PHYLON About the Guest Editors:

June Gary Hopps the Thomas M. “Jim” Parham Professor of Family and Children Studies in the School PHYLON of Social Work at the University of Georgia. She is a graduate of Spelman College in THE CLARK ATLANTA UNIVERSITY Atlanta; she also served on its Board of Trustees as both a member and chair for many years. Dr. Hopps earned a master of social work degree from Atlanta University and a REVIEW OF RACE AND CULTURE Ph.D. in social welfare from Brandeis University in Waltham, Massachusetts. Dr. Hopps joined the faculty at the University of Georgia in 2000. Earlier, she was professor and Dean for nearly a quarter century at the Boston College School of Social Work. She was the first African American and the youngest person to serve as dean of the School th of Social Work. Dr. Hopps was the first African Americans to serve as editor-in-chief of Social Work, the flagship journal of the National Association of Social Workers. She is a past recipient of the Significant Lifetime Achievement in Social Work Education of the Whitney M. Young, Jr. Award from the Council on Social Work Education. The award recognizes exemplary School of Social Work Special Volume accomplishments in research, teaching pedagogy, curriculum development and organizational leadership over an entire career.

Ruby Gourdine is professor of social work at Howard University she completed her bachelor’s and Vol. 57 Number 2 • Winter 2020 doctorate degrees at Howard University. Her Master of Social Work degree was earned from Atlanta University School of Social Work. She began her career at Howard University School of Social Work in 1992 and served as the Director of Field Education for over 16 years and since 2011 serves as the Chair of Direct Practice Sequence in the School. She was named social worker of the year in 2000 by the DC Metro Chapter of NASW. In 2010 she was recognized as one of the social work pioneers by the National Association of Social Workers, for research focusing on child welfare, youth exposure to violence, women’s issues, and social work history. In October 2014 The Social Work Degree Guide named her one of 30 most influential social workers alive today. She continues her efforts fighting for social justice.

One Exceptional University!

WINTER 2020 | VOLUME 57 | NUMBER 2 PHYLON

Executive Editorial Staff Past Editors W. E. B. Du Bois (1940–1944) Editor Ira De A. Reid (1944–1948) Obie Clayton, Jr. Mozell C. Hill (1948–1958) Tilman C. Cothran (1959–1970) Associate Editor John D. Reid (1971–1978) Sheila Flemming-Hunter Charles F. Duncan (1978–1980) Wilbur W. Watson (1980–1989) Lucy C. Grisby (1989–1998) Jeff Porterfield (1998–2002) Editorial Board

Ann Adams—Cornell University Danielle Gray–Singh— Delores Aldridge—Emory University Clark Atlanta University Derrick Alridge—University of Virginia June G. Hopps—University of Georgia Whitney Battle–Baptiste— Ida Rousseau Mukenge— University of Massachusetts Morehouse College John H. Bracey— Loretta Parham— University of Massachusetts Atlanta University Center John S. Butler—University of Texas James Rodriquez— Jaideep Chaudhary— Fathers and Families Coalition of Clark Atlanta University America Kristen Clayton—Oglethorpe University Danille K. Taylor— Barbara Combs—Clark Atlanta University Clark Atlanta University Maurice Daniels—University of Georgia Elsie Scott—Howard University Stephanie Evans—Georgia State University Sandra Taylor— Robert Franklin—Emory University Clark Atlanta University Shirley Williams–Kirksey— Clark Atlanta University Earl Wright—Rhodes College

Pictured on the Cover: Whitney M. Young Jr. and Thayer Hall Home of the Current Social Work Program

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PHYLON The Clark Atlanta University Review of Race and Culture CONTENTS Volume 57 | 2

Letter From The President 3 George T. French, Jr., President, Clark Atlanta University

Greetings 4 Jenny Jones, Dean, Whitney M. Young. Jr. School of Social Work Clark Atlanta University

Preface to the Special Edition of Phylon on the History of Clark Atlanta University's 7 Whitney M. Young. Jr., School of Social Work 1920-2020 Alma J. Carten, New York University

Celebrating 100 Years of Social Work At The Clark Atlanta University's 11 Whitney M. Young Jr. School Obie Clayton, Clark Atlanta University; Ruby Gourdine, Howard University; June Gary Hopps, University of Georgia

The Atlanta School of Social Work and the Professionalization of "Race Work" 21 Jerome H. Schiele, Morgan State University; M. Sebrena Jackson, The University of Alabama

Hope Arrives for Atlanta: Lugenia Burns Hope and the Role of Women in the Development of The Atlanta University School of Social Work 41 Obie Clayton, Clark Atlanta University; June Gary Hopps, University of Georgia

Introducing Forrester Blanchard Washington: Transformative African American Social Work Leader 56 Frederica Barrow, University of the District of Columbia, Retired

The Legacy of the Founding Social Work Programs at HBCUs: Social Justice, Altruism and Visioning for the Future 71 Ruby M. Gourdine, Howard University; Amber M. Davis, University of California-Davis; Heather Howard, Independent Scholar Three Pioneers at Clark Atlanta University: Their Impact on Dismantiling Racial Scaffolding 83 Johnnie Hamilton Mason, Simmons University; Nancy J. Wewiorski, Independent Consultant; Robbie W. C. Tourse, Boston College

Living in an Age of Colorblind Racism and Police Impunity: An Analysis of Some High-Profile Police Killings 105 Bryan R. Ellis, Wayne State University; Nicole Branch-Ellis, Bowie State University

3

Letter From The President George T. French, Jr. President, Clark Atlanta University

Greetings,

It is an honor to welcome you to this special volume of Phylon: The Clark Atlanta University Review of Race and Culture, written to celebrate 100 years of social work at Clark Atlanta University. I applaud the Whitney M. Young, Jr. School of Social Work and the guest editors who solicited contributions from both faculty and alumni across the country to curate this celebratory volume of scholarship around both historical and contemporary social issues. The authors point out that some 100 years ago during Jim Crowism and pervasive racism, professional social work (in the South) was founded primarily here in the Atlanta University Center. The School of Social Work, since its inception, has always stood for justice, equality, and excellence. Values and traits that are still with us today. Some contributions to this volume are centered around the history and leadership of the school and the challenges which were faced. Others analyze the impact of the school’s focus on cultural sensitivity and an afro-centric curriculum designed to assist underserved communities and the social work profession.

I hope that you find the contents of this volume as insightful and thought- provoking as I do. The authors have brought to life luminaries such as W.E.B. Du Bois, Lugenia Burns Hope, E. Franklin Frazier, and other leaders and scholars who paved our path, and in whom we will forever be indebted. As we move forward, it is incumbent upon current scholars and practitioners, as those included in this volume, to show us new ways to face the rising sun.

Social work and other helping professions are in high demand to help overcome the problems now plaguing the country, i.e., the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on people of color, perennial racism, and mental health challenges such as depression for many of our young people. These challenges provide great opportunities for both researchers and practitioners to collaborate to produce scholarship to help eradicate negative systemic issues in our country. As you read these articles remember that it was here, and at our sister institutions, where the desire and skills to help others in a compassionate and professional way was borne and advanced; yet, many of the figures discussed in these articles have not received their just rewards. As President of Clark Atlanta University, I believe this volume will help fill that void and I will do all that I can to see that their rich legacy is not forgotten.

Sincerely,

George T. French, Jr., Ph.D. 4 Phylon 57

Greetings

Jenny Jones Dean, Whitney M. Young, Jr. School of Social Work Clark Atlanta University

As we bring to a close our celebra- the unmet needs of Black Americans, tion honoring and remembering our 100 who at the time were living under the years of providing social work educa- rule of White Supremacy. Ironically, and tion to both the state and nation, I am disturbingly, the School is celebrating its pleased that the editors of this special centennial at a time when the country volume of Phylon requested me to give is experiencing a resurgence of various a few comments. It is both an honor and forms of racist behaviors, rooted in the pleasure to serve as the 13th Dean of notion of White privilege that created the Whitney M. Young, Jr School of So- the need for a School of social work for cial Work. The School holds the distinc- Black social workers a century ago. Rac- tion of being the oldest School of Social ism has been lurking just beneath the Work at an Historically Black College/ surface of reality, a reality that coddles University (HBCU) in the nation and in just enough but confirms its existence the world, and the first to be accredited with hurtful and striking blows of injus- in the state of Georgia There is a strong tice. tradition of African Americans being HBCU social work schools and pro- trained at HBCUs in the field of social grams around the country continue to work (Aubrey et al. 2016; Phillips 2017). face many challenges as we move into According to E. Franklin Frazier (1957), the 21st century such as departments there have been historically many op- closing, faculty layoffs, declining en- portunities for African Americans with- rollments, rise of online education and in the social work field. Consequently, changes in federal funding (Yazeed trained social workers were needed to 2015). This reality is no exception for us. address the varied and complex needs The School has undergone several trans- of African Americans. Frazier urged so- formations over the years in managing cial workers to create those opportuni- the effects of the external environmen- ties by building cooperative businesses, tal changes that have implications for self-help groups, clubs for youths, and its sustainability and relevancy in a dy- schools at a time when raising the pro- namic and ever changing socio-cultural fessional status of social workers was and political landscape in American so- the profession's primary goal (Platt and ciety. This ever-changing environmental Chandler 1988). context has created both challenges and Thus, our existence is not by accident, opportunities as the School has endeav- rather, a more deliberate call to address ored to maintain institutional visibility, Jenny Jones 5

its unique identity as an institution of cies of Frazier and Washington's live on higher learning for Blacks, and the vi- in the continued viability of the Whitney sion of its founders. M. Young Jr. School of Social Work at Today, the School has evolved as the Clark Atlanta University (Barrow, 2007). hub of black intellectual thought and As the School moves forward, I see continues to be influenced by the work a new decade on the horizon that will of Du Bois. This is reflected in the curric- strengthen the School through strategic ulum as students are prepared, includ- collaborations in areas such as continu- ing intellectual activism, maintaining ing education, financial capability and its roots in the Afrocentric perspective asset building, data science, increased and the tradition of objective research partnerships in field education, and as a tool for documenting and seeking the plan for an Endowed Chair. As we solutions to the problems impacting the stand together in the elevation of ‘mak- Black community. In addition, the con- ing a way or finding one’, we recognize dition of conducting research is carried that the preservation of who we are, forward in our doctoral program. A pri- what we stand for and respect for his- mary objective of the program is to in- tory was at the forefront 100 years ago crease the number of African American and continues to guide us as we prepare and other historically underrepresented social work scholars to lift up marginal- groups for careers in teaching, research, ized populations. social policy analysis, and human ser- vice management. Since the introduc- ______tion of the doctoral program in 1984 our graduates hold positions of leadership References in academia, policy making governmen- tal agencies, and private sector social Aubrey, Hal, Jordan, Tina, Stevenson, An- work agencies. dre, Boss-Victoria, Rena, Haynes, As we celebrate our 100th year, there James, Estreet, Anthony, Cameron, is much upon which we proudly reflect, Elijah, and Williams, Quotasze. particularly during a time when is- 2016. “Doctoral study programs in sues regarding disparity and inequality social work at HBCUs: Origin and among African Americans continues to program development.” Journal of persist. We have remained steadfast in Social Work Education, 52, 58-68. ensuring that the Afrocentric perspective Barrow, Frederica H. 2007. “More than a is integrated into our curriculums, which school-A Promotional Agency for reinforces the ideology and principles Social Welfare“: Forrester Blanchard around the development of the School. Washington's leadership of the At- In keeping with the historic mission of lanta University School of Social cooperation vs. competition, the devel- Work, 1927-1954. Arete, 31, 175-183. opment of school resources advancing Phillips, M. L. 2017. “A Qualitative Case the Afrocentric perspective competence Study of Social Work Leadership” in the classroom, on campus, and in the (Doctoral Dissertation). ProQuest field have been well received. The lega- Dissertations and Theses database. 6 Phylon 57

Platt, Tony and Chandler, Susan 1988. “Constant struggle: E. Franklin Fra- zier and Black Social Work in the 1920s“. Social Work, 33, 293-297. Yazeed, Carey 2015. “Life after death: Re- vitalization of Social Work Educa- tion Programs at Historically Black Colleges and Universities Through Decolonization“ (Doctoral disserta- tion). http:/Idigi talcomrno ns.lsu. edu/ gradschool_ dissertations/ 3263. Accessed January 18, 2021.

Alma J. Carten 7

Preface to the Special Edition of Phylon on the History of Clark Atlanta University’s Whitney M. Young. Jr. School of Social Work 1920-2020

Alma J. Carten New York University

I have been invited by the guest edi- were educated in the tradition of social tors, of this volume of Phylon, Dr. June G. justice and social change emphasis em- Hopps (the Thomas J. Parham Professor braced by the School’s founders, Drs. at the Graduate School of Social Work at Hopps and Gourdine, also shared, what the University of Georgia),and Dr. Ruby in part, was my motivation for writing the Gourdine (professor and chair of the Di- book: concerns about the diminishing in- rect Practice Sequence and co-chair of terests of social work students, especially the Human Behavior in the Social En- among those favoring clinical practice, in vironment curriculum areas at Howard the history of social welfare resulting in University School of Social Work) to a marginalization of course offerings in give both a preface, to the volume and the policy and research curriculum areas. an overview of my book Find A Way or With these concerns in mind, my book Make One; A documentary history of Clark highlights the significance of social wel- Atlanta University Whitney M. Young. Jr. fare history in the social work curriculum, School of Social Work 1920-2020 (Oxford and the importance of including the work University Press). I would like to inter- of Black thought leaders and social work ject, that in addition to overseeing the scholars for an accurate recounting of the publication of this special issue, both history of the profession as it emerged in guest editors, are prolific contributors to the United States and especially how CAU the historical social work literature un- shaped the discourse. CAU and the pro- dertaken from a Black perspective. See fession dealt with over the past century for example, Hopps, Lowe and Clayton, was how to balance a career in micro or (2019) and Brown, Gourdine and Crewe macro practice, while not neglecting the (2011). I am honored to be given this importance of research and policy cur- daunting task and hope that I can shed riculum areas. Therefore, the conceptual some insights into the history of social underpinnings of the book integrate as- work at Clark Atlanta University (CAU) sumptions from an Afrocentric and Black through discussing my book and years perspective with social work’s ecological of practice utilizing the CAU model. theoretical perspective. This perspective As a fellow alumni of the School of includes the “person in the social environ- Social Work, and all my colleagues, who ment” approach and served as the lens for 8 Phylon 57

the interpretation and analysis of infor- tion of higher learning to train “Negro” mation yielded from the review of archi- social workers to work in the city’s dramat- val and other documents relevant to the ically underserved Black neighborhoods. School’s history. With racial segregation being the law of The underlying assumptions of the the land, they envisioned creating a pipe- Afrocentric perspective, taught at CAU line for dispersing a cohort of professional and stressed in my book, aligns it with social workers across the nation who the intent of social work’s ecological, per- were uniquely qualified to serve Black son in the environment, strengths-based ommunities. approach that acknowledges the interde- At the time of the School’s founding, pendence of people with larger networks Atlanta was described as the most segre- of social, economic, and political systems. gated city in the South. By the mid-1900s And in doing so recognizes the barriers in it had overcome considerable race-based larger institutional structures that serve environmental obstacles and was the as obstacles to the full societal participa- leading voice on social work practice in tion of certain groups of historic concern the Black community. And as envisioned to the profession. Concepts drawn from by its founders, alumni of the School were the ecological theoretical framework serve staffing social service agencies in both the as long established guiding principles for North and the South. curriculum development in all schools of The book examines the societal forces social work. These concepts guided the influencing the School’s trajectory over an approach taken by the School’s found- evolutionary process from its founding ers as they engaged in a study process to in 1920 as an independent institution of establish the need for a training school higher learning designated as the Atlanta for “colored” social workers in the segre- School of Social Work, to its 1938 affilia- gated South. In this regard, the School’s tion with Atlanta University to become founders may well be viewed as pioneer- the Atlanta University School of Social ing the Afrocentric perspective, a concept Work, the 1988 merger of Atlanta Univer- that is now extensively used and widely sity and Clark College when it became accepted in the lexicon of the social work Clark Atlanta University School of Social literature. Work, and to its renaming in 2000 as Clark Using a qualitative research design Atlanta University Whitney M. Young Jr. and drawing largely upon data retrieved School of Social Work. from the archival holdings of the institu- This process is contextualized in con- tion’s Robert Woodruff Library, the book sideration of time and place and described examines the history of the subject school against the backdrop of changing U.S. so- as it unfolded over a century of U.S. his- cial welfare policy, Council on Social Work tory when the "separate but equal" doc- Education (CSWE) Educational Policy trine was accepted in both law and cus- and Accreditation Standards (EPAS) and tom. Spearheaded by a group of leading professional trends as reflected in amend- scholars and social activist in Atlanta, ments to the Code of Ethics of the Nation- Georgia, the School opened its doors in al Association of Social Workers (NASW). October 1920 as an independent institu- This study approach enriches the content Alma J. Carten 9

and makes the book a useful tool for teach- tion in setting up a class for Freedmen in ing across social work core curriculum ar- Atlanta amidst the chaos in the city at the eas. end of the Civil War that became Atlanta A major contribution that the book University and the academic home of the makes is that it presents a chronological School over its various transformations; examination of critical events influencing the influence of W.E.B. Du Bois who es- the process of curriculum development tablished the tradition of using research as and renewal concurrent with an exami- the driver of social change and means for nation of corresponding eras of U.S. his- securing full citizenship for Blacks. Also tory. The narrative highlights the chang- covered are Jesse O. Thomas’s speech on ing thrusts in U.S. social welfare policy the need for a training school for “Negro” and takes a closer look at the implications social workers given from the segregated of local practices of racial discrimination section of the 1920 Social Work Conference as these policies were implemented in bringing into sharp view the hypocrisy of Georgia and Atlanta. The ongoing strug- the profession on matters of race and the gle for Black civil rights in the segregated catalyst for launching the School (Thomas South is an integrating theme throughout 1967). This educational experiment was the book. Mega events such as the Great initially referred to as the “Atlanta School” Migration, two world wars, the Depres- when it opened with an enrollment of 14 sion, the enactment of the 1935 Social Se- students with the first classes taught in curity Act and the safety net programs, space at Morehouse, donated by John and abandonment of the safety-net philos- Hope, the college’s first African American ophy that began under the conservative president. The inaugural curriculum drew policies of New Federalism of the 1980s, upon the work of Lugenia Burns Hope, the civil rights movement and the predict- founder of the Neighborhood Union that able white backlash as Blacks moved0 pioneered a community organizing strat- closer to achieving full citizenship are egy that used an evidenced-based ap- among the back stories of the environ- proach for serving Black neighborhoods mental context in which the history of the (Rouse 1984). School unfolded. Moving into the 20th century under The book is organized into three parts: the directorships of E. Franklin Frazier, Beginnings; Moving the Legacy into the and Forrester B. Washington, both Urban 20th Century; and At the Midpoint and League fellows, the School continued the Beyond. Each chapter discusses in detail research emphasis, a Black perspective, events dealt with over each of the decades and the tradition of partnering with affili- of concern. These include the Georgia co- ates of the National Urban League (NUL) lonial period, Black enslavement and In- to serve as a pipeline for growing a skilled dian Removal policies that together sup- social work leadership committed to serve ported the economic flourishing of what the Black community. Frazier was less ac- became the state of Georgia and the city of commodating to the status quo which was Atlanta, the state Capitol, and the roots of essential for garnering the favor of Uni- White Supremacy. It also includes the seed versity board members. His controversial planted by the American Mission Associa- publication drawing an equivalency be- 10 Phylon 57

tween white prejudice and insanity were far from an even playing field with the contributing factors to a short tenure as well- resourced social work programs director (Frazier 1927; Scheile 1999). His in the predominately white universi- influence in social work education con- ties. Nevertheless, according to Florence tinued with his collaboration with Ina- Victoria Adams who had joined the faculty bel Burns in founding the school of so- during the early years, owing to Whitney cial work at Howard University. And as Young’s exceptional fundraising skills and a trade-off for maintaining the School’s ability to engage with individuals across accreditation, the research department many sectors, the School maintained its developed, under Washington’s director- stature and a stable student enrollment. ship, a collaborative research agenda with Yet, this was not without costs, when Atlanta social welfare agencies. This re- Young stepped down from the deanship, search agenda was undertaken to better the School was no different from all other understand the problems and needs of CSWE accredited social work programs Blacks in both the rural and urban regions (Adams 1981). of the state and was necessary because By the 1970s the School would under- such research had been discontinued. The go yet another transformation under the courses designed to support skills and deanship of Genevieve Hill, and the leader- competencies for practice in Black com- ship of a new professoriate that reclaimed munities had been scrubbed from the cur- Forester B. Washington’s emphasis on a riculum (Barrow 2007). theory of social work practice with Blacks. The civil rights years brought a re- He asserted that social workers practicing newed sense of intellectual agency among in Black communities needed to know all Back social work scholars and educators that every social worker needed to know across the country who challenged the and much more (Washington 1935). For- relevancy of CSWE accreditation policies mulated around Washington’s vision, the favoring the European Worldview. The group conceptualized the autonomous so- faculties of the School and Howard Uni- cial work practice model. The model was versity School of Social Work, the two lead- grounded in humanistic values borrowed ing social work schools at the time, joined from Dr. King’s vision of “The Beloved in these efforts with a National Institute of Community” with an embedded political Health grant and support of the CSWE by ideology of Black nation building as the convening a Black Task Force to develop a framework for an Afrocentric perspective model for the integration of diversity con- and the foundation of the School’s edu- tent into the curriculum of all accredited cational philosophy. An entire chapter is social work programs. This work that led devoted to the life and legacy of Whitney to the establishment of the CSWE Minor- M. Young, Jr., whose tenure as dean sup- ity Fellowship Program (MFP). ported a national visibility that led to his Desegregation proved to be a double appointment as director of the National edge sword since the School no longer Urban League and ultimately catapulted had a monopoly on the “best of the Black him into becoming one of the country’s minds” and had to compete in what was most preeminent civil rights leaders. The Alma J. Carten 11

