with the portrait of a young man datable on stylistic grounds to the 50-40 BC (see Bordenache Battaglia 1983,17-19). The costliness of the grave goods – the two Egyptian alabaster urns and the ring29- hint at a wealthy personage lived between the late Republican period and the early Augustan age. A later example of burial within a stone casket is represented by the best documented porphyry urn (Aix-en-Provance, Musée Grenet, inv.no.164), found in the foundations of the Tour d’Horloge of Aix-en-Provance built on the site of a Roman funerary monument. The rich burial yielded two white marble urns and the porphyry “bowl” example containing ashes, a gold ring with emerald, an onyx gem, a silver coin of Trajan and a bronze coin of Lucius Verus (Malgouyres 2003, 54-56 no.9). A gold bulla is reported to have sealed the stone box that contained the urn, but no indication of ownership was retrieved. In other cases some urns appear to have been exposed in niches or podia in the most visible spots of lavish tombs, such us the three Egyptian alabaster “bowl” urns from an anonymous Julio-Claudian funerary monument discovered at the Abbazia delle Tre Fontane outside Rome30 (Fig. 7), and the Egyptian alabaster oinochoe with Medusa mask and crater from the mausoleum of Titus Aelius Tyrannus and his wife Aelia Andria at the necropolis under St. Peter in Vati- can (excavated in 1944, Mielsch and von Hesberg 1986, 89-91 fig. 86-88) (Fig. 8).Titus Aelius Tyrannus has been identified with the Emperor Hadrian’s freedman known from an inscription who served as a commentariis in the Belgica province around or after the mid 2nd century AD (Weaver 1968, 120-121). The use of the two vessels as ash containers could have been secondary given their shape and fine quality, and we might be dealing with the re-use in funerary contexts of spolia or objects not originally intended for the grave. Rather these vases in some cases appear to have been part of precious stone drinking sets, possibly cho- Fig. 8. Oinochoe-urn of Egyptian alabaster from the sen for their extrinsic value, functioning as status markers Mausoleum of the Aelii (excav.1944). Necropolis under St for the owners, or for particular symbolic reasons. Both ex- Peter’s, Vatican City. Photo: Mielsch and von Hesberg 1986.

planations, however, are not mutually exclusive. Therefore, some urns, such as wine vessels, seem to have been selected for their shapes suggesting a ritual connotation, for instance with the Dyonisiac and symposiac spheres. A case in point, apart from the above mentioned Vatican urns, could be the alabaster crater used as urn in a tomb at Capua (Spinazzola 1928, 33 n.222) (Fig. 9). Regrettably very little is known about the context of this urn, supposedly a Roman tomb dated to the Augustan period and excavated in the 1800s at the necropolis of San Prisco in Santa Maria Capua Vet- ere (ancient Capua). A rock-crystal scyphus, a drinking cup, is reported to have been found inside the urn along with combusted bones. Both the vegetable-motif decoration and Fig. 7. Overview of the three bowl-shaped urns in Egyptian the shape of the cup, just like that of the crater, are found alabaster from the columbarium on the Via Laurentina near in metal and silver specimen much diffused in the Augus- Rome (excav.1957). Photo: Borda 1958. tan period31. A similar allusion to symposia and Dionysiac

29. Bordenache Battaglia 1983, 19 suggests that the urns and the ring come from Egypt. 30. Borda 1957, no.217; now in the Museo Nazionale Romano, inv. 135737-135738. See also Taglietti 1979, nos. 145-149. 31. Now in the Museo Archeologico Nazionale of Naples, inv. 124701. See De Caro 1996, 234.