last chapters address the current environ- position established by its founders as the ment in which the divisiveness of the po- leading voice on social work practice in litical discourse in the country resembles the Black community, and who provided the seed for what would become the Uni- the moral leadership that is so wanting at versity and academic home of the School this time. that was planted in the city of Atlanta amidst the devastation of the Civil War. Finally, this overview of my book ______hopefully demonstrates that it is an im- portant contribution to the social welfare References historical literature. The book illuminates the pioneering work of Black thought Adams, Frankie V. 1981. The Reflections of leaders, social activists, and social work Florence Victoria Adams. Atlanta: educators who struggled against racism Shannon Press. Ltd., in cooperation and advocated for the inclusion of a Black with the Atlanta University School perspective in social work education and of Social Work and Alumni Associa- how CAU stressed these ideals. Yet, their tion. scholarship, contributions by Blacks, have Barrow, Frederica H. 2007. “More Than a been under-reported, erased, or distorted School--A Promotional Agency for in the “mainstream” literature. The book Social Welfare: Forrester Blanchard brings into wider public view the contri- Washington's Leadership of the At- butions of these scholars who were at the lanta University School of Social vanguard of developing a race critical per- Work, 1927-1954”. Arete, 31. spective that today is required content for Brown, Annie W., Gourdine, Ruby M., all CSWE accredited programs. Without and Crewe, Sandra E. 2011. “Inabel CAU, and the Atlanta developments, this Burns Lindsay: Social Work Pioneer would not have happened. Moreover, in Contributor to Practice and Educa- recounting the history of the School from a tion Through a Socio-Cultural Per- Black perspective, the book, contributes to spective”. Journal of Social Work and correcting the historical record on the de- Social Welfare, 38, 143. velopment of the profession as described Carten, Alma J. 2021. Find a Way or Make in the preponderance of literature, and for One, a Documentary History of Clark the most part as taught in social work pro- Atlanta University Whitney M. Young, grams. It is also published at a time when Jr. School of Social Work. London: Ox- unprecedented events have yet again sur- ford University Press. faced deeply ingrained racial inequities Frazier, E. Franklin. 1927. “The Pathology endemic to the country since its founding of Race Prejudice”. The Forum, June prompting a racial reckoning like no other 1927, 856-861. time in the nation’s history. As concern- Hopps, June G., Lowe, Tony B., and ing as these events are, perhaps the silver Clayton, Obie. 2019. “I’ll Find a Way lining is that they open new windows of or Make One: Atlanta University opportunities for the School to reclaim its and the Emergence of Professional 12 Phylon 57

Social Work Education in the Deep South”. Journal of Social Work Educa- tion, 1-13. Rouse, Jacqueline A. 1984. “The Legacy of Community Organizing: Lugenia Burns Hope and the Neighborhood Union”. The Journal of Negro History, 69(3-4), 114-133. Schiele, Jerome H. 1999. “E. Franklin Frazier and the Interfacing of Black Sociolo- gy and Black Social Work“. Journal of Social Work. & Soc. Welfare, 26, 105. Thomas, Jesse O. 1967. My Story in Black and White: The Autobiography of Jesse O. Thomas. Chicago: Exposition Press. Washington, Forrester B. 1935. "The Need and Education of Negro Social Workers“. Journal of Negro Education, 76-93. Obie Clayton - Ruby Gourdine - June Gary Hopps 13

Celebrating 100 Years Of Social Work At The Clark Atlanta University's Whitney M. Young Jr. School*

Obie Clayton Clark Atlanta University

Ruby Gourdine Howard University

June Gary Hopps University of Georgia

We begin by celebrating and congrat- strategic planning and analysis, dedi- ulating The Whitney M. Young Jr. School cated leadership, and the unbridled de- of Social Work at 100! Embedded in the termination and inspiration of men and spirit and voice of " I will find a way or women who moved a great idea for- make one," this special moment presents ward. A school of social work emerged. an opportunity to reflect on an impact- Today, The Clark Atlanta University’s ful history and the cultural environ- Whitney M. Young Jr. School of Social ment in which a consequential School Work (WMYJr. SSW) exists because of its began, while at the same time looking original purpose which is summarized forward as we forecast a promising fu- in a quote from Forrester B. Washington, ture. Although underscoring the contex- Director of the Atlanta School of Social tual immediacy, there is time and space Work from 1927 to 1954: “The existence to honor leaders of the past and their of black people in a predominantly un- achievements; however, there was nev- sympathetic hostile world is sufficient er a period when the external environ- for specialized training for social work ment honored constitutional ideologies in the black community; for this posi- of equality, social justice, and economic tion, the writer makes no apologies” access. (History of CAU 2021). In this special edition of Phylon, This special edition recognizes and founded by W.E.B. Du Bois at Atlanta acknowledges the longevity of the University in 1940, we celebrate the pro- WMYJr SSW and its contribution to the found intellectual curiosity, masterful field of social work. It is significant since 14 Phylon 57 it is the first Historically Black College lege, who served from 1920-1921. The and University (HBCU) to offer a mas- second director was E. Franklin Frazier, ter's social work program. Its begin- a preeminent sociologist who led the ning is related to the formerly enslaved School from 1922 to 1926, followed by condition, which necessitated a focus Forrester B. Washington, who held the on helping that oppressed population directorship for 27 years (1927- 1954). cohort through exposure to concepts of Whitney M. Young Jr. became the first racial uplift, advocacy and opportuni- dean of the School and served from 1954- ties for mutual aid undergirded by the 1961 and was undoubtedly the most in- scientific method. ternationally recognized leader at the Traditional White Institutions (T.W.I.'s) University, having later served as an ad- were segregated, particularly in the visor to three American Presidents and deep south owing to the law of the land, Martin Luther King Jr. (Carten, 2021). Plessy v Ferguson (1896), which codified These leaders had stellar educational de jure segregation and enhanced de fac- preparation and made contributions to to segregation. The University of Geor- the School that would sustain it over gia launched its social work program in time. All used the opportunity to build 1964, more than 40 years after Atlanta upon the scholarly - scientific founda- University. Emory University debated tional thinking and academic prowess whether it would start a program but of W.E. B. Du Bois. They understood the decided not to take that course of ac- marginal status and position of African tion. The Atlanta School (now WMYJr. Americans and were determined to im- SSW) was one of only two social work prove the plight of the race through the schools in the deep south. It faced many preparation and education of expert cul- challenges due to racism in policies and turally and cognitively knowledgeable practices where segregation was embed- practitioners, who would go forth and ded ---in the south, in Georgia, and in deliver professional services guided by the social work profession. Yet, it per- empiricism and often ” making a way or sisted and developed sufficient stature finding a way ( Hopps et al. 2019).” Un- to attract students from this country and questionably these leaders were advo- aboard who were interested in pursuing cates for improving the general welfare a professional education (Hopps et al. of all and particularly African Ameri- 2019). The challenges and triumphs in cans, and used their education, political the education for generations of Black, acumen and connections, personal com- White, and other population cohorts mitment and vitality to build a program who have made their mark in the pro- that has endured. But it was a dedicated fession are narrated in this volume. Be- woman who made the difference: Ms. cause of its geopolitical environment Lugenia Burns Hope. and auspices, The Whitney M. Young Lugenia Burns Hope nurtured the School Jr. School of Social Work had to idea of a school of social work while at adhere to southern laws and mores / the Neighborhood Union Settlement epitome. The school's founding director in Atlanta with the support of her hus- was Gary W. Moore (sometimes noted as band, John Hope, the first African Amer- Garrity), a professor at Morehouse Col- ican president of Morehouse College. Obie Clayton - Ruby Gourdine - June Gary Hopps 15

Her idea was to establish training class- leaders across the country (Carten 2021; es in social work offered through the Rouse 1989). Neighborhood Union and presented via To date, the WMYJr SSW has had 16 a Social Service Institute at Morehouse. directors/ deans (please see Leaderhip This Institute grew and became the At- Table below) and graduated thousands lanta School of Social Work (Rouse 1989, of students (Carten 2021). The early 48). Ms. Burns Hope was a graduate of leaders had the ominous task of creating the Art Institute of Chicago (now Chi- a viable program and finding commu- cago Institute of Art and Design AID) nity and financial support to sustain the and worked in charcoal and prints but WMYJr SSW, which had an independent used her artistic talents to teach milli- status until it became a part of the At- nery skills at the Neighborhood Union lanta University Center in 1947 (Carten Settlement where she also became presi- 2021; Hopps et al. 2019). This affiliation dent. She crafted her role in Atlanta occurred under Forrester B. Washing- in keeping with the progressive social ton and was necessitated by the perils reform movement of the early 20th cen- related to accreditation of the School tury. Her leadership was influential and by The America Association of Schools impactful because of her knowledge and of Social Work (AASSW) (Carten 2021). passion for improved services for need- The leaders were restricted by segrega- ful African Americans, and she was in- tion, discrimination, and professional strumental in gaining the support of her apartheid. Indeed, the WMYJr SSW was husband, other leaders at The Atlanta fortunate to have had leaders who had University Center, and because of her the wherewithal to build a program for capacity to network with other women which there was no model.

The Leadership of the Whitney M. Young, Jr. School of Social Work

Atlanta School of Work Directors Years Served Significant Contribution(s) Gary (Garrity ) W. Moore 1920-1921 Professor at Morehouse. First Director, established a social work curriculum; Died in 1923 while on leave to complete a Ph.D.

E. Franklin Frazier 1922-1926 Joint appointments with Morehouse College and Atl. University; married sociology and social work; distinguished scholar and outspoken critic of segregation. 16 Phylon 57

Forrester B. Washington 1927-1954 Served for a short period in F.D.R.'s Black Cabinet as head of the Negro Division, the Federal Emergency Relief Administration (FERA); Outspoken on inequities of blacks during the depression era and in New Deal programs; committed to the cause of social work in the black community; achieved accreditation of the School; and proficient fundraiser.

Whitney M. Young, Jr. 1954-1961 Promoted aggressive approach to civil rights; connected program to individuals across class and racial groups; advisor to the Atlanta Student Movement; Advisor to three presidents of the United States ( John F. Kennedy, Lyndon B. Johnson, and Richard Nixon) and M.L. King Jr.

Florence Victoria Adams 1961-1961 Interim Dean; master teacher and advisor for generations of students.

William S. Jackson, Ph.D. 1961-1968 First Ph.D. educated Dean; Studied the implications of Title IV of 1964 Civil Rights Acts for schools of social work; presented and published results in 1966 at CSWE and JSWE; acknowledged social work students’ demand for activism and Black equality

Genevieve T. Hill 1968-1979 A psychiatric social worker who led the School to recapture a focus on African Americans' with an emphasis on macro practice; served as chair of CSWE Black Task Force, leading to the refinement of the autonomous social work model undergirded by humanistic values and the Afrocentric perspective. Obie Clayton - Ruby Gourdine - June Gary Hopps 17

Clarence D. Coleman 1979-1984 Doctoral degree was established; expanded the partnership with the National Urban League as a pipeline for social work leadership.

Janice S. Vaughn 1984 Interim Dean for summer and faculty member Mamie Darlington 1987-1989 Interim Taught for over 20 years; focus on school social work

Lou Beasley 1989-1994 Known for scholarship on children and families

Richard Lyle 1994-1998;2003-2004;2007 Long term faculty member Interim Dean who served as Interim Dean on numerous occasions

Dorcas Bowles 1998-2007 Name of School changed to W. 2014- M .Y. Jr. under her leadership; advanced clinical practice concentration approved; became vice president of the University; current Interim Provost

Rufus Sylvester Lynch 2004-2007 Developed a strategic seven-point plan for School

Vimala Pillari 2008-2015 The Center for Children and Families (C.C.F.) was founded, and certificate in School social work was reestablished

Jenny L. Jones 2015 - present Noted educator in children’s services; Chaired the celebration of the 100th anniversary of the School;

Source of Data: Alma J. Carten (2021) 18 Phylon 57

This volume is organized using pacity for networking and collaboration three perspectives: History and Begin- moved a modest and practical idea of ning, A Theoretical Perspective and A education and service to others to a phe- Contemporary Problem. In the area of nomenal ending in the development of a History and Beginning, scholars articu- professional school of social work.. late the WMYJr SSW's legacy and prom- Frederica Barrow writes about For- ise, starting with Jerome Schiele and M. rester B. Washington, who was the Sebrena Jackson in an article entitled longest-serving director of the WMYJr “The Atlanta School of Social Work and SSW. She describes him as a transfor- the Professionalization of “ Race Work.” mative leader whose work covered the These authors highlight the extensive late 1920’s to the advent of the civil and purposeful work that three influen- rights era. He is portrayed as a “nation tial leaders did in cementing the legacy builder” who effectively worked with of the first school of social work focused diverse groups and he was recognized , on African Americans. They identi- as a consummate fundraiser. This article fied E. Franklin Frazier, Forrester B. is important because it acknowledges a Washington, and Whitney M. Young Jr. prominent leader who is often neglected Frazier was concerned about the defi- in the social work literature. cits that African Americans experienced Gourdine, Davis, and Howard re- due to their enslavement. Washington view the origins of programs at four ear- focused on creating a school that was ly Schools: Atlanta University, Bishop available to train the numbers of social Tuttle School of Social Work, Fisk Uni- workers needed to serve the African versity, and Howard University. Infor- American community and enhanced the mation unique to the environment and “race-focused “curriculum. Young fo- auspices of each program is discussed. cused on policy and politics to improve Three of these programs, with the ex- African Americans' status. All of these ception of Bishop Tuttle, still exist. The efforts were situated in “race work” Tuttle program focus was not on profes- since that was the theme that solidified sional caring in the context of race work the curriculum and built upon the his- but rather on self-help. Therefore, the tory of this storied institution. level of professionalization was always Hope Arrives for Atlanta: Lugenia questioned as the Bishop Tuttle's focus Burns-Hope and the Role of Women in was on , the preparation of formerly en- the Development of The Atlanta Univer- slaved in low status /skills jobs in keep- sity School of Social Work by Clayton ing with southern expectations. The and Hopps expand upon the leader- authors highlight the three remaining ship and foundational work of Lugenia goals of the WMYJr SSW which identify Burns Hope and other women leaders in an inclusive, demonstrative, altruistic Atlanta. Burns Hope served at the begin- nature of social work as articulated by ning of the 20th century as the visionary Abraham Flexner (1915 ) as an attribute president of the Neighborhood Union of social work. They also discuss how Settlement, an agency led by women. social justice was not always achieved Her leadership and particularly her ca- owning to discrimination against Afri- Obie Clayton - Ruby Gourdine - June Gary Hopps 19

can Americans. postbellum period when Jim Crow was The article, “Three Pioneers at Clark – ever present de facto and de jure. Echoes Atlanta University: Their Impact on Dis- of those tribulations are manifested in mantling Racial Scaffolding” by Johnnie the Ellis and Ellis presentation. Timely- Hamilton-Mason, Nancy Wewiorski, yes. Frightening yes again! Hence this and Robbie Tourse, focused on Atlanta presentation is included in this historic University's three luminaries and pre- volume. They discussed police brutality sented a Theoretical Perspective. They and how it is connected to the racism that begin their article by discussing W.E.B. still exists. They provide extensive case Du Bois who was not a member of the data drawn from historical and current School of social work faculty. However, print media on police brutality across he did have an enormous impact on the the country against African Americans foundational thinking and development who reside in marginalized communi- of the School. It was his scientific work ties. The presentation is augmented by on studying African American commu- a discussion and suggestions for police nities that helped establish the curricu- reform and the immediacy for systemic lum. Building upon this legacy was E. transformational change. Franklin Frazier, who was a noted soci- We hope that you will enjoy and ologist and scholar. He endorsed the use learn from what these talented scholars of the scientific method as a way to teach and thought leaders have presented in students, thus aiding professionalizing this volume. It is a potpourri of per- the curriculum. Whitney M. Young Jr. spectives relative to the historical and brought yet another dimension: civil contemporary development of the Whit- rights activism and community orga- ney M. Young Jr. School of Social Work. nizing. The authors documented these The publication of this edition of Phylon leaders’ upbringing and education, represents the culmination of a year- which placed them in positions of dis- long celebration of the achievements in mantling racism using “scaffolding” as service and education by the School. It a concept (Tourse et al. 2018). is fitting that this celebratory message A Contemporary Problem: Argu- is carried in a journal that a pioneering ably “… unprecedented events have thought leader founded and whose in- yet again surfaced deeply ingrained ra- tellect is foundational to the work at the cial inequalities endemic to the country School. An astounding feature is that all since its founding prompting a racial of the authors present similar versions reckoning like no other time in the na- of the School’s founding and intellectual tion’s history.” This sentiment expressed maturation over the past century. There by Carten in the foreword, is captured are no contradictory stances relative in the article by Ellis and Ellis who ad- to varying ideologies, brave and bold dress a controversial contemporary is- leadership, relevant missions or social sue police brutality that most heavily impact; hence the richness of the dis- impacts the Black community. In keep- course can be found in the explication ing with the ingrained racial inequities, of the topics above. Immensely unbe- police brutality has antecedents in the lievable for the time period , the odds of 20 Phylon 57 such amazing societal accomplishments Clayton. 2019. “I’ll Find a Way or were not prodigious. Others would not Make One: Atlanta University and have dared to accept the challenge con- the Emergence of Professional Social templated by the pioneers who built the Work Education in the Deep South”, school. The actions of the pioneers were Journal of Social Work Education DOI: not socially or legally sanctioned but 10.1080/10437797.2019.1671255. were implemented out of their strong be- Plessey v. Ferguson Apr 13, 1896 – May 18, lief and commitment that they too were 1896. 163 U.S. 537 (more)16 S. Ct. worthy of educational and service ben- 1138; 41 L. Ed. 256; 1896 U.S. LEXIS efits that others enjoyed. The founders 3390. believed and demonstrated their com- Rouse, Jacqueline Anne. 1989. Lugenia mitment to social justice and fairness for Burns Hope: Black Southern Reformer. all mankind. These intellectually gifted London: The University of Georgia pioneers created a school which was fo- Press. cused on race work in efforts to promote Tourse, Robbie W. C., Johnnie Hamilton- uplift and justice for severely neglected Mason, and Nancy J. Wewiorski. formerly enslaved people. 2018. Systemic Racism in the United States: Scaffolding as Social Construc- *The school has had several names Atlanta tion. Switzerland. Springer Interna- School of Social Work at Morehouse Col- tional Publishing AG. lege, the Atlanta University School of Social Work: Clark Atlanta School of Social Work and the Whitney M. Young, Jr, School of School of Social Work. These names are used interchangeably throughout the article ______

References

Carten, Alma. 2021. Find a Way or Make One: A Documentary History of Clark Atlanta University Whitney M. Young Jr. School of Social Work (1920-2020). New York: Oxford University Press. Flexner Abraham. 1915. “Is Social Work a Profession?” Research On Social Work Practice. 1915;11:152–165. History of Clark Atlanta University’s School of Social Work. https://www.cau.edu/school-of- social-work/history.html. Accessed January 21, 2021. Hopps, June G. Tony B. Lowe and Obie Jerome H. Schiele - M. Sebrena Jackson 21

The Atlanta School of Social Work and the Professionalization of "Race Work"

Jerome H. Schiele Morgan State University

M. Sebrena Jackson The University of Alabama

Abstract

“Race work” was a concept used by 19th century African-American social reformers to describe their activities to counter the racial injustice that victimized and vilified African-Americans. Race work was integrated in many African-American mutual aid societies and other organizations, but it was the establishment of the Atlanta University School of Social Work that significantly advanced the professionalization of the race work tradition in social work education and practice. Although the tradition of race work has been discussed in the social work literature, its link to and influence on the early leaders of the Atlanta School has not been thoroughly addressed. This paper examines how the professionalization of race work was advanced by the ideas and activities of the early leaders of the Atlanta School, namely E. Franklin Frazier, Forrester B. Washington, and Whitney M. Young, Jr, and it discusses how this tradition can be used today to help social work refocus its attention on the continued significance of racism. 22 Phylon 57

African Americans have a rich his- University School of Social Work (re- tory of social welfare that reaches back ferred to in the paper as the “Atlanta to the days of slavery (Carlton-LaNey School”). Through its early administra- 1999; Martin and Martin 2002; Peebles- tors, the Atlanta School significantly Wilkins and Francis 1990; Weaver 1992). advanced the professionalization of the A core aspect of the African-American so- race work tradition in social work edu- cial welfare tradition is race work (Ibid.). cation, theory, and practice. Race work Race work was the term used by 19th was the foundation through which and early 20th century African-Ameri- the early leaders of the Atlanta School, can reformers and others to capture the such as E. Franklin Frazier, Forrester B. activities they engaged in to promote the Washington, and Whitney M. Young, Jr., survival, well-being, and advancement contested American racism and advo- of African-Americans (Carlton-LaNey cated for racial justice and equality. 2001; Martin and Martin 2002). Powered Although the tradition of race work by a deep sense of collective purpose has been discussed in the social work lit- and destiny, race work emerged largely erature, its link to and influence on the as a necessary response to the ravages early leaders of the Atlanta School has of persistent racial injustice (Day and not been thoroughly addressed. Examin- Schiele 2013; Martin and Martin 2002). ing how the tradition of race work influ- This injustice compelled African Ameri- enced the thinking and activities of the cans to initiate social welfare activities early Atlanta School leaders is pivotal in that sought to shield and protect them understanding how a race-centered ap- from racial oppression, and that helped proach to social work education, theory, them to resist and eliminate the social and practice was one of the first expres- forces that fostered its existence. sions of what we now commonly refer The early formal manifestations to as “culturally competent” social work of race work occurred through vari- (Carten 2021). ous mutual aid societies, the women’s Thus, this paper’s purpose is to ex- club movement, and Black church- amine how the professionalization of es (Carlton-LaNey 1999; Martin and the African-American tradition of “race Martin 2002; Peebles-Wilkins and Fran- work” was fostered and significantly cis 1990). The formalization of race facilitated through the establishment of work enhanced at the turn of the 20th the Atlanta School of Social Work, with century and was largely a function of special focus on the ideas and activities the establishment of several large or- promoted by its early leaders, namely ganizations, such as the National As- E. Franklin Frazier, Forrester B. Wash- sociation of Colored People and the ington, and Whitney M. Young, Jr. This National Urban League, that sought to paper also discusses how this early race advance African Americans’ quest for work professionalization can be em- freedom, justice, and equality (Day and ployed today to help social work refocus Schiele 2013; Martin and Martin 2002). its attention on the continued signifi- However, race work’s professionaliza- cance of racism. tion was significantly propelled in 1920 with the establishment of the Atlanta Jerome H. Schiele - M. Sebrena Jackson 23

ORIGINS AND OVERVIEW OF THE Black life (Ibid.). The Free African Society RACE WORK TRADITION gave birth to many other mutual aid so- cieties in free African-American commu- nities and set the stage for the direction Long before the term “social work” race work would take. One such society, was coined, “race work” had been The Independent Order of St. Luke in the social work of free Black people Richmond, Virginia, was led by Maggie (Martin and Martin 2002). Emerging out Lena Walker from 1899-1934. Through of the 19th century, race work was the Walker’s work, the Order of St. Luke individual and/or collective efforts Af- started a bank, an emporium, adminis- rican Americans engaged in to oppose, tered social services to the sick and el- eliminate, and offset the deleterious con- derly, provided food to the indigent, and sequences of racial oppression. Accord- offered employment referral services ing to Carlton-LaNey (1999), the princi- (Schiele, Jackson, and Fairfax 2005). ples of self-help, race pride, mutual aid, Given the spiritual nature of race and social debt guided the practice of work, the primary race work institu- those engaged in race work. Race work tion in the African- American commu- also was community work that was spir- nity was the Black church (Martin and itually driven. It was based on the idea Martin). Black churches were enormous- that Black people had a spiritual calling ly responsible for the early formalization to struggle for the freedom and uplift of of race work by sponsoring various so- each other (Martin and Martin 2002). cial welfare services and racial protest Two institutions were key to the de- activities (Ibid.). Black ministers played velopment and delivery of race work in a crucial leadership role in shaping so- the African-American community: mu- cial welfare services and protest activi- tual aid societies and the Black church ties, as they frequently combined the (Williams 1984). The Free African So- spiritual and material needs of African ciety, founded by Richard Allen and Americans into one (Billingsley 1999). Absalom Jones in Philadelphia in 1787, Indeed, Black ministers like Richard is believed to be the first Black mutual Allen and Absalom Jones opposed a re- aid society (“The Free African Societies” ligion that did not address the day-to- 1967). The Free African Society set the day practical needs of the people, nor tone for race work in the late 18th cen- were they content with a Black church tury and throughout the 19th century that did not challenge the status quo (Martin and Martin 2002). Its chief func- on behalf of oppressed Black people. tion was to provide social services. The Because protest was the cornerstone of Free African Society appointed a com- race work, 19th century race men and mittee of monitors to assess the needs race women wanted the Black church to of the Society’s members and to dis- be an activist church. The Black Church pense funds to address those needs. It became an institution with a mission for established the paradigm for race work spiritual growth and social support, as practice as it called for moral develop- well as offering a safe haven for com- ment, character building, protest, unity, munity programs and a ministry that and education to improve the quality of focused on promoting social reform 24 Phylon 57

(Billingsley 1999; Williams, Jackson, Bar- the value of collectivity should eclipse nett, Pressley and Thomas 2019). the value of individualism in race work Martin and Martin (2002) contend that activities (Martin and Martin 2002). Alexander Crummell and W.E.B. Crummell and Du Bois also affirmed Du Bois built upon the work of mutual the race work theme of teleological op- aid societies and the Black church by cre- timism. This optimism is the belief that ating a race work social philosophy that despite the adversity and oppression thrusted Black uplift into the 20th cen- experienced by Black people, the overall tury. Crummell, an Episcopal minister, design was for African Americans to be believed that the Black church needed free and demonstrate their special tal- to develop a race-conscious, race-work ents and gifts (Ibid.). Thus, race work re- ministry that was molded and pre- quired that Black people never lose faith pared by Black teachers and professors in a better tomorrow. Crummell and (Moses 1992). Du Bois also believed Du Bois also discussed the special tal- that the church had vital race work to ents or “divine gifts” of African Ameri- perform in preparing Black people for cans (Ibid.). These “gifts” spoke to the the demands of the 20th century. Ac- genius of Black people and their remark- cording to Martin and Martin, the most able history and culture. The gifts also important contribution of Crummell were to be used for altruistic purposes and Du Bois was that they gave early that promoted the ethic of caring and Black social workers a Black “strengths sharing (Ibid.). perspective” centered around the con- Human agency and social debt cepts of “destiny, mutuality, teleological were also important race work themes. optimism, divine gifts, human agency Crummell and Du Bois believed that and social debt” (116). These concepts scholars and educated Black leaders can be thought of as core race work were the agents who should uplift the themes (Ibid.). Black masses (Ibid.). They both endorsed The concept of destiny implied that an elitist perspective of racial uplift that race work as sacred work that linked demanded that educated African Ameri- Black people and God as partners in cans lead the masses into enlightenment shaping their destiny. Although African and racial progress. This was especially Americans experienced reprehensible revealed in Du Bois (1903) concept of the abuse at the hands of White Ameri- “Talented Tenth,” which asserted that cans, Crummell preached that African “The Negro race, like all races, is going Americans were destined for greatness to be saved by its exceptional men” (33). (Moses). He urged Black people “to Although this perspective reinforced a march on…to that superiority and emi- top-down approach to leadership, both nence which is our rightful heritage, Crummell and Du Bois believed that tal- and which is evidently the promise of ented and educated African Americans our God!” (Ibid., 205). Crummell and socially owed it to God and their race to Du Bois also believed that the success of engage in activities that would advance race work required a focus on mutuality. African Americans politically, economi- They both asserted that race unity was cally, and culturally (Du Bois 1903; Mar- needed to advance Black people and that tin and Martin 2002; Moses 1992). Jerome H. Schiele - M. Sebrena Jackson 25

Crummell’s and Du Bois’ intellectu- Americans of that time. alization of race work attracted many The racial ideology that permeated early African-American social workers this time period and that facilitated and provided them with a framework the racial discrimination practiced by to guide their practice (Martin and White social workers was White Su- Martin 2002). This framework focused premacy (Armfield 2012; Katz 1986). heavily on building character, develop- White Supremacy affirms the belief that ing healthy families and viable com- African-Americans, and other people of munity organizations, and sustaining color, are morally, socially, and intellec- protest efforts against racial discrimina- tually inferior to people of European de- tion. Their experience with and protest scent (Kendi 2016). It also justifies both against racial discrimination would lay organized and loosely coupled racial the foundation for the establishment of a terrorism that leads to relentless fear, school to train African-American social mistreatment, and death. In the past, workers in Atlanta. White Supremacy also spawned the be- lief that African-Americans had to be RACISM IN SOCIAL WORK separated from White Americans be- cause the former would morally and At the turn of the 20th century, there socially corrupt the latter (Ibid.). This was considerable racial discrimination separation was also supported by the in social work education and practice notion that African-Americans were (Carten; Hopps et al. 2019). African- genetically inferior and had to be regu- American social workers were barred lated through forced sterilization and from attending the emerging schools segregationist laws such as the Plessy and training institutes of social work, v. Ferguson Supreme Court ruling that and they were often not hired by many legalized the “separate but equal” doc- social welfare agencies, although these trine (Day and Schiele 2013). Thus, at the agencies may have provided services turn of the 20th century, it appeared that to African-Americans (Hopps et al. Black lives did not matter, and this sen- 2019; Gary and Gary 1994). While there timent was extended to include much was considerable migration of African- of the emerging White, social work es- Americans from the rural south to ur- tablishment (Hopps et al. 2019; Katz ban areas in the north and south, many 1986). White settlement house workers did not Within this racial context, African- want to serve Black migrants, prefer- Americans, and their allies, had to rise ring to focus exclusively on White im- up to address the massive social and migrants from Europe (Armfield 2012; economic challenges that confronted Katz 1986; Reisch 2017). Katz contends African-American migrants and their that although major settlement house families in urban areas. A primary way leaders such as Jane Addams and Flor- through which this was done was rec- ence Kelly are viewed as pillars of the ognizing the need for professionally progressive left, their refusal to racially trained social workers (Gary and Gary integrate their settlement houses reflects 1994; Hopps et al. 2019). African-Amer- how similar they were with other White ican social work training was thought 26 Phylon 57 to provide a culturally competent ap- social problems confronted by African proach that would use race and racism Americans (Hopps et al. 2019; Thomas as the fulcrum for explaining and at- 1967). tempting to solve the social problems The first director of the Atlanta that African-Americans experienced School was Gary W. Moore, who was (Carten 2021). chairman of the sociology and econom- ics department at Morehouse College ESTABLISHING THE ATLANTA (Frazier undated). Due to his unex- SCHOOL pected death (Ibid.), Moore served only one year (from 1920-1921). The immedi- The establishment of the Atlanta ate subsequent director of the Atlanta School was a major step in advancing School was noted sociologist, E. Frank- social work education that addressed lin Frazier, who served from 1922-1927 the deleterious effects of White Su- (Platt 1991). Frazier, and his successor, premacy and that professionalized the Forrester B. Washington, laid the in- tradition of race work. Now known as tellectual foundation for the Atlanta the Whitney M. Young, Jr. School of So- School’s curriculum. Both men believed cial Work at Clark Atlanta University, strongly in the idea of race work and the Atlanta School was established in that it was critically important for Black 1920 by a group of Atlanta based so- social work education to emphasize and cial workers that was led by Jesse O. incorporate systematic methods to ad- Thomas, the southern field executive dress racism and its deleterious effects secretary of the Urban League (Carten on African-American families and com- 2021; Gary and Gary 1994; Hopps et al. munities. 2019; Thomas, 1967). Thomas helped organize several meetings between lo- E. FRANKLIN FRAZIER AND cal Atlanta social service agencies and RACE WORK Black colleges to discuss the viability of a school of social work for African- E. Franklin Frazier’s leadership of the Americans. Thomas was concerned Atlanta School provided a foundation about the practice of racial discrimina- from which race work could be profes- tion by White philanthropic and social sionalized and advanced through so- service organizations whose refusal to cial work education. However, Frazier address the needs and problems of Af- (1894-1962) is known almost exclusively rican Americans left significant numbers for his scholarly contributions to the without assistance and a mechanism discipline of sociology. Little has been to advocate for stable employment, written about his contributions to social descent housing, and civil rights work, especially via his leadership as the (Thomas 1967). Thus, the Atlanta School, second director of the Atlanta School. As which was the first graduate social work Schiele (1999) states, “Frazier’s activities program at an HBCU, was formed to with the Atlanta School of Social Work specifically train African-American so- typified an intimate nexus that existed cial workers at the graduate level to help at the early part of the 20th century be- prevent, alleviate, and eliminate the tween sociology and social work” (106- Jerome H. Schiele - M. Sebrena Jackson 27