793 THE COLOURS OF DEATH. ROMAN CINERARY URNS IN COLOURED STONE

Fig. 9. Crater-urn of Egyptian alabaster from the tomb excavated in the 1800s at Santa Maria Capua Vetere (ancient Capua). Museo Archeologico Nazionale, Naples. Photo: Fig. 10. Purple porphyry situla with Silenus masks at Angers. Spinazzola 1928. Photo: Malgouyres 2003. sphere could lie behind the porphyry situla decorated with the most important families of the Roman aristocracy. bearded Silenus masks in the Angers Museum, possibly re- The discovery of his urn in the vicinity of the theatre used as cinerary urn (Malgouyres 2003, 80-83 n.15) (Fig. of Marcellus seems to suggest that he had been buried 10). Although its use/reuse as cinerary urn is not certain, in the Claudii family tomb that stood at the Capitoline comparisons with a white marble situla with masks from hill foot. For Eugenio La Rocca he is most probably to Ancona used as ash urn32 may allow us to speculate on the identify with one of the sons of Publius Clodius, Cicero’s funerary destination of our porphyry example. political adversary – murdered in 52 BC – and Fulvia, The appreciation for exotic heirlooms and the fasci- but his identity remains dubious (La Rocca 1987, 365; nation of Egypt on early Augustan Rome’s upper classes and see also Wiseman 1970, 210 ff for the doubts on can be discerned in the case of the urn of the questor, his identity). Similarly Pulcher’s choice for such an an- praetor and augur Publius Claudius Pulcher33 found in tique can be only speculated upon for a possible link with 1615 nearby Marcellus’ theatre in Rome and now in Egypt is not demonstrable35, and like in the case of the the Louvre Museum34 (Fig. 11). The urn consists of a reused Verginii urns, it is extremely difficult to tell how reused 8th century BC Egyptian alabaster jar bearing in this vase made its way to Rome. It is seems plausible, hieroglyphics the name of a priest lived during the reign therefore, that the vase had been chosen for its intrinsic of the Pharaoh Osorkon III (For the hieroglyphic text value, enhanced by the hieroglyphic inscription, in a pe- and its interpretation see Gamer-Wallert, 1987). The riod in which Aegyptiaca and Egyptian trends and cults vase had been reworked, possibly around the end of began to be extremely popular amongst Roman upper the 1st century BC with the addition of the inscription. classes36. Another example of vessel reused by a Roman Despicably, very little is known of this Publius Claudius magistrate, but of unknown context, is the cylindrical Pulcher, except for his offices and extraction from one of urn of the praetor Caius Varus Iulius Proculus37, now in

32. Jenkins 1994, 283- 285 fig.11. Cf. here for a more in-depth analysis of the symbolic meaning of dionysiac motifs and masks in Greek and Roman art. 33. CIL VI 1282: P(ublius). Claudius. P(ublii). F(ilius). Ap(pii). N(epos). Ap(pii). Pro N(epos). Pulcher. Quaesitor. Pr(aetor). Augur. 34. Inv. no. 328; de Clarac 1841, no. 543; Gamer-Wallert 1978, 86; La Rocca 1987, 365-366. Formerly in Villa Borghese at Porta Pinciana (also known as Villa Pinciana) property of the Cardinal Borghese. 35. Palmer 1976, 172. Similarly arguable is Palmer’s hypothesis that the vase used to be a votive in the temple of Bellona-Ma dedicated by Appius Claudius Caecus in 296 BC. 36. On the aegyptiaca in Italy, for a more in-depth analysis see Swetnam-Burland 2007, 113-136 with reference bibliography. 37. CIL VI 1535: C(aii). Vari C(aii).F(ili). Pomiuli (sic) Proc VII (sic). Pr(aetor). The cognomen Pomiulus in the CIL is the result of an er- ror at the moment of the transcription. The same can be noted for the formula PROC VII not explainable otherwise. Therefore, we propose the reading C(aii). Vari C(aii).F(ili). Pom(ptina). Iuli. ProcvLi. Pr(aetor). In particular, the misreading of PROCVII instead of PROCVLI derives from the fact that the first L is written as I on the urn, which seems to be a common incidence in Latin inscriptions. I owe this information to Prof Boris Rankov, Royal Holloway University of London.

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Material Power. The symbolism of coloured stones in Roman public and funerary contexts

Therefore, what can be inferred from this overview, albeit concise, of the contexts in which coloured stone urns appear? Firstly, that in the realm of death the concern of certain Roman social groups for visibility and memory is even more evident, and the use of coloured marble urns can be now better understood and placed alongside other funerary items which were used as means of displaying wealth and status. As regards coloured marble, displayed as one of the most exotic and prestigious materials in Rome, it is always stated that one of its, if not the primary, functions was to distinguish the personal power of ambitious Romans com- peting for high offices first, and to express power, ideology and supremacy from Augustus onwards. Indeed, marble display denoted power and prestige of those possessing the means to acquire it for both public and private use. Since the mid 2nd century BC, by which time coloured stones already represented an essential component in the decoration of public and private Hellenistic buildings in Asia Minor, Greece and Egypt (Pensabene 2002, 3-67; Schneider 2001, 3-10; 2002, 83-105), the formal use of these materials slowly made its way into the more modest Republican Rome’s public structures and private interiors - I and II style wall paintings with faux marble; opus sectile floors (De Nuccio and Ungaro 2002, 401) -