7). This connection allowed the two tent with race work, Frazier identified disciplines to draw on each other, with racism as a primary source of African- social work being thought of as a form American problems. His critique of of applied sociology that harmonized racism largely sought to demonstrate theory with practice (Deardorff 1932). that the problems of African Americans Frazier emphasized several themes were not attributed to inferior genes related to race work that significantly but to stimuli in the social environment shaped the early intellectual founda- (Frazier 1927). Like many African- tion of the Atlanta School. Three of them American social scientists of his day, were as follows: 1) the deleterious ef- Frazier’s scholarship sought to debunk fects that slavery had on African Ameri- the notion of White genetic superior- cans generally and the African American ity that permeated that era. This belief family specifically, 2) the critique of rac- emanated from the popular social Dar- ism, and 3) faith in the scientific method winist thesis of that time that asserted (Schiele 1999). Frazier was a primary a hierarchy of cultural evolution, with supporter of the belief that the horrors of European or White American culture slavery had lingering effects on African being superior to all others, particularly Americans generally, and African-Amer- to that of people of color (Reisch 2017). ican families. Through his scholarship, Frazier (1927) criticized social evolution he documented how the slave sys- theory by stating that “...there is no basis tem tore apart Black families and had for the rather general erroneous belief created several problems. Three pri- that social evolution follows a definite mary problems for Frazier were 1) the course, each stage growing naturally out disorganization of the African American of the preceding stage because of some family, 2) poverty, and 3) poor health inherent principle” (165). Instead, Fra- (Frazier 1926). Frazier recognized that zier advanced the social environmental these problems were interrelated, but framework that attributed the source of he posited that an underlying factor African-American problems to slavery in all three was “ignorance.” For Fra- and its institutional heir, legal segrega- zier (1926), ignorance not only implied tion. Thus, Black social workers at the illiteracy, but also a “...lack of traditions, Atlanta School were trained to examine knowledge, and ideals which all people the characteristics of the social environ- acquire by living in the social and physical ment and how they suppressed or facili- environment to which they have become tated the expression of positive human adapted” (210). Here, Frazier demon- potential. In this way, the Atlanta School strates how slavery’s dehumanization of was one of the first to promote the “per- African-Americans had adverse psycho- son-in-environment” perspective that is logical consequences on their expression so common in social work education to- of positive racial self-concept, pride, day (Carten 2021). and confidence. Consistent with many African-Amer- Frazier’s scholarly condemnation ican social workers of that day, Frazier of slavery and its detrimental effects believed in the superiority of the sci- on African-Americans was fueled by entific method in explicating and at- his constant critique of racism. Consis- tempting to solve the social problems 28 Phylon 57 that African-Americans confronted heaven but also to transform the lives of in the 1920s. He believed that the old African-Americans who then could be “folk” techniques that African Ameri- used to change the lives of others and, cans had used since slavery were inef- thus, collectively advance the African- fective at addressing and solving these American community. problems. Like many in his day, Frazier Affirming the separation of the secu- promoted scientific charity as the best lar from the sacred, Frazier was very way to undergird and approach social critical of Black ministers (Schiele 1999). work practice with African-Americans. Dissimilar to early race work practitio- This was because of its characteristics ners who understood the relationship of rationality and bureaucratization that between spirituality and positive mate- stressed efficiency, a fixed division of la- rial change, Frazier (1924) believed that bor, standardization, nonduplication of “They [churches] are still more interest- services, and a linear, problem-solving ed in getting Negroes into heaven than approach (Lubove 1983; Wenocur and in getting them out of the hell they live in Reisch 1989). The deference given to the on earth” (252). Frazier thought that the rationalization and bureaucratization church was too conservative and relied of social services was a consequence of too much on emotionalism to influence the increasing legitimacy ascribed to the the kind of progressive change needed philosophy of positivism, which consid- in the African-American community ered religious or metaphysical explana- (Ibid.). Although Frazier was critical of tions and resolutions of social problems the Black church and their ministers, as unreliable. Frazier, as well as other he did not believe that Black ministers African American social workers, inter- should be excluded from pursuing so- nalized this perspective by adopting the cial work education (Schiele 1999). He dichotomy between the secular and sa- believed that social work’s “social view- cred. point” would help African-American In part, this dichotomy between the ministers gain important secular knowl- secular and the sacred was a departure edge about the causes and consequences from some of the earlier expressions of of problems like racism, poverty, and race work. For many early race work family dissolution. practitioners, a critical component of Although Frazier’s secular focus their activities was drawing on the spiri- caused him to dismiss the power and tual essence to help African-Americans presence of religion and spirituality as overcome the barriers of persistent rac- potential sources of social change, he ism (Carlton-LaNey 2001; Martin and was deeply committed to advancing Martin 2002). These earlier practitioners, African Americans and addressing the such as Alexander Crummell and Mary social problems he believed restrict- Church Terrell, conceived spirituality ed their ability and potential. In other as the foundation to develop a self and words, he was committed to racial uplift, community that affirmed the actions of a critical race work objective. Moreover, caring, sharing, and racial uplift (Ibid.). Frazier’s race-centered foundation for Their “God-Centered” approach was the Atlanta School gave it a uniqueness not only directed at saving souls to enter relative to the other graduate schools Jerome H. Schiele - M. Sebrena Jackson 29 of social work. This race-centered ap- of African-American individuals, fami- proach to social work and its focus on lies, and communities. Barrow contends training African-American social work- that Washington’s transformational ers would continue and expand under leadership was based largely on his vi- the leadership of the next director, For- sion, which was actualized through four rester B. Washington. major outcomes: 1) a regularly published newsletter, 2) his race focused curricu- FORRESTER B. WASHINGTON AND lum, 3) the establishment of a research RACE WORK department, and 4) broad community engagement. Forrester B. Washington was director The newsletter, which was named of the Atlanta School for almost three “Intake,” communicated information decades (1927-1954). Prior to accepting about a wide range of social welfare is- this position, Washington was the first sues such as youth leadership, policies executive director of the Detroit office of related to African Americans, and a the Urban League (Armfield 2012; Bar- broad range of health matters. Articles row 2007). He brought to the Atlanta in the “Intake” were written by stu- School extensive experience in working dents and social welfare professionals with urban African Americans and was and there was an opinion section that considered a major authority on black included letters to the editor. Washing- urban problems (Ibid.). ton’s newsletter was critically important Washington continued the race work not only for addressing issues relevant focus started by Frazier, and expanded to the African American community, it through his efforts to significantly but also as a way to market the Atlanta expand the Atlanta School. Indeed, School to garner support from various the Atlanta School grew considerably constituents. under Washington’s administration. Perhaps Washington’s most signifi- Within five years of his leadership (1927- cant leadership contribution were the 1932), the School’s enrollment increased courses developed at the Atlanta School from just 17 full-time students to 52 full- that spoke specifically to the black ex- time and 43 part-time students. Alto- perience. He passionately believed that gether, almost 800 students were trained social work needed a “black perspec- and graduated from the Atlanta School tive” of social work education (Barrow under Washington’s leadership (Bar- 2007; Gary and Gary 1994). In the article, row). Barrow characterizes Washington “The Need and Education of Negro So- as a transformational leader, one who cial Workers,” Washington (1935) pro- was able to “cope with dire circumstanc- vides a rationale for specialized training es and transcend and transform dire sit- for what he referred to as “social work uations” (179). In essence, Washington’s among Negroes” (Washington 1935, 88). transformative leadership addressed the He contended that social work among severe paucity of trained African-Amer- Negroes should be different in content ican social workers who were needed to from social work with Whites. Two fac- apply the Atlanta School’s race work ap- tors that should distinguish social work proach to meet the specific social needs among Negroes from other forms of so- 30 Phylon 57 cial work were that 1) attention should Gary 1970; Glasgow 1972). Washington’s be given to the collective problems of influence was also revealed in a special African Americans rather than to “in- report by Francis (1973) that offered dividual” problems, and 2) knowledge recommendations for the integration of about the role race and racism play in Black content in social work education. contributing to the problems of African Washington’s establishment of a so- Americans should be acknowledged cial research department was his third and examined. Washington advocated leadership outcome. His social research that because of their intimate knowl- department reflected his appreciation of edge of the African American commu- research that probably emerged from his nity, African American social workers early days in the Urban League. The re- “...can accomplish more with Negro search department’s purpose was to en- clients than White workers” (Wash- gage in systematic investigation of the ington 1935, 78) and that historically social problems and issues confronted black colleges and universities were the by social service agencies in Atlanta that most appropriate setting for the train- served African Americans (Barrow 2007). ing of African American social workers. The topics addressed by the research de- Expressing a view that was quite radi- partment were vast and ranged from cal at that time and perhaps even now, examining Black and White patrons of Washington felt that traditionally White Atlanta’s soup kitchen to the investi- colleges and universities were too gener- gation of the unemployment patterns ic and racially neutral in their approach among African-Americans in Atlanta to competently train social workers for (Ibid.). Since social research was a vital practice with African Americans. In to- component of the Atlanta School, Wash- day’s terms, Washington was advocat- ington wanted his students to receive ing for culturally competent social work hands on experiences as research assis- practice (Barrow 2007). tants. Through the research department, Although Washington contended Washington’s students could gain an that social work with African Americans appreciation for the need for what we should be different in content, he as- now refer to in social work as research serted that it should employ and incor- informed practice and practice informed porate the techniques basic to all social research. Additionally, the research de- work practice (Washington 1935). How- partment also helped Washington es- ever, he emphasized that these tech- tablish meaningful community relation- niques should be employed to mediate ships that could benefit the School and and eliminate the effects of racism on the community at large. African Americans. His focus on a race- The final way through which Wash- centered curriculum served as a founda- ington’s leadership vision was mani- tion for social work educational leaders fested was his broad community en- in the late 1960s and early 1970s, such gagement, which required significant as Douglas Glasgow, Lawrence Gary, interpersonal competency (Ibid.). Wash- and Jay Chunn, who drew on Washing- ington’s interpersonal competency was ton’s legacy to advocate for a new black revealed in his ability to establish impor- perspective of social work practice (see tant interpersonal relationships with lo- Jerome H. Schiele - M. Sebrena Jackson 31 cal community leaders and those in the WHITNEY M. YOUNG, JR. AND THE philanthropic community. His relation- RACE WORK OF POLICY PRACTICE ship with leaders of the Julius Rosen- wald Fund helped to secure funding to A primary method through which support activities and operations of the race work was professionalized by the Atlanta School. Washington’s success Atlanta School was policy practice. Pol- at fundraising was based largely on his icy practice is essentially “advocacy” in ability at advancing a race work agenda the political arena aimed at preventing, without offending his liberal White sup- reducing, and eliminating shared human porters (Ibid.). Here, Washington under- problems (Cummins et al. 2011). Policy stood and exploited the common inter- practice links micro and macro levels of est of interracial harmony as reflected social work because it acknowledges, in this following statement by Julius as did Mills (1959), that all personal Rosenwald: “Because I am interested problems are public issues. Informed by chiefly in White people I take an inter- the race work tradition, race-centered est in the Negro” (Ibid., 184). This state- policy practice can be understood as a ment reflects what Bell (1992) refers to as process and method aimed at influenc- “interest-convergence,” which is the no- ing political change to eliminate and off- tion that White liberals and progressives set the nefarious consequences of White are motivated to advance the rights of Supremacy. Although Forester B. Wash- African-Americans largely because this ington, and to a lesser extent, E. Franklin also promotes their collective, racial self- Frazier, engaged in policy practice, it was interest. Whitney M. Young, Jr. who epitomized Some may suggest that by taking policy practice as an Atlanta School money from White philanthropists, leader and who used it as a springboard Washington was essentially a racial ac- to advance the modern Civil Rights commodationist. Indeed, Black educa- Movement. tional leaders like Washington had to In 1954, Young became the first dean walk a tight rope that balanced, on the of the school of social work at Atlanta one hand, their commitment to advance University. (Clark Atlanta University racial justice and, on the other, their need 2019). As Dean, Young envisioned a cen- to secure funding from White philan- tral role for graduates in affecting social thropists to develop and maintain their change (Dickerson 1998). With the pend- schools (Ibid.). However, by helping to ing Brown v. Board of Education ruling, build and promote a “Black perspec- Young believed the decision would be tive” of social work education and prac- “a second Emancipation Proclamation” tice, Washington should be understood in the South and leadership would be as a confrontationalist who challenged needed (Weiss 2014). As a social worker White Supremacy’s grip on the social with experience as an activist, Young de- work profession. veloped into “a strategist and consultant to those in the forefront of the emergent civil rights revolution” (Dickerson, 88). After moving to Atlanta, he became a board member of the Atlanta NAACP, 32 Phylon 57 founding member of the Atlanta Com- facilities (Ibid.). As Dean of the Atlanta mittee for Cooperative Action, a leader School, Young gained national recogni- of the Atlanta Citizens Committee on tion as an advocate who linked the so- Economic Opportunity and Employ- cial work profession to policy practice. ment, and the co-chairman of the Great- While in Atlanta, he received the Na- er Atlanta Council on Human Relations tional Conference on Social Welfare’s (Weiss). According to Weiss, involve- Florina Lasker Award for his “vigorous, ment in these organizations led Young wise and unafraid leadership in the field into campaigns to end discrimination in of desegregation and civil rights” (Dick- the Atlanta public schools, to open em- erson, 1998, 98). ployment opportunities for blacks, to During his time as Dean, Young eliminate segregated rest rooms in pub- maintained a close connection with the lic facilities, and to desegregate the city’s National Urban League (NUL). A major transit lines and public library system. aspect of this connection was his men- Young’s policy practice with the At- torship of social work students to serve lanta Committee for Cooperative Ac- as NUL leaders, such as Atlanta Univer- tion (ACCA) is especially noteworthy. sity social work student Johnny Parham The ACCA comprised young Black (Carten 2021). Parham was a Morehouse professionals and entrepreneurs who student who was inspired to attend the presented a more direct critique of ra- Atlanta School through a speech Young cial discrimination and inequality than gave at Morehouse (Ibid.). After gradu- that offered by Atlanta’s more conser- ating from the Atlanta School, Parham vative old guard (Carten 2021). A major moved to New York and became the outcome of the ACCA was a report that director of the Brooklyn, NY branch of Young helped produce entitled, “A Sec- the NUL (Ibid.). A primary outcome of ond Look: The Negro Citizen in Atlanta.” Parham’s leadership was his collabo- The report outlined the significant ineq- ration with Young to resurrect an edu- uities that Black Atlantans experienced cational pipeline program developed in education, health services, housing, by NUL co-founder, George Edmond employment, justice, law enforcement, Haynes (Ibid.). The program established and policy making (Carten 2021; Weiss partnerships between schools of social 2014). It was widely circulated locally work and NUL affiliate offices to pro- and nationally, and Atlanta University vide opportunities for NUL personnel students, like Julian Bond, a leader in to obtain formal training in social work the Atlanta student protest movement, (Ibid.). Many NUL workers benefited believed the document provided an in- from this program, which gave them the tellectual rationale for protest activities skills and knowledge they would need in Atlanta (Weiss 2014). Atlanta Uni- to enhance their race work in urban versity School of Social Work students communities (Ibid.). also joined the Atlanta protest move- Through his civil rights activism in ment. Although the students faced great Atlanta, Young’s stature among NUL opposition to their movement, Young officials and their President, Lester supported them by providing advice, Granger, proliferated as he was regu- moral support, money, equipment, and larly invited to speak at League gath- Jerome H. Schiele - M. Sebrena Jackson 33 erings and meetings (Dickerson 1998, and economic deterioration of urban 98). A number of League affiliates also families and communities, influenced used Young’s speeches as guidance for President Johnson’s War on Poverty leg- League activities. As Dean, Young began islation (Dickerson 1998). to push Granger and the NUL towards While leading the NUL, Young con- the surging Civil Rights struggle (Ibid.). tinued his affiliation with professional Although Young’s work with the NUL social work organizations. He became originated during his days in Minnesota president of the National Conference on as a graduate student, his engagement Social Welfare in 1965, and later served in Civil Rights activities while Dean laid as President of the National Association the foundation for him to usher the NUL of Social Workers (NASW) from 1969 to into a prominent role in the modern Civ- 1971 (Peebles-Wilkins 1995). Young used il Rights movement (Carten 2021; Weiss his position at NASW to push for the re- 2014). duction of poverty, racial reconciliation Young served as Dean of the Atlanta and integration, and ending the war in School until 1961 when he became exec- Vietnam (Collins 2017). His ability and utive director of the NUL (Carten 2021). willingness to fight for these causes and He has been credited for moving the the overall goal of racial justice was NUL to the forefront of the Civil Rights largely informed by his race work orien- movement (National Park Service 2018). tation that he displayed as a policy prac- Although he was active with other Civil titioner and social work leader. Young’s Rights organizations, Young was clear affiliation with the Atlanta School en- about the NUL’s role. He expressed the hanced its reputation as a professional mission of the NUL not as ground-level venue where race-centered social work activism in itself but as a supplement of practice was honored and affirmed. and complement to the activities of all other civil rights organizations. Young Race Work Implications For described the NUL as the group of plan- Contemporary Social Work ners and strategists responsible for the development and implementation of The professionalization of race work policies (Warren 1964). Under Young’s through the ideas and activities of leadership, the NUL shifted from an the early leaders of the Atlanta School organization that treated the results of speaks to the need to continue the strug- racism and poverty to one that became gle for racial justice both for the social committed to changing the institutions work profession and the larger society. and social structure that perpetuated Because of the successes of the modern the causes of racism and poverty (Young Civil Rights movement, some believe 1970). Young’s leadership of the NUL that racism has declined in significance was so impactful that he was consid- (Owens 2020; Thomas 2000). Indeed, ered, along with Dr. Martin L. King, Jr. African Americans and other people of and others, one of the six big Civil Rights color have made important gains since leaders of the 1960s (Carten 2021). Ad- the abolition of legal segregation and are ditionally, his domestic Marshall Plan, found in many leadership roles and oth- which was designed to reverse the social er prominent positions in contemporary 34 Phylon 57 society. This also is true in social work (CSWE) (2015) Educational Policy Stan- in that African Americans and other dards reflect increasing attention given people of color have assumed leader- to various forms of diversity. The CSWE ship positions in major professional or- lists 16 forms of difference/diversity ganizations such as the National Asso- that should be included in undergradu- ciation of Social Workers, the Council on ate and master’s level social work pro- Social Work Education, and the National grams. These forms include “age, class, Association of Deans and Directors of color, culture, disability and ability, Schools of Social Work. Although these ethnicity, gender, gender identity and accomplishments that further the cause expression, immigration status, marital of racial justice are noteworthy, the pat- status, political ideology, race, religion/ tern of racial inequality and injustice spirituality, sex, sexual orientation, and continues. African Americans are still tribal sovereign status” (Council on disproportionately represented in major Social Work Education, 7). Since no dis- social problem and public health catego- tinction in the standards is made about ries (United States Bureau of the Census the relative frequency, intensity, or prev- 2019). Furthermore, African-American alence of these various forms of oppres- gains in visible leadership positions sion, Graham and Schiele (2010) con- is often overemphasized in that the po- tend that social work education can be litical and economic structure of the U.S. said to promote the equality of oppressions is still dominated by persons of Europe- paradigm. This paradigm assumes that an descent, especially White men (Day every type of oppression is equal to oth- and Schiele 2013). ers in its severity, frequency, and pro- Thus, the activities of race work are duction of human subjugation. No one still relevant and, using the historic work type of oppression is crueler than the of the Atlanta School leaders, there are other because it is believed that all forms at least two ways in which race work share similar causes, manifestations, can occur today in social work: 1) by and consequences (McDonald and Cole- critically examining social work edu- man 1999), and that they all represent cation’s current model to include cur- “component parts of a whole system of riculum content on oppression; and 2) domination” (Ibid., 26). by fostering greater attention on policy Although the equal oppressions par- analysis and practice that focus on racial adigm is progressive in its attempt to justice issues. address the various forms of oppression that social workers care about, its at- Social Work and Oppression tempt to equally affirm the various forms Content of oppression has resulted in lessening the attention given to race and racism Although content on race and racism (Graham and Schiele 2010). In oth- has been part of the social work curric- er words, the focus on race and rac- ulum for some time, attention given to ism has been diminished by the other forms of oppression has increased profession’s inclusion of the de- in social work education. Indeed, the mands of other oppressed groups Council on Social Work Education’s to ensure coverage of their groups’ Jerome H. Schiele - M. Sebrena Jackson 35 experiences with oppression. Addition- terpreted predominantly through three ally, the growth of the intellectual em- conceptual lenses: class-centered per- phasis on multiple identities and inter- spectives, gender-centered perspectives, sectionality has undermined the reliance and state-centered perspectives (Neu- on singular, dominant forms of oppres- beck and Cazenave 2001; Schiele, 2020). sion, such as racism, that affirm the exis- Although these perspectives acknowl- tence of a unified self-identity (Ibid.). In edge the presence of racism in the for- large part, the equal oppression’s para- mulation and implementation of social digm has eclipsed race as what Hughes welfare policies, racism is viewed more (1945) referred to as a “master status,” as a consequence of social class, gender, that is, a social position that exerts pri- or the state-polity structure (Neubeck mary influence on one’s social identity and Cazenave). and life experiences. The lack of emphasis on racism The historic activity of race work was has led some to call for a racism-centered based on this singular notion of oppres- perspective of social welfare policy anal- sion. This, of course, was much easier to ysis (see Davis and Bent-Goodley 2004; justify in the era of legal racism and seg- Neubeck and Cazenave 2001; Quadag- regation. The shared experiences of legal no 1994; Ward 2005). A racism-centered and overt racism were powerful enough framework helps to illuminate and un- to focus exclusively on race. Thus, rac- derscore the role of White Supremacy in ism was considered in many circles to the development and implementation be the most pervasive and problematic of social welfare policies (Neubeck and form of oppression in the United States. Cazenave 2001). It essentially assumes The equal oppressions paradigm has that White Supremacy is a chief mo- challenged the “master status” that rac- tive of social welfare policy formation ism once had and has made it more dif- and implementation. Thus, a racism- ficult to focus exclusively on race in con- centered framework uses racism as an temporary social work education. “organizing theme” to analyze social welfare policies and explain why people The Need for Racism-Centered of color have been racially regulated and Policy Analysis and Practice historically over-represented among the nation’s poor and vulnerable (Schiele Contemporary social workers should 2020). draw on the race work approach of pol- The contemporary significance of rac- icy analysis and practice employed by ism in social welfare policy and in the Whitney M. Young, Jr. Unfortunately, broader American society should not be the predominant models used in social downplayed (Bent-Goodley and Hopps; welfare policy analysis today tend to Schiele 2016 and Hopps, 2009). However, de-emphasize racism as an exclusive or because of the belief in racism’s declining primary means through which resourc- significance (Owens 2020; Thomas 2000; es are distributed (Bent-Goodley and Wilson 1978), garnering support for con- Hopps 2016; Neubeck and Cazenave temporary race-based, policy practice 2001; Schiele 2020). Rather, contempo- can be difficult to achieve. On the other rary social welfare policy analysis is in- hand, because many political conserva- 36 Phylon 57 tives view the gains of the Modern Civil to professionalize the African-American Rights Movement, which climaxed in helping tradition. E. Franklin Frazier, the election of President Barack Obama, Forester B. Washington, and Whitney M. as a threat to White Supremacy, they Young, Jr. contributed to this profession- have begun to work conspicuously to alization through their ideas on Black undermine the progress made to ad- families, racism, social work curriculum vance racial justice (Cummins et al. and administration, and policy practice. 2011). Indeed, some have suggested that Essentially, they each understood the the election of President Donald Trump importance of, and advanced the need and his 2016 campaign theme of “Make for, a race-centered perspective of social America Great Again,” has increased work education, practice, and research. overt expressions of White nativism and Contemporary social workers should nationalism that have been manifested use these historic models to address cur- in public policy and the broader soci- rent social problems associated with ety (Perez-Huber 2016; Shear and Davis race and racism. Although the focus on 2017). A primary example of these overt racism has been increasingly eclipsed expressions has been the recent police by other forms of social injustice, killings of unarmed Black men by White racism remains a powerfully overarch- police officers, such as the tragic death ing force in human relationships, and of George Floyd in Minnesota (Klemko often interpenetrates and exacerbates and Dennis 2020). Thus, there appears to the dilemmas faced by social work cli- be a resurgence of overt strategies to ra- ents and consumers. Hopefully, race cially control people of color that largely work will not become a relic of the past can be attributed to the racial anxieties but will find new avenues through associated with changing demographics which its opposition to racial oppression that show rapid declines in the non-His- can be sustained. panic White population (Perez-Huber 2016; Schiele 2020). These conditions are ______ripe for the need to apply the race work methods of the early Atlanta School References leaders who clearly were committed to ensuring racial justice. Armfield, Felix, L. 2012. Eugene Kincle Jones: The National Urban League Conclusion and Black Social Work, 1910-1940. Urbana, Ill: University of Illinois Race work is a major African-Amer- Press. ican tradition that undergirded the Barrow, Frederica, H. 2007. “More Than founding of the Atlanta School of Social a School—A Promotional Agen- Work and the ideas and activities of its cy for Social Welfare”: Forrester early leaders. Emerging from a critical Blanchard Washington’s Lead- need to respond to the horrific condi- ership of the Atlanta University tions of racial injustice, race work pro- School of Social Work, 1927-1954.” vided the early leaders of the Atlanta Arete, 31, 175-193. School with a conceptual framework Bell, Derrick. 1992. Faces at the Bottom of Jerome H. Schiele - M. Sebrena Jackson 37

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Hope Arrives For Atlanta: Lugenia Burns Hope And The Role Of Women In The Development Of The Atlanta University School Of Social Work Obie Clayton Clark Atlanta University June Gary Hopps University of Georgia

Abstract

In this work we expand upon the leadership and foundational work of Lugenia Burns Hope and other women leaders in Atlanta during the early 1900s. Burns Hope served at the beginning of the 20th century as the visionary president of the Neigh- borhood Union Settlement, an agency led by women. It is argued by many that, Lugenia Burns Hope nurtured the idea of a school of social work while at the Neigh- borhood Union Settlement in Atlanta with the support of her husband, John Hope, the first African American president of Morehouse College. Her idea was to establish training classes in social work offered through the Neighborhood Union and pre- sented via a Social Service Institute at Morehouse. This Institute grew and became the Atlanta School of Social Work (Rouse 1989, 48). She crafted her role in Atlanta in keeping with the progressive social reform movement of the early 20th century. Her leadership was influential and impactful because of her knowledge and passion for improved services for needful African Americans, and she was instrumental in gaining the support of her husband, other leaders at The Atlanta University Center, and also because of her capacity to network with other women leaders across the country (Carten 2021; Rouse 1989). 42 Phylon 57

Introduction and a progressive middle class in the city (Alexander 1951). At the dawn of the twentieth century, Even though Atlanta had created professional social work, in the South, a Black middle class, the Jim Crow was founded in Atlanta, Georgia, among environment also gave rise to a poor and an upstart group of Historically Black working poor class. This dichotomy in Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) and opportunity, motivated many blacks civic minded organizations. This profes- to look for opportunities in other re- sion and its relationship to the city was gions of the country, specifically the born out of necessity as Atlanta was a north, north central and west, leading to growing and dynamic city that had to re- the development of a black urban class place much of its infrastructure and civic (Clayton 1996). leadership after the Civil War. None- the As previously stated, the socio-eco- -less, the remnants of that peculiar insti- nomic condition, for many, was improv- tution, slavery, was still present, despite ing, however, the scope of political and the intellectual capacity and boundless economic disparity was far greater than energy of its growing population and the services and resources available for the emergence of a black middle class. helping needful people. Political rights The rise of this black middle-class was for civic engagement were often denied due in part to the above referenced five through enforcement of de jure and de (HBCUs): Atlanta University (1865), facto segregation (Hopps, Lowe and Clark College (1869), Morehouse College Clayton 2019). Atlanta and other cities (1867), Morris Brown College (1881) and around the country, of necessity, had Spelman College (1881). These institu- to deal with these social and economic tions attracted large numbers of African problems stemming from the major Americans from around the South look- combined forces of industrialization, ing for both educational and economic immigration, emigration, and urban- opportunities. The Black population ization. Cities were plagued with se- growth was astounding; according to vere problems of poverty, child welfare census estimates, the Black population needs, inadequate housing, sanitation between 1860 and 1900, in Atlanta alone, and corruption (Trattner 1994). There- grew from less than 2,000 to more than fore, social workers and social service 35,000 (Ambrose 2020). professionals were in extremely high This population growth, in Atlanta’s demand and especially those formally segregated environment, created a vi- trained to work with these populations. brant, growing and needed entrepre- American colleges and universities and neurial class, including highly success- especially HBCUs worked to improve ful businessmen such as James Tate, the life-chances of African Americans by Henry Rucker and Alonzo Herndon. utilizing the social sciences and research This group provided economic and po- being generated by W.E.B. Du Bois and, litical leadership for the black popula- nowhere was this more evident, than in tion and with assistance of the colleges, Atlanta and the surrounding region. cultivated both a black economic elite Schools of social work, with their em- Obie Clayton - June Gary Hopps 43

phasis upon social science education, Atlanta University. Much has been was being recognized as the engine that written on the scholarship being gen- would assist in the staffing needs of ser- erated at the Atlanta University during vice organizations. The push for greater the late 1800s and early 1900’s by schol- organization of services, and the role of ars such as W.E.B. Du Bois, E. Franklin women's colleges and mid-western uni- Frazier and others (Wright 2016; Mor- versities in the education of women who ris 2015). However, little has been writ- were interested in professional social ten on the work that was being done service responsibilities played a major by the community activists, organizers, role in the development of modern so- teachers and even less on the role that cial work and social work education in women played during the early years of Atlanta (Austin 2000; Bowles, Hopps, community organizing and social work and Clayton 2016). in Atlanta. This paper seeks to highlight Some of those women were involved some of the work of Lugenia Burns Hope in racial-uplift and racework, meaning and several other female social work- a focus on building individual charac- ers and the historical context in which ter, and strengthening and sustaining they had to work. In no way, is this pa- black families and communities (Bowles per meant to chronicle the work of all and Hopps, 2014) and other activities the female educators and leaders con- in neighborhoods across the city of At- nected with the AUSSW, of this period, lanta and influenced decision making but to simply mention the work of sev- in governance and civil rights. The eral that the authors wish to bring atten- recognition of women and the political tion to and to illustrate that more histori- roles they could and would play did cal work is needed. not come easy. After a long and hard fight, a momentous event occurred, pas- The Historical Context: Antebellum sage of the Nineteenth Amendment in and Postbellum May 1920, granting women the right to vote and hence enhancing the recog- Whites had deep interest in sabotag- nition of women’s interest and role in ing, defeating and/or prohibiting the broader civic participation and leader- idea and development of formal educa- ship in their communities and the coun- tion for the formerly enslaved. Evidence try (Bent-Goodley 2001; Carlton-LaNey rests in the extensive promulgation of 2001; Higginbotham 1994). laws and policy initiatives to achieve One of these enlightened women that purpose, and especially in the for- leaders that wielded broad influence mer Confederacy, where every state, was Lugenia Burns Hope. She mobi- except Tennessee, prohibited the educa- lized women, in Atlanta, to establish the tion of blacks, whether enslaved or free Neighborhood Union Settlement, where (Forner 1988). Despite harsh and puni- ideas and vision for a school of social tive factors in the geopolitical environ- work originated. That vision stands ment after the Civil War, Blacks persist- today in the form of the Whitney M. ed and moved forward to build schools Young, Jr. School of Social Work at Clark that were considered not only the path 44 Phylon 57

for defeating ignorance, but also the ruling class that could not be managed way for survival and future progress for in other venues without concern of re- the race (Ibid.). taliation. They were instrumental in al- The fear, harbored by whites, was tering power relationships between the that educational opportunity would fa- two races, Black and White, while at the cilitate Black upward mobility, and cer- same time presenting a conservative tainly propel them out of their lower sta- pedagogy which was in keeping with tus position which resulted in an even the needs of Blacks (Clayton 1996). Ar- more hostile environment, including guably, were it not for these institutions, the destruction of schools (Banks 1972). the race might have been even more op- Many southern whites embraced the pressed or perhaps re-enslaved. Their philosophy of the ruling class and pow- priority mission was the education of er structure and resisted educational Black people. Noting their importance opportunities for Blacks, and in fact for advancement of the race, Du Bois showed limited interest in education for wrote that: themselves (Roebuck and Murty 1993). At about the same time and for similar "The very first step toward the reasons, higher educational opportuni- settlement of the negro problem is ties for white women transpired. Unfor- the spread of intelligence. The first tunately, both populations, white wom- step toward wider intelligence is a en and Blacks, had been overlooked, free public-school system; and the marginalized and excluded from the first and most important step American system of higher education. toward a public-school system is the In this misogynist and segregated en- equipment and adequate support vironment, some institutions thrived. of a sufficient number of Negro For example, the Institute of Colored colleges" (Du Bois 1904, p. 410). Youth, in Philadelphia, PA, and Mount Holyoke Female Seminary, in Massa- After the Civil War amendments, chusetts were established in 1837. Most Southern states were mandated to make HBCUs were established after the Civil public education available to all. Yet, War, although a few opened before the despite these legal actions, there was War. These include Cheney Univer- little support for post-secondary edu- sity (founded 1837), and Lincoln Uni- cation of Blacks for a half century after versity (founded 1854, formally The slavery in the states where they resid- Ashmun Institute), both in Pennsylva- ed; without exception, more resources nia, and Wilberforce University (found- were allocated to whites (Drewry and ed in 1856) in Ohio. With the exceptions Doermann 2001). The focus of the new- noted above, HBCUs were established ly developing schools was normal, el- mostly after the 1850's following the ementary, and college education, lofty Civil War and in the south provided goals that were envisioned although the a safe space for exploration of social resources for operational development change and reform as well as for the ex- and growth were slim. Their develop- pression of emotions against the white ment was encouraged and fostered via Obie Clayton - June Gary Hopps 45

cooperation among philanthropic orga- moved to Atlanta. The couple left their nizations, learned African Americans, imprints on the city: he as a scholar and and churches; however, these resources president of a college, and later a univer- were at the same time sources of con- sity and she as a social reformer, suffrag- flict relative to curriculum design and ist, and the leader in the development, focus of the new institutions (Allen in arguably the first professional social 2007). Atlanta University in the 1890s work program in the South (Carten 2021; added several novel professional train- Hopps, Lowe, and Clayton 2019; Rouse ing programs and a conference designed 1989). The Hope’s moved to Atlanta to provide answers to social problems and John Hope accepted a teaching po- to its curriculum. Given the success of sition at Atlanta Baptist College, which these initiatives, Atlanta University’s became Morehouse College in 1913. In President, Horace Bumsted, extended 1906 Hope became the first Black Presi- an invitation to W.E.B. Du Bois to be- dent of Morehouse and remained its come a professor in history and econom- President until 1913 when he assumed ics in 1897, to “take charge of the work the presidency of Atlanta University. in sociology and the new conference” In both roles he harbored a passion for (Du Bois 1938, 14.). The Conference of the housing, health care, economic opportu- Study of the Negro Problems, under Du nities, and civic participation for Blacks Bois, became the most ambitious scien- in Atlanta and across the nation. These tific inquiry regarding the exploration of interests were nourished if not, inspired African American life and living condi- by his wife. tions ever. So much so, that the Confer- Like many couples, Lugenia Burns ence Proceedings were heralded in the and John Hope met while they were press and widely circulated in the lead- college students studying in Chicago in ing university libraries around the coun- 1893. Unfortunately, she was unable to ty. Without a doubt, Atlanta University complete her studies because of family was growing in statue in both academic and financial issues. During her time in and community circles and becoming Chicago, she had an opportunity to learn a repository of innovative scholarship. about social reform initiatives being The world was taking notice. Thus, the carried out at the historic Hull House, University’s movement in scientific so- under the direction of the iconic social- ciological inquiry and its application reformer, Jane Addams. Prior to her to local and regional social reform was meeting with Ms. Addams, Ms. Burns taking root (Hopps, Lowe and Clayton was working with the Kings Daughters, 2019). which collaborated with Hull House and similar charities in service to ill and A Consequential Partnership needful people. It was at Hull house where she became acquainted with the The year 1898 was an important year discrimination in service delivery to for Atlanta and the Atlanta University blacks from the south, in comparison to Center for it was in that year that John white European immigrants. Jane Ad- Hope and his wife Lugenia Burns Hope dams’ attitude and perspective relative 46 Phylon 57

to Blacks was based on the notion of gun and cartridge belt. Another parallel services for Blacks and Whites, teacher joined the two. They pa- in keeping with the Plessey Doctrine, trolled all night taking shifts. The “separate but equal” which was always militia came and camped at the separate and never equal. It was anoth- corner and another camped at Spel- er Progressive, a knowledgeable, asser- man. We were not happy until we tive Black woman, Ida B. Wells-Barnett, learned…martial law was declared. who taught Mrs. Hope to question and The gangsters were camping at our confront racism and segregation. Ida gates….and the city fathers had to Wells was instrumental in shaping Ms. send to other cities for militia and Burns' philosophy regarding racial up- it was an out of town group at our lift through race work (Cash 1990). Ow- gate. Monday we had received ing to the socio-historical environment, firearms for protection. Friends like other Black women of her time, she had sent out of town for firearms. became a race woman. Her commitment We had enough to feel secure or would be demonstrated and tested in rather so. It was said they came Atlanta and especially in the West Fair in the city in coffins. However, we Neighborhood. had the firearms and even the city The experiences gained by Ms. Burns was under martial law, the Negroes in Chicago equipped her to deal with Jim succeeded in getting the firearms Crowism in the segregated South that to people who needed them. Some both Dr. and Mrs. Hope would be forced were carried in soiled laundry… to deal with in the execution of their pro- (Rouse 2004, p.43, citing personal fessional responsibilities and civic du- reflections of Lugenia Burns Hope) ties. John Hope had a challenging role as the President of Morehouse College and later Atlanta University; raising funds, The prevalence of racial strife, and building an infrastructure, overseeing lack of the bare survival necessities in curricula, developing a strong faculty the city spurred Mrs. Hope into action to and recruiting a talented student body both protect and advance the less fortu- and providing leadership in relation to nate. She became focused on the issues the Black colleges in the city of Atlanta. in the West Fair neighborhood and be- He would also protect the College and gan to do community work, in an effort, his home during the race riot of 1906. In to provide services to Black children: the her notes, Mrs. Hope stated: less fortunate of all. Additionally, she affiliated with groups working in the Sunday night John Hope patrolled West Fair Neighborhood, where W.E.B the campus – the rioters threatened Du Bois and Gertrude Ware, from At- to burn all of the Negro Colleges…. lanta University, organized The Confer- [T]he responsibility [for] More- ence on The Welfare of The Negro Child, house [fell to] John Hope. Finally 1898 (Rouse 2004). Social services and a man[,} U.S. Army on furlough[,] recreation activities were not available, came over and gave Mr. Hope a meaning that young children had no Obie Clayton - June Gary Hopps 47

choice but to remain unsupervised out ing conditions including poor medical on the streets or latched in their homes, and dental services, access to education after their mothers went to work. Sub- and decent/sanitary housing facilities, sequent, to The Conference, participants limited sewage capacity and potential- developed free kindergartens and Luge- ly unsafe drinking water (Rouse 2004). nia Burns Hope helped repurpose them There was no doubt that problems of into community centers. Fundraising structural racism and inequality ex- was assigned to committees. Mrs. Hope isted. Determined to address neighbor- met a group of women who were con- hood concerns and to make change, cerned with improving the general wel- Mrs. Hope began an initiative with resi- fare in their neighborhood; these initia- dents that led to the establishment of the tives became The Gate City Day Nursery Neighborhood Union Settlement where Association in 1904. Gate City Day Nurs- services in education, employment, rec- ery Association was an early initiative of reation and health were provided. Also, Mrs. Hope, as a young mother, to locate there was an opportunity to address is- play space for her own child. This or- sues relevant to crime in the neighbor- ganization, resulted in the faculty from hood and its impact on families. Mrs. Spelman and the Atlanta Baptist College Hope was effective in recruiting other and residents who lived around the col- middle class, educated Black women lege to focus on the need for recreational to be part of the nucleus of women pro- activities and space. As a result of these viding services in the educationally and activities and negotiations, play space economically challenged neighborhood. was made available by American Bap- The Neighborhood Union Settlement tist College on its campus (Carten 2021; was developed and managed by women Rouse 2004). for themselves, their families and their The Carrie Steel-Pitts and Leon- neighborhood (Rouse 2004). ard Street Homes were two orphan- Luegnia Burns Hope was not only ages that were established to serve the effective at the local level, she had impact needs of Black children in circa 1890. on larger systems within the city and These resources were led by volunteers, aggressively pushed a social improve- Carrie Steel and Amy Chadwick, who ment agenda. One example relates to served for many years (Hopps, Lowe the quality, access, and equity in public and Clayton 2019, French - Parker 1997). education. The following excerpts illus- There was tremendous need for daycare trate her investigative, inquiry and ad- centers, community services and recre- vocacy methods: ational facilities. Recognizing the need for community assessment, Mrs. Hope Gentlemen:— solicited help from Morehouse College students to interview 100 families in the We, a committee of women repre- neighborhood, going house to house senting residents and tax-payers of mapping community needs. Based on the city of Atlanta, upon visiting the survey data, it was clear that resi- and making a careful inspection of dents were challenged by overwhelm- the public schools for Negroes, find 48 Phylon 57

most of them in a very unsanitary is indecent and tends to immoral- condition. The lighting capacity in ity, in that only a wooden partition many instances is insufficient, the separates that section of the toilet playgrounds small as compared to used by the boys from that section the seating capacity of the building. used by the girls. In many schools, For a number of years the over- especially in the Summerhill and L. crowded condition of the schools and N. schools, the walls are in a in the four or five lower grades has deplorable condition. The basement resulted in double sessions in those room in daily use for the first and grades, in lieu of additional build- second grade at Roach Street School ings, and the continuous increase of necessitates artificial light on dark the population has resulted in the days and is so damp as to injure the use of annexes. These annexes fall health of the children. far below the condition necessary to effectual work by the teachers, and Second, A school in South Atlanta. by the pupils. South Atlanta, with its hundred of children who are of school age, and In view of these conditions, we here- whose parents are tax payers, is by respectfully beg leave to present, without a school. in interest of the civic and the social welfare of our Negro boys and girls Third, Feeble-minded children. We of Atlanta, this petition, asking that beg that special provision be made your honorable body at the earliest for the feeble-minded and the defec- time practical effect changes relative tive children. to the following. Fourth, Double sessions. We urged First, Sanitary Conditions. We find the Board's prayerful consideration unhealthful conditions existing in of abolishing the system of double all of our public schools except in sessions. We find that under the ex- Yonge Street School, and in Gray isting system three hour and a half Street School. We wish to call espe- are devoted to a set of children for cial attention to the schools men- work outlined for five hour sched- tioned below: Houston, Mitchell, ule. This, we maintain, is conducive Pittsburg, and L. and N. At the to poor scholarship in grammar Houston Street School the condition school subjects. We believe that the of the toilets is such as to impair the double session enforces idleness, health of all concerned. We believe and thereby promotes shiftlessness that this condition is due to the fact in our children. Employers can not that the toilets are too small to ac- use help in the morning during one commodate the large number of month, and in the afternoon dur- children. ing the next month. The majority of the parents are in service and their At Pittsburg and at the Mitchell children being unemployed, are on Street School the toilet arrangement the streets out of school hours. We Obie Clayton - June Gary Hopps 49

hold that children who attend the ing husband was unable to provide for afternoon session, do so at a great sufficient medical care and help, was a disadvantage. A teacher who has catalyst for action in Atlanta’s West Fair taught forty to sixty children in the neighborhood and Lugenia Burns Hope morning can not properly teach seized the moment. Pulling neighbors of another set of children in the after- all social classes to a circle for support, noon. Another evil of the system of in order to make sure that this type of double sessions is evidenced in the problem would not occur in the future impaired health of the teachers. was an outcome of this senseless death. More importantly, Mrs. Hope had a fo- It is for this, then, that we beg of rum where she could speak out against you: better sanitary conditions racism and Jim Crow laws. Evidently, in the public schools; a school for her work proved personally reward- South Atlanta; provision for the ing and it was certainly impactful. She feebleminded and the defective chil- was called upon to give addresses and dren; and the abolishing of the sys- provide services to other organizations tem of double session. We earnestly throughout the country (Carten 2021; trust that your honorable body will Rouse 2004). grant our petition the ultimate aim Mrs. Hope became increasingly vis- of which is to reduce crime, and to ible as an effective change agent and make of our children good citizens. social reformer in Atlanta. For example, she was appointed Special War Secre- Atlanta, Georgia tary for the YMCA War Work Council in 1917. Additionally, she provided train- Signed: ing to hostess house workers who served Mrs. L. B. Hope, Chairman in returning Black and Jewish soldiers who behalf of the Women's Civic and were denied access to other facilities Social Improvement Committee because of their race and ethnicity in (Rouse 1989, 75-77, citing Petition a segregated and closed city that per- of the Women’s Civic and Social mitted discrimination. Mrs. Hope be- Improvement Committee, August came ever more cognizant of racism and 19th, 1913). segregation in the YMCA and she took on the fight of increasing African Ameri- It is often a precipitating event which can women in leadership roles in the generates attention and galvanizes organization’s branches across the At- people to action. In the modern Civil lanta area. Rights Movement, the case of Emmet Till, the fourteen-year-old boy from Chi- The Legacy Continues: Other cago, who was tortured and murdered Women Leaders in Money, MS, comes to mind. The case of a mother of three who died isolated, The Atlanta University School of So- alone and unattended because her work- cial Work (AUSSW), since its founding 50 Phylon 57

in 1920, made unquestionable contribu- having been recruited by Forrester B. tions to Social Work education and the Washington, the second director for the growth of social work from an unor- purpose of developing the Community ganized body of lay citizens to an evi- Organization Sequence. She provided denced driven profession (Adams 1981; leadership through curriculum design Bowles, Hopps and Clayton 2016). The and was also a highly respected teacher, program gained recognition when it was mentor and life coach. Owing to segre- first accredited in 1928 by the American gation and discrimination, many agen- Association of Schools of Social Work cies in the city and across the south under the leadership of Director E. would not receive Atlanta University Franklin Fraizer. Durning the tenure of students for training in practice meth- Forrester B. Washington, it became a ods. Black students could not provide charter member of The Council on So- services to white clients in keeping cial Work Education (CSWE) with ac- with customs and “separate but equal creditation and has maintained this dogma.” Placements had to be devel- status since 1952. Meeting qualification oped in other regions of the country so for affiliation with these professional that students could not only have su- organizations indicated that the School pervised educational experiences with of Social Work was indeed a player in diverse racial and ethnic groups in academic circles. The graduates of the keeping with best practice standards of program also helped build the school’s the accrediting body, but also the Char- reputation by demonstrating compe- ter of the University (Bowles, Hopps, tence in practice roles (Hylinger 1943). and Clayton 2016; Hopps, personal re- This emphasis on practice as opposed flections). Adams overcame these- bar to theory was entrenched in the fabric of riers and helped to establish a national the School by the likes of women such as field placement network for Atlanta Lugenia Burns Hope, and she was not to University students. be the last. Since its founding there have Dean Genevieve Hill is acknowl- been sixteen deans/directors at the At- edged for her leadership role in identi- lanta School of Social Work, seven wom- fying content relevant to the experiences en and nine men. Several developed of black families and communities for national stature, particularly, Whitney potential inclusion in the core social M. Young, Jr., in civil rights leadership work curriculum (Carten 2021). This and E. Franklin Frazier, in scholarship. emphasis on the importance of family Lugenia Burns Hope as noted, estab- led the CSWE to appoint a Task force lished a formidable reputation as lead- to make recommendations to the body. er and catalyst for the founding of the This Task Force was comprised of social School. Other women also provided work faculty from Atlanta, Howard, and leadership at critical periods through- other programs, this initiative had back- out the history of the School. One was ing from the CSWE, although the depth Frankie Victoria Adams, known affec- of interest or support was at best, vague tionally by many students as “Frankie or ambiguous, given the subsequent V.” She came to the school in 1931, years of debate relative to expected and Obie Clayton - June Gary Hopps 51