th of its wealthy elite, which through this new desirable, Fig. 11. 17 century engraving of Claudius Pulcher’s urn in yet still scarce, and expensive commodity expressed their Egyptian alabaster, found in Rome in 1615. Paris, Louvre. power and prestige. With the expansion of Roman power Photo: reproduced in La Rocca 1987. and the annexation of territories abundant in coloured stone, supplies increased in the 1st century BC, and win- ning the resistance amongst those who saw it as a cor- rupting fashion, condemned and execrated by the same the Sir John Soane’s Museum (AB inv. 1837 M450), still writers who used them (i.e. Seneca, see Pensabene 2000, dateable within the Augustan period or mid first century 7 ff), the use of coloured marble as status symbol had on epigraphic grounds. begun. This became even more evident under Augustus, The fascination for Egyptian funerary rites can be the promoter of that cultural revolution where art and seen in the case of an alabaster urn, currently dispersed, ideology are entwined. The cultural climate determined accompanying the mummified body of a woman from a by the influx of coloured stone and its “strategic” use as rich tomb discovered in 1731 on the Via Cassia (Chiof- a political tool inspired a general imitatio Augusti (Pensa- fi 1998, 44-45). Some have proposed on epigraphic bene 2002, 9). In fact, following the emperor’s example grounds (CIL VI 12745) that the tomb belonged to and inspired by the publica magnificentia, Rome’s aris- the Attii family, which bred the more illustrious Attia, tocratic elite and nouveau riche began to use imported mother of Augustus, and possibly founded by an Attio marble to promote themselves and compete in privata Fronto procurator Aegyptii in AD 13 (Chioffi 1998, 47). luxuria. Marble became the means through which Ro- Provided that the identification of the owners of the man elites emphasized their position within the society tomb with the Attii is reliable, the adoption of Egyp- both in public and domestic contexts. tian customs, further substantiated by the choice of the Much literature has been produced on the phenom- embalming ritual, by members of Roman aristocratic enon of marble in ancient Rome and during the past families with a strong link with Egypt would set the twenty years our knowledge of marbles and other hard perfect scene for the use of an Egyptian alabaster funer- stones used in the Roman period has made considerable ary urn. advances38. In particular, various aspects – ideological,

38. Dodge 1991, 28-47; Fant 1993, 145-167, 1997, 2008; Lazzarini 2002, 223-289, 2004; Peacock and Maxfield 2001, 2007; Hirt 2010. Additional information is provided by Raniero Gnoli (Gnoli 1988), the exhibition catalogue I marmi colorati della Roma imperial (2002) and the proceedings of the past nine conferences organised by the Association for the Study of Marble and Other Stones In Antiquity (ASMOSIA).