required inclusion of that content in the demonstrated a recommitment to the so- curriculum. That did not happen until cio-historical beginnings of the School, later when discrete Educational Policy when they moved into public housing, and Accreditation Standards (EPASs) University Homes, near the University’s were stipulated by CSWE (Bowles and campus and the site of the historic Neigh- Hopps 2014; Hopps, Lowe and Clayton borhood Union. The idea embraced ser- 2019.) What can be stated is that the pro- vice delivery in keeping with early 20th fession assumed an accommodationist century social work practice, particularly stance towards race, diversity and inclu- settlements, when practitioners “friends” sion (Kendall 2004). This no doubt ac- and clients spent time in close physical counted for the School’s movement in proximity engaging in community-based the mid twentieth-century, 1950-1960s, from its original stance to accommo- projects. The University/Public Hous- date CSWE’s benign approach to race ing Partnership idea originated with and diversity (Hopps, Lowe and Clay- Atlanta City Council President, Marvin ton 2018). Specifically, long term faculty Arrington, who thought the proposal member Frankie Adams, stated: would be a source of positive role mod- els and educational help, especially as he Atlanta University codified the Af- noted, for young black males. The reha- ro-centric perspective in the 1920s. bilitated University Homes would be the In the push for national standing, residence for forty Clark Atlanta Univer- and acceptance, Atlanta University sity graduate students. University Homes School of Social Work developed a program that corresponded to was the country’s first housing project most other programs, particularly for blacks that was federally financed. during the 1950s; however, the John Hope had pressed the government historical afro-centric theme was to build the units while serving as More- reinstated and defined during the house College president in 1937. Many 1960s, in keeping with the political early residents of University Homes were environment of the time, including employed at the nearby colleges. Lou students’ demand for the Afro- Beasley worked collaboratively with the centric perspective (Adams, 1981). Tenants’ Association to develop support Professor Lloyd Yabura provided of the program among the residents. The leadership that propelled the Afro- New York Times covered this community centric perspective to a wider level intervention which brought needed pub- of recognition and scholarly debate licity and attention to the School, adding (Adams, 1981; Bowles, Hopps and yet another chapter to its storied history Clayton 2016). (Smothers 1991). Dean Lou Beasley helped spearhead Another Dean that rose to the chal- an imaginative initiative in the 1980s . lenge was Dorcas Bowles who served as Specifically, she and students from the Dean of WMYJr. SSW on three differ- Schools of Social Work and Education ent occasion; the last being August 2015 52 Phylon 57 to July 2016. Under her leadership, the psychosocial spiritual perspective was school was successfully accredited two always seen as important in working times. Her tenure at the School covered with Black clients. A bio-psycho-social a contentious period in the profession spiritual assessment was part of Atlanta relative to curriculum issues and the ac- University’s guiding principles as early crediting body (Bowles 2020). Early in as 1920. The School understood that at- her tenure she led the faculty to focus tention to the role played by religion or on clinical practice, as distinct from di- spirituality in one’s life did not negate the rect practice, recognizing the increase importance of attention to one’s physi- of mental health issues and prevalence cal and/or mental health needs. In fact, it across all populations and age cohorts. In was important to recognize that religion/ part, this decision was also based on the spirituality often serves as a strength for need to educate clinically trained Afri- many Black families. However, it was can American social workers who would not until 2008 that the Council on Social have the necessary knowledge, skills and Work Education included in its 2008 Ed- talents to successfully work with Afri- ucational Policy Accreditation Standards can American families and children and that all schools of social work must teach other People of Color in the U.S. This students how to do a bio-psycho-social decision came at a time when the nation spiritual assessment as a basis for devel- was seeing an increase in mental health oping assessment and treatment plans issues faced by people in the U.S., includ- for clients. ing African Americans and People of It was under Dean Bowles that the Color. Dean Bowles felt that the School name of the School was changed from should be in the forefront in determining Clark Atlanta University School of Social important knowledge and skills needed Work to Whitney M. Young, Jr., School by all clinical professionals in working of Social Work at the School’s 80th An- with African Americans and other cli- niversary. The change was made because ents of color. of Young’s long history of work focused At this period in the School’s history, on social justice and equality. Social jus- the leadership understood that Black cli- tice is Core Value 6 of the six core values ents often relied on the Church for their of social work as outlined in the Social counseling as well as spiritual needs. Fur- Work Code of Ethics. Core Value 6 de- ther, Blacks used religion and/or spiritu- fines social justice as: ality as a source of strength and comfort Social workers pursue social and the school instilled in its graduates change, particularly with and on that a competent social worker should behalf of vulnerable and oppressed see this as a strength and understand and individuals and groups of people. appreciate the importance of spirituality Social workers’ social change efforts in working with Black individuals and are focused primarily on issues of their families. It should be mentioned poverty, unemployment, discrimi- that since the School’s inception, a bio- nation, and other forms of social Obie Clayton - June Gary Hopps 53

injustice. These activities seek to which she administered until 1990. She promote sensitivity to and knowl- is acknowledged here for her contribu- edge about oppression and cultural tions in leadership to Clark Atlanta Uni- and ethnic diversity. Social workers versity (CAU) where she was a long time strive to ensure access to needed in- board member, and she was a financial formation, services, and resources; benefactor who provided scholarships equality of opportunity; and mean- to the School of Social Work and the De- ingful participation in decision partment of Sociology and Criminal Jus- making for all people. tice. Her work in the academy brought broad attention to both CAU and the The re-naming of the School as School of Social Work. There have been Whitney M. Young, Jr., School of Social many other women who taught at the Work ensured the importance of social school or were graduates who went on justice issues being embedded in all of to have stellar careers in the field and the the School’s programs. This social jus- list is to long for the scope of this paper. tice perspective undergirds the School’s We have attempted to highlight a few of Afro-centric Perspective. the female deans/leaders who helped Another contributor was Mamie Dar- to elevate the School and upon whose lington, long-term professor at Clark At- shoulders the School rose and stands. lanta University and interim dean from 1987 to 1989. In 1992, Darlington joined *Note: The authors acknowledge the faculty of the College of the Pacific Christopher Strickland, MSW, Department of Sociology as director of Doctoral student of the University the Black Studies Program. During her of Georgia for research assistance. time at Pacific, she developed the social services emphasis in the Department ______of Sociology and was instrumental in evolving the Black Studies Program to- ward what is now the Ethnic Studies References Program. At both institutions, Darling- ton conducted research on issues related Adams, Frankie V. 1981. The Reflections to children and families and is known of Florence Victoria Adams. Atlanta, for her abilities to forge cooperation as GA.: Shannon Press. evidenced by her work Young African Alexander, Robert J. 1951. “Negro Busi- American Grandmothers: A Missed ness in Atlanta.” Southern Economic Developmental Stage where she col- Journal 17 (4): 451–64. https://doi. laborated with Letha Lee See and Dor- org/10.2307/1054492. cas Bowles. Finally, we note the con- “Atlanta.” n.d. New Georgia Encyclo- tribution of Dr. Delores P. Aldridge, pedia. Accessed January 9, 2021. Professor Emeritus Emory University. https://www.georgiaencyclope- Dr. Aldridge had a stellar career at dia.org/articles/counties-cities- Emory where she became the founding neighborhoods/atlanta. director of the first Black Studies degree Banks, James A. 1972. “The Destruction granting program in the South in 1971 of Black Schools: An American 54 Phylon 57

Tragedy.” Educational Leadership. Du Bois, W. E. B., and Kwame Anthony Bowles, Dorcas 2020. “Personal Com- Appiah. 2014. Dusk of Dawn. Ed- munication from Bowles to ited by Henry Louis Gates. 1st edi- Clayton,” December 2020. tion. Oxford University Press. Bowles, Dorcas. and June Gary Hopps. Forner, Eric. 1988. Reconstruction: Amer- 2014. “The Profession’s Role in ica’s Unfinished Revolution, 1863- Meeting Its Historical Mission to 1877. Edited by Henry Steele Com- Serve Vulnerable Populations.” mager and Richard B. Morris. 1st Advances in Social Work 15 (1): 1–20. edition. New York: HarperCollins. Bowles, Dorcas, June Gary Hopps, and French-Parker, J. 1997. “Atlanta Home Is Obie Clayton. 2016. “The Impact a Place of Love.” Atlanta Journal- and Influence of HBCUs on the Constitution, December 25, 1997. Social Work Profession.” Journal of Higginbotham, Evelyn Brooks. 1994. Social Work Education 52 (1): 118–32. Righteous Discontent: The Wom- Carlton-LaNey, Iris. 2001. African Ameri- en’s Movement in the Black Baptist can Leadership: An Empowerment Church, 1880–1920. Revised edi- Tradition in Social Welfare History. tion. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Washington, DC: NASW Press. University Press. Carten, Alma J. 2021. Find a Way or Make Hopps, June Gary, Lowe, Tony E., One: A Documentary History of and Clayton, Obie. 2019. “From Clark Atlanta University Whitney M. ‘Friendly Visitor’ to Professional Young Jr. School of Social Work. New Social Worker: The Atlanta Story.” York, NY: Oxford University Press. Phylon (1960-) 55 (1 & 2): 93–110. Cash, Floris Barnett. 1990. “Jacqueline Hounmenou, Charles. 2012. “Black Set- Ann Rouse, Lugenia Burns Hope: tlement Houses and Oppositional Black Southern Reformer.” Afro - Consciousness.” Journal of Black Americans in New York Life and His- Studies 43 (6): 646–66. tory 14 (2): 91. Hylinger, E. Unpublished. “A Study of Clayton, Obie. n.d. “The Black Urban the Development of the Atlanta Class.” Unpublished. University School of Social Work.” Crimmins, Timothy., and Dana. White. Atlanta, Georgia: Atlanta Univer- 1996. “Looking for Atlanta.” The sity. New Georgia Guide, 233–64. “Lugenia Burns Hope | American Social Drewry, Henry N., and Humphrey Do- Reformer.” n.d. Encyclopedia Bri- ermann. 2012. Stand and Prosper: tannica. Accessed January 9, 2021. Private Black Colleges and Their Stu- https://www.britannica.com/bi- dents. Princeton University Press. ography/Lugenia-Burns-Hope. Du Bois, W. E. B. Du. 1899. The Philadel- Cardoza-Oquendo, Juan. “Lugenia phia Negro: A Social Study and Histo- Burns Hope (1871-1947).” 2010. ry of Pennsylvania’s Black American New Georgia Encyclopedia. Ac- Population; Their Education, Envi- cessed January 9, 2021. https:// ronment and Work. Philadelphia: www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/ Pantianos Classics. articles/history-archaeology/lu- Obie Clayton - June Gary Hopps 55

genia-burns-hope-1871-1947. of the Early Spelman College Presi- Morris, Aldon. 2015. The Scholar Denied. dents. Illustrated edition. Sterling, Oakland: University of California Virginia: Stylus Publishing. Press. Wright, Earl. 2016. The First American Morris, Robert, and Hopps, June. 2007. School of Sociology: W.E.B. Du Bois Social Work At The Millennium: and the Atlanta Sociological Labora- Critical Reflections on the Future of tory. 1st edition. Burlington, VT: the Profession. New York: Free Press Routledge. Murty, Komandur, and Roebuck, Julian. 1993. Historically Black Colleges and Universities: Their Place in Ameri- can Higher Education. West Port: Praeger. Newman, Harvey. 1999. Southern Hos- pitality: Tourism and the Growth of Atlanta. First edition. Tuscaloosa: University Alabama Press. Roth, Darlene. 2000. Greater Atlanta: A Shared Destiny. Carlsbad, CA: Her- itage Media. Rouse, Jacqueline. 2004. Lugenia Burns Hope: Black Southern Reformer by Jacqueline Anne Rouse. Athens: Uni- versity of Georgia Press. Russell, James. 1988. Atlanta, 1847-1890: City Building in the Old South and the New. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press. Smothers, Ronald, and the New York Times. 1991. “Public Housing and a College to Become Partners The New York Times, February 17, 1991, sec. U.S. https://www. nytimes.com/1991/02/17/us/ public-housing-and-a-college-to- become-partners.html. Trattner, Walter I. 1998. From Poor Law to Welfare State, 6th Edition: A His- tory of Social Welfare in America. 6th Original ed. edition. New York: Free Press. Watson, Yolanda L., Gregory, Sheila T. 2005. Daring to Educate: The Legacy 56 Phylon 57

Introducing Forrester Blanchard Washington: A Transformative African American Social Work Leader

Frederica H. Barrow University of the District of Columbia, Retired

Abstract

African Americans have made many contributions to the development of social welfare in the United States and to the evolution of professional social work. Over the last twenty- five-plus years, several noted scholars have built a storehouse of literature about these con- tributions (Bowles et al. 2016; Barrow 2007a, 2007b; Carlton-LaNey 2001). The seminal contributions of Forrester Blanchard Washington (1887-1963), a pioneering African Ameri- can social worker, social work educator, and social work administrator has sometimes been excluded or misrepresented in this growing body of literature. This paper serves to correct this record about Forrester B. Washington’s work that align with his peers and distinguish him as an early Civil Rights era African American social work leader.

Introduction “Black Social Work Educator and Nation Builder.” In 2020, the Whitney M. Young School of Social Work at Clark Atlanta Uni- Forrester B. Washington served as versity (formerly known as the Atlanta the Director of the Atlanta University University School of Social Work) cel- School of Social Work from 1927 to 1954. ebrates 100 years of professional social Although he served with distinction, work education, making this an appro- knowledge of his contributions have priate time to chronicle his contributions been muted in social work history. Most to the profession. of the profession has been deprived of Washington’s intellectual forebear- widespread knowledge about the foun- ers and peers like Mary Church Terrell dation Washington laid through his mul- (1863-1954), W. E. B. Du Bois (1868-1963), tifaceted career in leadership. His work George Edmund Haynes (1880-1960), in the early twentieth century, until his Edward Franklin Frazier (1884-1962), death at the birth of the Civil Rights and Thyra J. Edwards (1897-1953) are Movement, is largely unacknowledged rightly identified as founders of African in the professional social work commu- American social work. However, this au- nity. Lloyd Yabura (1970) a noted faculty thor places Forrester B. Washington as a member of the School deemed him a transformative social work educator for Frederica H. Barrow 57

his unique contributions to the uplift of and achievements. Through his commit- African American people in particular. ment to build a predominately African Washington’s long, seminal leadership American School for social work, he was of the Whitney M. Young School of Social able to transcend racist patterns of insti- Work (School) throughout the Great De- tutional racism and exclusion. Through pression, the Second World War, the Jim his social activism as the 1936 president Crow era, and the emergent Civil Rights of the Atlanta branch of the National As- Movement is important in understand- sociation for the Advancement of Colored ing how a School focused on the needs People (NAACP), he modeled behavior of the African American community was to demonstrate for those who would instrumental in establishing the basic el- take up similar institutional and organi- ements of social justice and the plight zational challenges (Ferguson 2002). He of the oppressed. Washington came to was a visionary leader who was skilled the School with considerable experi- in navigating his political environment; ence in the federal government and in proficient in resource development; private social services. These positions talented at developing and sustaining provided him with the knowledge and significant and supportive interracial skills to operate the first school of social relationships; and able to exercise great work focused on the needs of African personal restraint to accomplish collec- Americans. He paid close attention to tive goals that changed the lives of un- the needs of freed men and women and derserved people. It is these qualities developed skills needed to help them that lead one to categorize Washington adapt to a society not yet ready to accept as a transformative leader. them as full citizens. Washington’s leadership style was quite different from that of Edward Transformative Leadership Franklin Frazier, his peer and prede- cessor in the directorship of the At- In his Pulitzer Prize-winning work, lanta School of Social Work. Although Transforming Leadership, Burns (2003) both had been trained in the National defines a transformative leader as one Urban League (NUL) fellowship pro- who changes the lives and welfare of gram, which was committed to interra- his followers. In addition, a transform- cial collaborations, Washington's style ing leader is someone who has quali- of leadership was more adaptive than ties that enable him or her to cope with Frazier’s. Both were faced with navigat- dire circumstances and to transcend and ing the oppressive Jim Crow waters of transform ominous situations. Addition- the South. Washington was a product of ally, “transforming leaders define public his northern upbringing and was self- values that embrace the supreme and assured and unwavering in his efforts enduring principles of a people” (Ibid., to bring about change. He was able to 15-16). Through his work as a social work in racist environments by intel- work leader, Washington promoted the lectually rejecting bigotry, which was values and principles of African Ameri- evident in his written proclamations and can people of self-help, arduous work, public statements (Washington 1925; 58 Phylon 57

Washington 1928a and 1928b; Wash- ence” (Ibid., p.48). An examination of ington 1930; Washington 1932a and historical records proves that early Af- 1932b; Washington 1933; Washington rican American social work leaders like 1935). His energies focused on the busi- Washington fought life and death bat- ness of the School and the organizations tles for survival and advancement in an with which he worked, as he steered apartheid environment. the School through turbulent times. He Washington’s career life course led never yielded in his efforts to achieve his him to reside in large metropolitan areas goals of strong curricular and fundrais- throughout most of his life and he did ing stewardship even when provocation not have the experience of having been was great (Barrow 2002). He was suc- reared in the South and having experi- cessful in building interracial coalitions ences that would be devastating to those while working simultaneously inside of who witnessed and lived the horrors of institutions that focused on educational the South. Applying life course theory and social welfare of African Americans. and interpretative biography to situate In subsequent years Jerome Schiele his leadership within the realities of his (2000) pioneered the elucidation of the era helps place him within context of his Afrocentric paradigm in human ser- upbringing. Washington’s family, role vices; he suggested the ways in which models, friends, employers, colleagues, this theory of social service may elimi- and professional associates all form an nate cultural oppression of African inter-linking network of people that Americans. Schiele believes that George influenced his leadership. He formed Haynes, E. Franklin Frazier, Charles many lasting social relationships that Johnson, and Washington all helped “to were instrumental to his career devel- frame the knowledge base that would be opment and successes. For example, his used by African American social work- friendship and professional relationship ers” (2000, 48). with John C. Dancy Jr., the executive While he acknowledged their contri- director of the Detroit Urban League, butions, Schiele is concerned that early spanned his career and was based on the African American social work leaders personal affinity they had for each other failed to place adequate emphasis on as well shared professional interests and the culture of African Americans which goals. Will Alexander, director of the might have fostered resilience and self- Commission on Interracial Cooperation regard. He also asserts that the educated of the South, was a mentor, supporter, cohort of early social workers and so- and friend throughout the second phase ciologists had bourgeoisie attitudes to- of his career. The decisions and timing of ward their African American brethren Washington’s career changes and transi- (Ibid., 49). Schiele identifies Washington tions often depended on these interac- and members of his cohort as accommo- tions. Each time he assumed a new posi- dationist because they did not overtly tion, he faced a set of circumstances that challenge the “fundamental epistemo- could have led to success or failure. logical and ontological assumptions of Washington was an outspoken critic Eurocentric social and behavioral sci- of racism and a powerful advocate for Frederica H. Barrow 59

the welfare of working African Ameri- American family that was self-suffi- cans (Washington 1925; Washington cient enough to be able to provide for 1935). He was neither a militant nor an its members and to nurture his devel- accommodationist. Rather, his practi- opment. The stability of his earliest liv- cal, pragmatic, and politic approach ing conditions allowed him to obtain a suited his roles as a longtime academic sound education at South Boston High administrator, organizer, and policy- School, and later at Tufts, Harvard, and maker. His career was not marked by Columbia universities. Washington’s polarizing public scandals or personal foundational years provided for the de- discord. These hallmarks of Washing- velopment of his healthy, practical per- ton’s professional approach and career sonal identity which continued through orientation present a theoretical chal- his adolescence and adulthood. lenge for critical biographers. He dem- Unlike most African American chil- onstrated the ability to navigate political dren of the Post-Reconstruction period, and social situations with agility. How Washington was able to consistently might the impact of a leader, who was attend school at an early age. He grad- both an incisive critic of injustice and a uated from South Boston High School conciliator, be conceived forging interra- where he was identified as one of their cial coalitions for social change? It was distinguished alumni (Alumni South this ability that places him in scope of a Boston Public Schools 2020). Wash- transformative leader. He used his skills, ington graduated from Tufts College intellect and resources to effect change. (now Tufts University) in 1909 where As a result of this author’s research, he completed a classical curriculum. Washington’s career can be divided into He pursued a post-baccalaureate de- two phases. Phase I, 1917–1927, covers gree at Harvard University from 1912 his community organization; social pol- to 1914. He obtained a master’s degree icy activities; as well as his research and in social economy in 1917 from Colum- administrative contributions. In that pe- bia University. riod, he developed and consolidated his His studies at Columbia dovetailed skills, developed his professional val- with the emergence of the social work ues, and established a positive profes- field, requiring specialized training. He sional reputation. Phase II, 1927–1954, obtained a social work degree from the covers his almost 27 years as a social New York School of Philanthropy which work educator at the Atlanta University later became the Columbia University School of Social Work. It was his lengthy School of Social Work. During this peri- and effective service at the School that od, he was identified as an able profes- cemented its curriculum and contribu- sional and received financial support for tions to an emerging profession. his degree through a fellowship from the National Urban League, which by then Washington’s Early Years had been operating in cities to address discrimination and a myriad of social Washington was born in Salem, problems experienced by African Amer- Massachusetts in 1887 into an African ican migrants. The League recognized 60 Phylon 57

that if it were to become successful in its leadership of the School vied with his mission to strengthen black people and burgeoning scholarship (Adams 1981). communities, it would need a trained Washington was hired in 1927 by group of social workers. a unanimous decision of the Board of Trustees of the School. Both Frazier and Building and Solidifying The School Washington were intellectually gifted, but they used their talents in different Institutional development requires a ways. Frazier was an acknowledged committed leader with a vision, one scholar; but the Board selected a man who is skilled in navigating his political who had considerable administrative environment, one who is proficient in experience. In addition, Washington was resource development, one who can de- comfortable in the interracial context velop and sustain significant supportive and especially in organizations. While relationships, and one who, when con- prejudice and discrimination offended troversial issues arise, can exercise great him, it did not deter him in his work. personal restraint to accomplish a goal. The qualities of his “confrontations” As director of the Atlanta School of So- were such that, as a rule, people did not cial Work for 27 years from 1927 to 1954, feel personally threatened or attacked. through the Great Depression to the Washington’s commitment and con- dawn of the civil rights era, Washington tributions to social work education were was just such a committed leader. revealed in seven areas. They included: The School was founded in 1920 to (1) fundraising activities through the educate African Americans in social Depression years; (2) developing an in- work to assist their own kind. In 1928, novative curriculum; (3) recruiting stu- Washington wrote to an associate and dents from across the country and from described “an epiphany” ( Washington several foreign countries; ( 4) champion- to Stevens, 1928). He had been encourag- ing the training of people with disabili- ing other trained social workers to relo- ties; (5) improving standards and achiev- cate to the South and finally recognized ing accreditation; (6) advancing and that “the only common-sense thing [was advocating for culturally relevant social for him] to practice what he preached.” work education for African Americans; He decided to “consecrate his life to and (7) shaping a predominately White social work education” and readily ac- profession through his active participa- cepted the position to direct the School tion in the wider social work profession following the end of Frazier’s leadership via his publications and organizational (Bacote 1969). leadership and participation. Washington was recruited to lead the The selection of Forrester Blanchard Atlanta School of Social Work in 1927 dur- Washington for leadership of the At- ing conflict between E. Franklin Frazier, lanta School of Social Work guaranteed the second director of the School, and that the program would develop from the Atlanta University Board of Direc- a holistic perspective and that it would tors. Several factors lead to Frazier’s be culturally relevant for African Ameri- dismissal from his leadership role. His cans. He would help to confront the Frederica H. Barrow 61

scientific challenge issued by Abraham Work Bulletin 1929-1930). A major bene- Flexner (Bonner 2016) that social work factor supported the School’s expanded could not be considered a profession. role. The Rosenwald Foundation sup- Although his initial focus was on train- ported the School and by the 1929-1930 ing southerners, his successes led to the School year, a new program was fully admission of students from around the operational. It included a two-year cur- nation and from some foreign countries. riculum. Entrance requirements of stu- He wanted the School to be open to all dents were raised and a formal plan of who were qualified to study there. cooperation with local colleges had been Washington faced many challenges as instituted. A summer School was insti- director of an African American School tuted, and all courses were extended to in the south in the first half of the 20th a full semester. The School’s bulletin em- century. The Jim Crow culture of the time phasized its admission to the American along with the emergence of the “New Association of Schools of Professional Social Negro” created a complex leadership Work (AASPSW). The courses listed in environment for African American lead- the catalog were: “Negroes”: The Tech- ers (Davis 1998). The New Negro was a nique of Community Work among Ne- then-prevalent term (proliferating in the groes; Industrial Problems of the Negro; Harlem Renaissance and other urban The Conduct of Social Surveys in Negro centers of African American life) used Communities; Housing Problems of to identify an African American popula- the Negro; Crime and the Negro; Rural tion with a higher level of consciousness Social Work and the Negro; and Recre- about its conditions and a new feeling ation and the Negro. Other courses were of solidarity and racial pride (Harold occasionally added on this subject. 2018). African American leaders had to Further, the School was organized balance conflicting pressures to achieve into four departments: Social Casework; gains for their people while making the Social Group Work; Community Orga- accommodations so often necessary to nization; and Social Administration and make strides within the dominant white Research. Field work placements in- culture where discrimination was a le- cluded family case work; hospital social gally enforced norm. work; institutional supervision; proba- tion; recreational organization; commu- The School of Social Work: nity organization and religious social Curriculum work (Ibid.). Washington also provided greatly Washington had already given exten- expanded research opportunities for his sive thought to what an optimal African students. His reputation as a researcher American social worker could be. And meant that under the direction of the after he confirmed his images, Washing- School, students would engage in com- ton began to convey his vision for the munity organization and take a vital role School. It was “More than a School.” It in research studies to respond to local, was, for him, “a promotional agency for state, and other requests for informa- social welfare” (Atlanta School of Social tion. During the 1928-29 School year stu- 62 Phylon 57

dents participated in a variety of stud- $400.00 that it could award in scholar- ies “under the auspices of the Atlanta ships. It had a budget shortfall. Urban League, the Atlanta Social Research Washington went about the business Council, The Interracial Commission, the of garnering resources for the School John Rosenwald Fund, The Atlanta Evening while building and relying upon previ- School, The Atlanta Negro Business League, ous professional relationships. No doubt Fisk University Economics Department, there was also awareness of the threats and the Committee on Church Coopera- to American political life with so many tion” (Ibid.). people disenfranchised and degraded. Another important aspect of the By 1932, when Roosevelt was elected the program pioneered by Washington was first time, the country had experienced the use of block field placements in the many race riots in major cities and small second year of study (Adams 1981, 30). towns (Trotter 1996, 276-283). Social work education always includes Washington began calling on for- a significant amount of time in actual mer associates for funds for the School. fieldwork to ensure the integration of One of the first letters was to Harry G. theory, practice and self-awareness as Stevens who had been his board chair- pertains to client interventions. man for both the Detroit Urban League and Associated Charities positions in Detroit (Washington to Stevens 1928). Fundraising for the School Washington told Stevens that the School was “getting on splendidly” but he was Washington was recruited to the lead- worried about its finances. Frazier, his ership post because of demonstrated ad- predecessor, had done little to broaden ministrative effectiveness in prior posi- the School’s base of financial support. tions and well-established relationships Washington had been compelled to with businessmen and philanthropists. give his “attention to the most immedi- When Washington assumed leadership ate problems, the reorganization of the of the School of social work, he was im- curriculum, the obtaining of a new mediately faced with a critical need for faculty, a new office force and a more funds. He was a man of quick action, mature student body” (Ibid.). with a clear mission and a vision of how At that time the School depended on things should be conducted to get the two national foundations for two-thirds School moving in the direction of suc- of its $15,000 budget: the Laura Spelman cess. When Washington took over the Rockefeller Memorial which gave one administration of the School in 1927, the dollar for every two dollars that were need for financial support was an im- raised up to $5,000 per year and the mediate and vexing problem. In 1926-27 Russell Sage Foundation, which gave students paid $10.00 per quarter tuition. one dollar for every dollar the School Room and board in private homes was raised per year (Ibid.). At that time, about $5.00 per week and they needed he urgently and immediately needed an additional $25.00 for other School re- $2500.00 to enable the School to obtain lated expenses. The School had a total of the grants from the two foundations. He Frederica H. Barrow 63

only had a window of 15 days. ton. Sometimes even after they had said Washington based his appeal to Ste- “no”, with Will Alexander’s support, vens on the philanthropist’s commitment Washington continued to ask for help. to “practical enterprise” and because he In most instances he was successful in knew that Stevens interest “transcended getting the funds he needed. Edwin Em- local interest.” He invoked his personal bree was president of the Rosenwald credibility saying that Stevens knew that Fund at the time, a position he held un- he would “not be representing any bo- til 1948. Before that he had been a vice gus agency or institution.” He was sym- president of the Rockefeller Foundation. pathetic to the many requests Stevens Embree had a scholarly interest in Afri- received and knew he had to set “a limit can Americans shown in his book Brown somewhere to his philanthropy.” Americans: The Story of a Tenth of the Na- Stevens was only one of several peo- tion (Embree 1941). ple contacted. Washington was always Washington was very sensitive to the sensitive to the influence of others and authority and power of the Rosenwald sought to appeal through his friend John Fund as indicated by his Thursday Oc- Dancy’s organizational connections. In tober 11, 1928 letter. He wrote to the di- the same month he also wrote seeking rector, Alfred K. Stern, to alert him that his assistance in making contacts with he and Will Alexander would be coming other Detroit philanthropists and lead- to Chicago on a fund-raising mission. ers with whom he had worked dur- Alexander by this time had become ing his years in Detroit (Washington to chairman of the School’s finance com- Dancy 1928a). Dancy tried to help him mittee. Washington told Stern that Al- but with minimal success. Philanthro- exander was a “very fine speaker and pists in the area felt that they had been the most outstanding white man in the “besieged for many years for all kinds of South in the matter of race relations.” He philanthropic causes” (Dancy to Wash- would be attempting to obtain new sub- ington 1928). Washington was not suc- scribers for the School, “but the real rea- cessful at that point in obtaining funds son he was writing was that he would in Detroit, but he was able to obtain the not want to come to Chicago on a fund- funds needed for the School in Philadel- raising project without informing [Stern] phia (Washington to Dancy 1928c). beforehand” (Washington to Stern 1928). The level of support from the Julius Stern was a son-in-law of the Fund’s Rosenwald Fund in the early years of founder (Washington to Dancy 1928c). the School earns it the distinction of hav- In the same letter Washington charac- ing been the organization that saved the teristically spelled out the School’s needs School from financial failure on numer- in detail. “The School has […] financial ous occasions. Rosenwald was already needs this year with which I think you committed to the support of the School are acquainted but I am sure you will when E. Franklin Frazier was leading it. not object to my calling them again to The fund continued substantial support your attention.” The School needed sev- to the School for many years, but not eral small individual gifts to match the without constant appeals by Washing- conditional grants offered by the Russell 64 Phylon 57

Sage Foundation and the Laura Spelman In 1938 the Atlanta School of Social Rockefeller Memorial. Larger grants were Work affiliated with Atlanta University, needed to meet expenses caused by the which then began awarding the Master expansion of the schoo1. Contributions of Social Work (MSW) to students who were needed for scholarships and fel- met all its requirements. Although this lowships to attract the most desirable was a positive step, Washington lost type of students for social work. some of his autonomy. In addition to Stern responded favorably to Wash- his accountability to the American Asso- ington’s appeal and wrote a letter of in- ciation of Schools of Social Work (AASSW), troduction to Mary McDowell of the Uni- his accountability to the Atlanta Univer- versity of Chicago Settlement in which sity administration was increased. In he asked her to arrange a meeting for 1947 the School gave up its independent Washington and Alexander with people charter and became a part of Atlanta who might be able to help the School. He University under the leadership of Dr. told McDowell that the Rosenwald fund Rufus Clement. By then it had achieved had been in close touch with the School a positively significant record with its and had contributed $1,500. He expect- students and was perceived to be an as- ed that the funds would be increased in set within the University. Washington’s the next funding cycle. Stern told her leadership for almost 20 years had been that the Board of Trustees of the Atlanta undisputed and unquestioned by many School of Social Work included “some who agreed with his vision. He was a of the most representative Southern well-respected social work leader in the educators and Mr. Washington has dem- south and the nation (Ibid.). onstrated his superior qualifications However, in 1947 the AASSW deter- for the position of director” (Stern to mined that the School had many prob- McDowell 1928). lems and threatened its accreditation standing, a profoundly serious circum- Threats to Revoke Accreditation stance for the University and the School. To remain viable as an institution, the Consistent with his vision of being a School had to sustain its participation force for social welfare in the south and in the broad political economy of the the nation, in addition to leading the evolving social work profession. The School, Washington assumed leadership AASSW gave the School one year to (1) roles in social welfare organizations, develop clearly defined written stan- made speeches, published articles, and dards for and an effective plan of admin- conducted trainings in other cities in istration of the fieldwork program, (2) the south to share his insights about the more carefully select fieldwork agencies needs and conditions of African Ameri- (in a Jim Crow environment) and field- cans and to offer guidance in program work supervisors, (3) achieve quality development (Barrow 2002). The success and sound content in field instruction, of the School created new demands on (4) employ sufficiently qualified person- Washington, especially as it became a nel to give direction and supervision of less independent organization. an adequate fieldwork program, and (5) Frederica H. Barrow 65

limit admissions in accordance with the to develop under racism and oppres- number of fieldwork placements that sion. Washington’s independence, as- met (AASSW) standards (Youngdahl suredness, and successes in his efforts to 1947). Washington had been addressing build the School and his reputation as a all these issues but was not in full agree- social-welfare leader established him as ment with all the AASSW-s interpreta- a target. tions and ideas. The standards of the profession’s ac- In part, the struggles with Washing- creditation review process were not well ton and the Atlanta University School of developed at that time. Arthur Fink, Social Work can be understood as being who led the 1947 review, was director of related to the profession defining itself the Division of Public Welfare and Social and its standards regarding which social Work at the University of North Caroli- work professional group would control na (which at that time did not admit Af- the direction and development of pro- rican Americans). There were no African fessional social work. The AASSW and American reviewers on the review team, the National Association of Schools of Social and Fink had met with a disgruntled At- Administration (NASSA) vied for leader- lanta University School of Social Work fac- ship, and the American Association of So- ulty member before he conducted his re- cial Workers (AASW) as well as federal view. He also wrote to a friend who had agencies also exerted strong influence worked for Washington to obtain inside (Kendall 2002). The struggle can also be information about the School prior to his understood in relation to the prevailing meeting with Dr. Clement to make final perception by whites that African Amer- recommendations (Fink 1948). icans were an inferior population. There Subsequently, on Monday, Novem- was intense pressure to accept the values ber 29, 1948, Arthur Fink and Benjamin and ideas of a basically “white accredit- Youngdahl, who represented the AAS- ing body” if the School were to continue SW Board of Directors, held a conference to thrive in its professional environment. with President Clement to discuss their The School’s record of success and findings and their concerns about the the creative contributions of its leader to social work School. They suggested that the field were ignored or deemed prob- one of the four alternative solutions to lematic. As the School developed in the the problems they perceived was to re- 1930s, no doubt there were areas where move Washington from his position. Dr. improvement and change were needed, Clement declined to do so pointing out but Washington had made ongoing at- the good reports he had on the success of tempts to relate to his colleagues and the School’s graduates under Washing- to obtain input and guidance. This did ton’s leadership and the fact that Wash- not mean, however, that he immediately ington was a tenured professor with and readily made all the changes that the 20 years of service in the University. AASSW perceived as necessary (Barrow Clement acknowledged the need for 2007a). Furthermore, the environment in improvements and agreed to offer more which he operated was greatly different supervision and to assert more control from that of Schools that did not have over the School, which by then was un- 66 Phylon 57

der his direction. In 1950 the AASSW over and beyond President Clement. recognized the progress of the School It is, of course, important to note that and closed the accreditation issue (Spen- Alexander was a White man advocat- cer 1950). In fact, in 1947, a new body, ing on behalf of an HBCU, and this very the National Council on Social Work Educa- fact may have eclipsed the impact of tion (NCSWE), had been created to work Cléments advocacy. After all, Clement out “a solution to the problems related was an African American man whose to the academic level of professional so- power as the longtime President of At- cial work education and its accrediting lanta University still had its limits in the authority” (Kendall 2002, 5). The AAS- Jim Crow era. Fink wrote that Alexan- SW was on its way out of leadership der “had known Washington for years and control. and can probably effect more change—if Washington, who had been incensed such was possible—in him than perhaps by AASSW practices and criticisms, re- any other person around the Atlanta mained respectful while complying with situation” (Fink 1948). Fink apparently all its requests because he was deter- had no awareness of the mutual respect mined to do nothing to harm the School. that existed between Washington and However, he shared with Clement how Alexander. difficult it was for him to control his con- In a Monday January 5, 1951, regu- tempt for the people who had reviewed lar meeting of the School’s Board of the School as well as for the AASSW, Advisors, Washington reported on the feeling that they had no creative imagi- progress of the School. He included nation and no sense of professional edu- a section in his report entitled “Vindica- cation and were primarily interested in tion of Block Field Work Program.” He maintaining the status quo with an em- reflected on past opposition to the block phasis on educating only African Ameri- fieldwork program that he initiated can southerners. Despite his strong feel- at the School. He then reported to the ings, he refrained from any action or board “an increasing number of Schools comment that might have harmed the are now patterning their field work after School (Barrow 2007a). our block field work plan. An increasing Following Fink’s review and the number of requests have been received November meeting with Clement, Will from other Schools for information.” He Alexander, who served on the Executive also cited “a recent memorandum of the Committee of Atlanta University, paid University of Michigan to its students” Arthur Fink a visit at the University of that “referred to” the AU School of Social North Carolina. He went to convey his Work’s “system of block field work by concern that the AASSW might harm the name as one of the two field work plans School and to “express his desire to keep which they were considering putting Atlanta as one of the accredited Schools, into operation” (“Minutes of the Annual and to keep it producing qualified Ne- Meeting of the Board of Advisors” 1951). gro social workers.” Fink wrote to He was also proud to share the fact that Youngdahl about the visit. According to two of the School’s graduates were Ful- Fink, Alexander was their best resource bright scholars studying in London. Frederica H. Barrow 67

when working within Roosevelt’s New Claiming a Transformative Legacy Deal administration, the current politi- cal climate and many institutions did Arguably, Forrester B. Washington not value African American social wel- deserves more credit for developing the fare or the welfare of the most socioeco- early years of the Atlanta School of Social nomically marginalized. This disagree- Work who effectively led the institution ment lead to his leaving the Roosevelt’s through some of its most difficult peri- administration and returning to Atlanta ods. As a result of his successes in de- where he continued his advocacy on veloping the School and producing a behalf of African Americans (Barrow, cadre of well-trained African American 2007b; Brown 2011). social workers, Washington’s leadership Washington’s work within grassroots, and accomplishments are intricately tied federal, and educational institutions to the development of social work and stands as an example of advocacy for social welfare in the southern United social change. We need to advance Wash- States (Gary and Gary 1994; “Washing- ington’s legacy now more than ever be- ton and Robeson Receive Honorary De- fore and it is hoped that this work will grees” 1943). elevate him to be considered as a ma- Washington is relevant today because jor contributor of African Americans in he remains a role model for social work- the building of the profession. Washing- ers particularly social workers of color. ton’s efforts through tumultuous peri- He was a person who modeled personal ods and navigating racism designates integrity and self-efficacy despite the his status as a transformative leader, barriers that existed for him in a white contributor to the profession of social supremacist culture. He was committed work and the uplifting of the African to higher education and strove to make American community. sure that his students received competi- tive training and experience at a time ______in which many whites continued to in- sist that blacks were biologically inferior References to whites and could only be trusted as service people and laborers. Even then they struggled to make a livelihood that Adams, Florence (Frankie) V. 1981. The allowed for advancement. But he was Reflections Of Florence Victoria not deterred by the barriers and used Adams. Atlanta: Shannon Press, his privilege for the common good. His LTD. career path mirrored a strong value “Alumni: South Boston Education Com- of collective advancement although he plex (Formerly South Boston High was a part of the black elite that some- School)”. Boston Schools. https:// times seemed to inappropriately be www.bostonpublicSchools.org// judgmental, moralistic, and elitist (Fer- site/Default.aspx?PageID=131. guson 2002). Accessed October 7, 2020. As Washington himself discovered Atlanta School of Social Work Bulletin. 68 Phylon 57

1929-1930. Council on Social Work forming Leadership. New York: Education Records. Social Welfare Grove Press. History Archives, University of Carlton-LaNey, I. 2001. African American Minnesota, Minneapolis, MN. Leadership: An Empowerment Tradi- Bacote, Clarence A. 1969. The Story of tion in Social Welfare History. Wash- Atlanta University: A Century of Ser- ington: National Association of So- vice, 1865–1965. Atlanta: Atlanta cial Workers Press. University. Dancy to Washington. 1928. Personal Barrow, Frederica H. 2002. “The Social Correspondence. March 3, 1928. Welfare Career and Contributions Detroit Urban League Collection, of Forrester Blanchard Washing- Detroit, MI. ton: A Life Course Analysis.” Ph.D. Davis, Leroy. 1998. A Clashing of the Soul: dissertation, Howard University. John Hope and the Dilemma of Afri- ——. 2007a. "More Than A School— can American Leadership and Black A Promotional Agency for So- Higher Education in the Early Twen- cial Welfare: Forrester Blanchard tieth Century. Athens: University of Washington's Leadership of the Georgia Press. Atlanta University School of Social Embree, Edwin R. 1941. Brown Ameri- Work, 1927-1954." Arete 31 (1/2): cans: The Story of a Tenth of the Na- 175-193. tion. New York: Viking Press. ——. 2007b. “Forrester Blanchard Wash- Ferguson, Karen. 2002. Black Politics in ington and His Advocacy for Afri- New Deal Atlanta. Chapel Hill: Uni- can Americans in the New Deal.” versity of North Carolina Press. Social Work 52 (3): 201-208. Fink, Arthur 1948. Communication to Bonner, Thomas Neville. 2016. Icono- B. E. Youngdahl. December 22. At- clast: Abraham Flexner and a Life in lanta University Correspondence Learning. New York: Plunkett Lake Files. Council on Social Work Edu- Press. cation, Social Welfare History Ar- Bowles, Dorcas D., June Gary Hopps chive, University of Minnesota. and Obie Clayton. 2016. “The Im- Minneapolis, MN. pact and Influence of HBCUs on “Forrester Blanchard Washington: South the Social Work Profession.” Jour- Boston High Graduate & Equal nal of Social Work Education 52 (1): Employment Advocate.” City of 118-132. Boston. February 7, 2018. https:// Brown, Angelique. 2011. “Forrester www.boston.gov/news/forrest- Blanchard Washington 1887-1963: er-blanchard-washington-south- Social Work Pioneer, Advocate for boston-high-graduate-and-equal- African Americans, and Educa- employment-advocate. Accessed tor.” Social Welfare History Project. October 20, 2019. http://socialwelfare.library.vcu. Gary, Robenia. B. and Lawrence. E. Gary. edu/social-work/washington-for- 1994. “The History of Social Work rester-blanchard/. Accessed Octo- Education for Black People 1900- ber 20, 2019. 1930.” Journal of Sociology and Social Burns, James MacGregor. 2003. Trans- Welfare 21: 67-81. Frederica H. Barrow 69