795 THE COLOURS OF DEATH. ROMAN CINERARY URNS IN COLOURED STONE socio-economic, and political – have been stressed as ter comprehend the narrow choice of Egyptian coloured concurring to the use and selection of white and col- stone within the wider whole for the production of Ro- oured stones, imported or regional, in Roman public man cinerary urns, and the predominance of calcare- and private contexts (Schneider 2001, 2002). As Bra- ous alabaster. Certainly, other factors and overlapping dley argues, an array of multiple and overlapping “dis- considerations might have contributed to the restricted courses” underlies the use of marble in imperial Rome selection, such as the cost and the availability of this and these should all be taken into account in under- and the other stones, its physical properties, and the standing its value (Bradley 2006, 3). Marble was indeed existence of specialised workshops. We believe, howev- valued for a series of symbolic associations connected er, that ultimately symbolism, trends, perceptions and to colour, origins and properties of the stones, for, as preferences of the person by whom or for whom the urn Boivin argues, prehistoric and pre-industrial societies was chosen might have motivated the choice. A stone generally view minerals “as symbolically meaningful, like Egyptian alabaster, which embraces all these con- ritually powerful and deeply interwoven into not just siderations, makes a case in point! Being employed since economic and material but also social cosmological the Late Predynastic period (4th millennium BC)40, for mythical spiritual and philosophical aspects of life” a myriad of small objects, and primarily canopic jars (Boivin 2004, 2). In particular, recent studies on the and vessels, of all shapes and sizes41 which represent importance of the colour discourse in Roman art and one of the most prominent forms of ancient Egyptian society have highlighted that the Romans were partic- craftsmanship (Aston 1994, 47). By far the most popu- ularly concerned with colour and properties of stone. lar vessels carved in Egyptian alabaster are the unguent It should not be unexpected that for the Romans, like flasks alabastra, which are found widely distributed infor many other ancient cultures, such as the Egyptian, side and outside Egypt from the Bronze Age to the Ro- colour aspect played an important role in the sensorial man period (first catalogued by Bissing 1939, 1940). experience and perceptions of coloured stone artefacts. The popularity and variety of applications of this stone As also Bevan pointed out, “cross-culturally the defini- might be explained by its relative softness (Mohs 3), tion and cosmological associations of stone and colour which made it easy to carve, but this is not a sufficient are closely entwined” (Bevan 2007, 179). Pliny him- reason in itself. Rather, it seems that it possessed various self claims: “some people reserve special admiration symbolic connotations which do not mutually exclude for things whose edges reflect the colour of the rain- each other. As Bevan cogently puts it, Egyptian alabas- bow” and that: “the value of some objects lies in their ter was a high status symbol linked with ‘a panoply of variegated colour” (Naturalis Historia, XXXVII.21-22). living and dying activities’ inside ancient Egypt, but Pliny, however, is not the sole to be concerned with abroad it was mainly associated with being Egyptian this matter, but many Latin authors – or at least those and Egypt (Bevan 2007, 189-190). Objects made from who seem to show appreciation for marbles – indulge it were at the centre of gift exchange with foreign elites in descriptions of coloured stones by vividly recreat- and trade networks throughout the Bronze Age Medi- ing through an appropriate selection of qualifiers the terranean and Near East42. In addition to this, the high most suggestive perceptions and emotions inspired by polish the stone takes enhanced the perception of its them39. Therefore, we propose to recognise that colour colour and texture (Bevan 2007,190), and in religious sensations also concurred to the selection and display texts it is often described by the modifiers wb“ and bq” of material culture in Roman society. From coloured meaning pure and white (Aufrere 1991, 695-8). These marbles to costly dye-stuff for textiles (Croom 2000, qualities, considered essential for objects connected 25-27) through rare colour pigments for paint (Allison with religious and funerary rituals, made it especially 2002, 201-205), colour thus concurs to adding extra apt for containing medicines, oils, and other costly liq- value to material possessions through which wealthy uids, which were at the centre of core Egyptian religious Romans, “the most status-symbol conscious people in and social practices (Bevan 2007, 190). Another quality the ancient world” (Reinhold 1970, 72), displayed their conferred on alabaster was the power of regenerating life status. Coloured stone funerary urns, we believe, are a and to preserve bodies eternally uncorrupted (Aufrere tangible evidence of this. 1991, 697; Adriani 2000, 201), thus it was employed Coloured stones could also evoke distant and exotic for embalming tables upon which the mummifications landscapes, and where often deemed to have magical were carried out43, alabaster sarcophagi (Aufrere 1991, and healing properties. In this light we could then bet- 696; Adriani 2000, 201; Aston et al. 2000, 60 no.5),

39. For the analysis and discussion of Latin texts and authors such as Statius and Martial on colour and marble see Maugan-Chemin 2006, 103-125. A similar analysis is carried out by Bradley 2006, 2010. 40. Lucas and Harris 1962, 59; Klemm and Klemm 1990, 26; Aston 1994, 47; Aston et al. 2000, 58-9; Harrell 2007, 422. 41. Aufrere 1991, 696. The term šs designating alabaster corresponds in hieroglyphics to four unguent bottles. For the classification of the most common forms, see Aston 1994, 75-90, and 91-166 for chronology, sizes and further bibliography. 42. Bevan 2007,189. Bevan also explains this in terms of Egypt’s geopolitical influence on its neighbouring countries during the Bronze Age. 43. Shulz and Seidel 1998, 461 no.62; in the embalming house of the Apis Bull-Ptah at Memphis (XXII dynasty).

796 s. Perna and alabaster canopic jars (on canopic jars: Shaw and References Nicholson 2002 s.v. canopic jars). By extension, alabaster pots and vessels were deemed the best for keeping Abbreviations unguents and perfumes, and wine. This latter property was well renown amongst the Greeks and the Romans, CIL = Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum as Pliny once again reports44. Whilst Egyptian alabaster LTUR = Lexicon Topographicum Urbis Romae, ed. E. M. alabastra are already found in Etruscan and early Ro- Steinby, 6 vols. Roma: 1993-2000. man tombs (Colivicchi 2007, 3-33), during the mid 1st BullCom = Bollettino della Commissione Archeologica century BC many other objects made from Egyptian Comunale di Roma alabaster came to Italy and Rome from Egypt, as war booty, souvenirs or gifts, or from tomb-robbing. Along Ancient Sources with the wide range of smaller objects, Egyptian alabaster is amongst the earliest materials to be reproduced in Cassius Dio (Translated by H. B. Foster 1914-1927). paint in First Style wall decoration from the late 2nd or Historia. London, Heinemann. early 1st century BC (Fant 2007, 337-338) and small Dioscurides (Translated by L.S. Beck 2005). Hildeseim. pieces appear in opus sectile flooring and bar counters Herodian (Translated by C. R. Whittaker 1969). at Pompeii and Herculaneum from the middle of the Herodian. London, Heinemann. 1st century BC45, by which time funerary urns in this Pliny the Elder (Translated by H. Rackham 1938). material time appear in Roman burials. Historia Naturalis. London, Heinemann. Suetonius (Translated by R. Graves 1979). De Vita Caesarum. New York, Penguin. Conclusions Theophrastus (Translated by A.F. Hort 1926), En- quiry into Plants. Harvard, Loeb. The use of cinerary urns in coloured stone thus demonstrates that Roman elite and non-elite groups were seek- Modern Sources ing visibility and memory showing the same taste through the selection of the same objects. Contexts and modes of Adriani, A. 2000: La tomba di Alessandro: realtà, ipotesi deposition seem to suggest that these urns were not only e fantasie, Roma. valuable, but also valued and cherished. Exposed on podia Allison, P.M. 2002: “Colour and Light in a Pompeian or hidden away from human sight, they bore a profound House: Modern Impressions or Ancient Perceptions”, social and symbolic meaning, as Hurcombe (2006: 152) in: Jones, A., MacGregor, G. (eds.), Colouring the points out, “the materiality of stone encompasses both its Past: the Significance of Colour in Archaeological Re- physical qualities and its source characteristics”. search, Oxford, 195-208. Therefore, the growing prestige of coloured stones Amelung, W. 1908: Die Sculpturen des Vaticanischen did not go unnoticed by the upper classes that saw in Museums, Berlin. such material a further device to make their funeral Anderson, M. L.; Nista, L. (eds.), 1989: Radiance in memorable, and the practice seems also to have been en stone: sculptures in coloured marble from the Museo Na- vogue amongst members of the imperial family. zionale Romano, Roma. We can also posit that through the possession and Aston, B. G. et al. 2000: “Stone”, in: Nicholson, P. T., display of coloured stone urns especially in funerary con- Shaw, I. (eds.), Ancient Egyptian materials and tech- texts where they appear alongside containers in other nology, Cambridge, 5-77. materials (white marble, limestone, glass) the owners Aston, B. G. 2004: Ancient Egyptian Stone Vessels: Ma- wished to emphasize their status or to make a significant terials and Forms, Studien zur Archäologie und Ges- social, religious or economic statement. To this purpose, chichte Altägyptens 5, Heidelberg. the ideological links expressed by the imported stones Audin, A. 1960: “Inhumation et incineration”, Latomus and the perceptions evoked by their colour and proper- 19, 518-532. ties operated as further criteria in the selection. Aufrere, S. 1991: L’univers minéral dans la pensée égypti- As coloured marble in the imperial public art was the enne, 2 vols, Cairo. means through which the emperor expressed his power Aurigemma, S. 1963: “I monumenti della necropoli ro- and supremacy, so in the private sphere, especially funer- mana di Sarsina”, Bolletino del Centro di Studi per la ary, people were using it to make statements, amongst Storia dell’Architettura 19, 89-94. which the one that stone expressed the best: desire of Baines, J. 2000: “Stone and other materials in Ancient eternal memory. Egypt: usage and values”, in: De Putter T., Tre-

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