Harold, Claudrena N. 2018. New Negro TN. Politics in the Jim Crow South. Ath- Washington, Forrester Blanchard. 1930. ens: University of Georgia Press. Communication to A. Stern. Ros- Kendall, Katherine A. 2002. Council On enwald Collection. Franklin Li- Social Work Education: Its Anteced- brary, Fisk University, Nashville, ents and The First Twenty Years. TN. Alexandria: Council on Social ——.1932a. Communication to John Work Education. Hope. Presidential Records: John Minutes of the Annual Meeting of the Hope. Robert W. Woodruff Library Board of Advisors. 1951. Rufus of the Atlanta University Center, Clement Records. April 16, 1951. Archives and Special Collections, Robert W. Woodruff Library and Atlanta, GA. Archives, Atlanta. GA. ——.1932b. Communication to Embree. Schiele, Jerome. 2000. Human Service and February 6, 1932. Rosenwald Col- the Afrocentric Paradigm. New York: lection. Franklin Library, Fisk Uni- Haworth Press. versity, Nashville, TN. Spencer, S. 1950. Communication to R. ——.1933. Communication to A. Stern. Clement. Presidential Records: Rosenwald Collection. Franklin R. Clement. Robert W. Woodruff Library, Fisk University, Nashville, Library of the Atlanta University TN. Center, Archives and Special Col- ——.1935. “The Need and Education of lections, Atlanta, GA. Negro Social Workers”. Journal of Stern to McDowell. 1928. Personal Cor- Negro Education 4: 76–93. respondence. October 12. Julius "Washington and Robeson Receive Rosenwald Fund Archives. Fisk Honorary Degrees." 1943. Article University Special Collections, in Morehouse Alumnus. July 1943. Nashville, TN. Robert W. Woodruff Library of Trotter, J. W. 1996. “Migration/Popula- the Atlanta University Center, Ar- tion”. Encyclopedia of African Ameri- chives and Special Collections, At- can Culture and History edited by J. lanta, GA. Saltzman, D.L. Smith, and C. West. Washington to Dancy. 1928a. Personal New York: Simon & Schuster Mac- Correspondence, January 30, 1928. millan. Detroit Urban League Collection, Washington, Forrester Blanchard. 1925. Detroit, MI. "People Dying Like Flies Because Washington to Dancy. 1928b. Personal of Unsanitary Conditions." Phila- Correspondence, March 3, 1928. delphia Tribune, 5. Detroit Urban League Collection, ——.1928a. Communication to H. Ste- Detroit, MI. vens. Detroit Urban League. Bent- Washington to Frazier. 1928. Personal ley Historical Library, University Correspondence. January 6, 1928. of Michigan, Detroit, MI. E. Franklin Frazier Collection. ——.1928b. Communication to A. Stern. Moorland-Spingarn Research Cen- Rosenwald Collection. Franklin Li- ter, Howard University, Washing- brary, Fisk University, Nashville, ton, DC. 70 Phylon 57

Washington to Stern. 1928. Personal Correspondence. October 10, 1928. Julius Rosenwald Fund Archives. Fisk University Special Collec- tions, Nashville, TN. Washington to Stevens. 1928. Personal Correspondence, January 1, 1928. Detroit Urban League Collection, Detroit, MI. Yabura, Lloyd. 1970. "The Legacy of For- rester B. Washington: Black Social Work Educator and Nation Build- er”. Crossing over: Proceedings of 50th anniversary at Atlanta Universi- ty School of Social Work, edited by C. L. Sanders, 28–40. Atlanta: Atlanta University. Youngdahl, Benjamin E. 1947. Commu- nication to F. B. Washington. At- lanta University correspondence files. Council on Social Work Edu- cation, Social Welfare History Ar- chive, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, MN.

Ruby M. Gourdine - Amber M. Davis - Heather Howard 71

The Legacy Of The Founding Social Work Programs At HBCUs: Social Justice, Alturism And Visioning For The Future

Ruby M. Gourdine Howard University

Amber M. Davis University of California-Davis

Heather Howard Independent Scholar

Abstract

This article chronicles the development of social work programs at Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) using a framework of social justice, while simultaneously juxtaposing the concept of altruism, as articulated in Abraham Flexner’s ( 1915) professional framework presentation. The efforts of visionary social work pioneers addressed both institutional and professional neglect of a significant population of African Americans who were subjugated in the aftermath of slavery during the early 1900’s (Bowles et al. 2016). The social justice foci and altruistic motivation of African American advocates and activists provided avenues for professional education and representation of the offspring ofthe formerly enslaved and others.

Introduction cans in the profession demonstrated the elevated level of social justice and altru- There has been sparse acknowledge- istic motivation needed to focus on the ment of HBCUs and their role in the de- development of inclusiveness of other velopment of social work given the so- races (Carlton-LaNey 1999). The histori- ciohistorical climate in the early years of cal context for examining social justice the development of the profession which and altruism is provided and also con- was marked by a systematic exclusion temporary explanations on how the pro- of African Americans. However, the fession has moved to greater awareness emerging leadership of African Ameri- of these principles. 72 Phylon 57

The four HBCUs, Fisk University, At- more inclusive practice began to emerge lanta University, Bishop Tuttle School (Kendall 2004). and Howard University--are highlight- Furthermore, the development of ed as forerunners in addressing the social work programs at HBCUs was need for diversity in educating social important in a broader context as they workers. The leaders of the programs focused attention on a population of possessed the vision and courage to do people who had been subjugated to what others might have thought to be chronic historical discrimination be- impossible. Later, other HBCUs would ginning with the imposition of slavery, develop social work programs in the subsequent Black Codes, and forced 1950’s and 60’s, spurred by the momen- migration to urban centers seeking em- tum of the civil rights era (Bowles et al. ployment opportunities ( Bowles et al 2016). The 1915 speech was given at the 2016). In the milieu at the time, bias both National Conference of Charities and explicitly and implicitly was dominated Corrections, by Flexner who questioned and expressed in its clearest form via de social work as a legitimate profession, jure segregation. How does this relate arguing that it was accidental and fortu- to social justice, altruism and the social itous. That speech is credited as the most work profession? Based upon the social significant event in the development of work treatise of humanism and social the intellectual rationalization for social justice it would be incredible, but not work as an organized profession (Austin impossible, in today’s culture to out- (1983). Austin goes on to assert, “[S]ocial wardly promote segregation and the welfare agencies provided an opportu- denial of human rights. As in most ef- nity for graduates of women’s colleges forts to achieve equality, those affected to establish a career in a field in which would have to fight to find their equal many of the leaders were also women” ( place in America, including institutions Austin 2000, 358). The sentiment at the of higher education (Carlton-LaNey time was sexist, with striking views 1994) Through their enslavement Af- about women. An even weightier senti- rican Americans helped provide fund- ment at the time was that Blacks were ing (endowments) for many prominent separate and unequal to their white universities, and these revelations have counterparts. A leading late 20th cen- only recently been acknowledged (Wild- tury professional commented that white er 2013). Perhaps exclusion of African social work educators and practitioners Americans was a way for these main- accommodated segregation rather than stream universities to contend with their directly opposing it, particularly in the own cognitive dissonance - particularly era prior to the 1954 Brown v Board of in northern states where abolition was Education Supreme Court Ruling. It strong in theory but not in practice. was not until Whitney M. Young Jr., Dean at Atlanta University, pushed Social Justice the Council on Social Work Education (CSWE) in 1963 to establish accredita- Social justice is defined as “the ide- tion policies on nondiscrimination that a al condition in which all members of a Ruby M. Gourdine - Amber M. Davis - Heather Howard 73

society have the same basic rights, pro- empathy, an idea of altruism also ex- tections, opportunities and social ben- pressed by Abraham Flexner. Altruism efits” (Barker 2003, 404-05) . Bonnycastle is defined as the motivation to provide (2011, 270) saw social justice as “striv- services to individuals, families, and ing toward the goal of social equality.” groups other than oneself that have the Currently, most schools of social work effect of increasing the welfare of soci- cite social justice as part of their mis- ety (Batson et al. 2002). The definition sion statements (Segal and Wagaman embraces Flexner’s (1915) belief that al- 2017). Further, social justice is articu- truism is focused on satisfaction gained lated through the major social work or- through service. It is “a real and funda- ganizations including the Code of Ethics mental part of human nature and is a (National Association of Social Workers large part of the reason for the existence 2017) and the Council on Social Work of the social work profession” (Wakefield Education’s (CSWE) Educational Prac- 1993, 403). Three criteria for the evalua- tice and Accreditation Standards (EPAS tion of a genuinely altruistic act include: 2015; Vincent 2013). Even though en- dorsed by these major organizations 1. The person who engages in giving social justice in education and practice treats it as an end in itself. He antici- has been contentious (Segal and Waga- pates no other satisfaction or gain than man 2017). Historically, in the early the pleasure of contributing to the wel- twentieth century, Porter Lee, who was fare of others. the president of the National Confer- 2. The person gives voluntarily. He is act- ence of Social Work in 1929 identified ing beyond the call of duty and not ful- the conflict as the “ pull between cause filling stipulated role obligations. and function”. The belief in changing entrenched evils that block human well- 3. On balance, the person "is doing good", being ( i.e., cause) to serving those struc- as judged by the recipient and specta- tures that are put in place to address hu- tors to the action; on balance, the per- man needs ( i.e., function). The conflict son "doing good" is not harming others between the two was deep in the fledg- or incurring costs out of proportion to ling profession” (Lee 1929 3,4,17). It is his act” (Leeds 1963, 230-31). this milieu in which the leaders of these four HBCUs were expected to navigate. Flexner referred to the role of prac- titioners as one of mediating entities Altruism between other professions and those in need. He observed, “… social work A way to address social justice is to be a selfless profession that was for to tap into social empathy as a moti- the greater good”, as evidenced by the vation via teaching social work stu- statement: “. . . the rewards of the social dents about historical patterns of dis- worker is in his own conscience and in crimination and oppression (Segal and heaven. His life is marked by devotion Wagaman 2017). This method envi- to impersonal ends, and his own satis- sioned enhancing the concept of social faction is largely through the satisfaction 74 Phylon 57

procured by his efforts for others” (162). in articulating the needs of the for- The Report recognized “unselfish devo- merly enslaved, as they were national tion” that the field of social work dem- in their scope and representative of the onstrated; however, the intention and population. results are often in conflict as people are The glaring question and issue of the able to discern their own level of com- time became, “What institutions could fort relative to caring based on their educate African American social work- unique experiences. Research demon- ers to meet the demands for educating strates that there is some discomfort in social workers in African American com- communicating with others expressing munities?”.... It was “the scientific meth- differing views; although, experimen- od that distinguished social work from tation with intergroup dialogue holds traditional black caregiving systems” of promising results (Rodenborg and Des- the period” (Martin and Martin 1995, 6). sel 2019). Altruism depicts empathy and The standard curriculum was not a ques- caring for others whereas social justice tion of sameness, but of equity (Wallace denotes a more political direct action 1993). Social work education for Afri- that is motivated by a sense of rights and can Americans was slighted by the fact responsibilities (Ibid.). that the normative view of behavior for them was described as a deviation from Early Social Work: Gaps in Inclu- that of the White middle class to whom sion and Diversity they were compared (Bowles et al. 2016). The rise of social work education would In the early years of social work coincide with a shifting, climatic focus education African Americans were towards the professionalization of the mostly excluded . Therefore, one could field. The need for assistance was ex- assume that there was also a lack of acerbated particularly during the early provision of culturally sensitive ser- 20th century where black masses from vices in mainstream agencies (Kendall the South relocated to industrial cities 2004; Bowles et al. 2016). To address in the north and west (Wilkerson 2011). this service gap, self-help organizations The establishment of schools of social were established to uplift fellow Afri- work for African Americans occurred at can Americans. Organizations specific a time when the need was glaring and to the provision of social welfare with for many families at a time of despera- people of color included the National tion which was exploited through bla- Urban League (NUL) which was estab- tant racism. Gossett (1965) explains: lished in 1911, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People “It is essential to understand that (NAACP) created in 1909 and other quite many people eminent in the region-specific Black charities including sciences and social sciences were Black churches, and HBCUs (Bowles et then genuinely convinced that races al. 2016, Carlton-LaNey 1999; Martin vary greatly in innate intelligence and Martin 1995 ) These organizations and temperament…[I]t was mainly were important the academic writers on racial dif- Ruby M. Gourdine - Amber M. Davis - Heather Howard 75

ferences who made racism respect- sion to become more oriented to social able.” (quoted in Platt and Chadler justice and altruism. For this reason, 1988, 373) social work pioneers in HBCUs are illu- minated (Martin and Martin 1995, 133). Further, the intolerant sentiment that reverberated through the nation and bolstered fixed views on race would sty- Fisk University mie established schools of social work from achieving altruistic ideals of inclu- siveness, and embracing diversity, in- With the vision of George Edmund cluding cultures and the upholding of Haynes, educated at Alabama A&M, social justice (Ibid.). During the early Fisk, Yale, and Columbia Universities, 1900’s most were restrictive in admit- the first program at an HBCU was cre- ting African Americans: however, some ated at Fisk in 1911 (Carlton-LaNey established partnerships with the Na- 1994). He became a faculty member tional Urban League (NUL) to provide at that institution in 1910 and quickly training fellowships. made strides in building up the social Schools serving African Americans work program (Ibid.). “Haynes’ focus, expanded to incorporate social work persona, political power, and clarity of training and included schools under purpose, so impressed the Fisk admin- discussion. Structural and contextual istrators that they eagerly embraced the factors, .e.g. racism, inequality, seg- idea of establishing the Social Science regation, poverty, and illiteracy were Department.” (Ibid.). He developed a the drivers of the early curricula. Pro- comprehensive social science curricu- grams at both Atlanta (1928) and lum with coursework embedded in a Howard ( 1943) would achieve the sta- historical perspective, for example, His- tus of independent units and profes- tory of the Negro in America and The sional accreditation at their respective Negro Problem. Included was a field universities (Schiele 1999). It has been experience component consistent with well documented that Blacks played a other social work programs (Ibid, 44). significant role in the development of Educating students to become change these professional and educational op- agents in urban communities was “the portunities (Bowles et al. 2016). Early most pressing need” from his perspec- African American social work pioneers tive (Haynes 1911). Haynes endorsed would come to reflect W.E.B. Du Bois’ “race work” to create avenues for stu- (1903) ideals of the “Talented Tenth”, dents who would look like the com- whereby trained professional Blacks munities they served while becoming used their skills and talents as agency oriented to science and practice compe- to uplift while often simultaneously be- tencies (Carlton- La Ney1994). He also ing in solidarity with other less privi- operationalized continuing educational leged blacks (Sall and Khan 2017). “ It opportunities for Fisk graduates with was both “race work” and ethnic self- the National Urban League ( NUL), an determination, that pushed the profes- organization he co – founded. 76 Phylon 57

Atlanta University ogy and social work, he would advance the school’s curriculum and moved Established in 1920, Atlanta Univer- toward professionalization of the pro- sity School of Social Work was the first gram (Schiele 1999). Frazier opined that school for African Americans at the “Black perspectives was an overarching master’s level . Its original name was framework of approaches that emerged the Atlanta School of Social Work since through the struggles and protests of the school was an independent institu- black communities, professionals and tion and not yet a part of the charter that anti-racist activists to give voice and created Atlanta University. The Atlanta agency to debates and discussions about School’s mission was to provide profes- social work issues (Graham 2009, 274).” sional education for African Americans Additionally, as a prolific writer, Frazier with the overall objective being to as- would raise the scholastic consciousness sist individuals in their quest to obtain of the plight and social ills that impact- knowledge and skills necessary for ser- ed blacks in America, particularly those vice to the community (Clark Atlanta who resettled to the north during the University Catalogue 2013). Based upon great migration period. He critically ex- his presence, knowledge and body of amined the utility of scientific methods work, Du Bois was foundational in di- of helping over church-based initiatives; recting the program’s curriculum. He and challenged others who made class joined the faculty at Atlanta University distinctions within the community; and in 1897 and was a commanding figure would expose the deleterious effects of in grounding the program in theory and racism on African Americans (Frazier science; specifically, his highly influen- 1939; 1924a; 1924b; 1927). tial treatise on the Philadelphia Negro In the “The Pathology of Race Preju- which established the scientific basis for dice”(1927), he attributed racism to a studying a population. form of insanity. That article resulted in E. Franklin Frazier was not the first Frazier and his family receiving death director of the school, but his leadership threats which reportedly forced him to was most notable as the second direc- board a train and leave Atlanta with a .45 tor of the program. He was preceded caliber pistol in his belt for self-defense. by Gary Moore (Bowles et al. 2016). E. He arrived in Chicago, Illinois and soon Franklin Frazier, educated at Howard after entered a doctoral program at the University, Clark University (Massachu- University of Chicago. Upon complet- setts) , New York University and Univer- ing this degree in 1934, he relocated to sity of Chicago, would vehemently fight Howard University, and remained there against social injustice in his lifetime for most of his adult life (Platt and while advancing social work (Ibid.). Chandler 1988). Frazier’s contributions Frazier learned the tenets of social work are noteworthy because of his bold lead- by completing research fellowships at ership and outspoken stance against rac- the New York School of Social Work ism at two prominent HBCUs which he and the National Urban League. With was instrumental in developing. Frazier’s understanding of both sociol- Forrester B. Washington, a graduate Ruby M. Gourdine - Amber M. Davis - Heather Howard 77

of Tufts and Columbia Universities , be- cal and ideological segregation (Ibid.). came a social work pioneer and made Community relations, agency interre- major strides in establishing an educa- lations, and multidisciplinary relation- tional curriculum that was geared spe- ships were also explored and expanded cifically towards African Americans. under his leadership. After Washington’ He served as the director of the Atlanta s tenure , the school endorsed an Afro- School of Social Work from 1927 to 1947 centric Perspective and an autonomous and the Atlanta University School of social work model during the late six- Social Work from 1947 to 1954. Wash- ties and early seventies. The perspec- ington made it a point to express the tive continues today and anchors the importance of training individuals to School’s educational philosophy (Clark recognize the detrimental effects that Atlanta University Catalogue 2013). racism had on the black community, as well as the centrality of competent aca- The Bishop Tuttle School demic preparation for work in needful communities (Clark Atlanta University The Bishop Tuttle School was estab- Catalogue 2013). The curriculum he lished in 1925 by the Woman’s Auxiliary developed expanded on the work of of the National Episcopal Church, and Frazier and covered a broader spectrum it was created as a national center for from casework to social administration training young Negro women for Chris- and research. These courses were con- tian leadership in church and commu- structed with the scientific rigor that nity work (Kayser 2007, 121). Flexner had previously dismissed social The Dean of the Bishop Tuttle School, work for not possessing (Barrow 2002, Bertha Richards, was a wealthy Cauca- 2007). Washington continued to expand sian woman who previously held the and change the curriculum in order to position as librarian at St. Augustine maintain competitive standards and College. Without a college education currency of knowledge. Under his lead- and no training in social work, Ms. ership the School was admitted to the Richards employed social workers to American Association of Social Work teach the courses. None- the- less her in 1928 (Ibid.). On September 1, 1947, lack of credentials became an issue when the Atlanta School of Social Work sur- the school sought accreditation. The rendered its independent charter and curriculum focused heavily on home became affiliated with Atlanta Univer- management, and courses relative to sity; and in 1952 it became a chartered the community, such as club work that member of the Council on Social Work highlighted community development Education ( formerly the American As- (Gary and Gary 1994). Additionally, the sociation of Schools of Social Work). School operated a settlement house, a Washington promoted a greater at- community center for Black families and mosphere of inclusion by opening the a training facility for the Public Welfare School of Social Work to all people – local- Institutes for Negroes. The School was ly and internationally, thus moving the faith–based and offered non-degree pro- School beyond the boundaries of physi- grams, staying in operation for 16 years 78 Phylon 57

and Ms. Richards was its only dean. the department of sociology under Fra- The defining difference in these zier. Early students received certificates schools/ programs is that Bishop Tuttle but by 1946 five received their Master of was operating for Blacks, but the others Social Work degrees (HUSSW Annual were operated by Blacks (Ibid.). Altru- Report 1944-1947). istic efforts such as those by the Bishop Despite experiencing sexism in part Tuttle School offered programs directed because of her status as the only female by Whites to uplift African American academic dean at the University , Dr. women who they perceived were in Lindsay assumed the role and estab- need of community services and self- lished her vision for the school which improvement whereas blacks saw those included understanding the effects of programs as opportunities for personal racial, social, and cultural factors on hu- and professional advancement (Weisen- man beings; assessing the social service feld 1997). The school closed in 1941 in needs of all people but especially Blacks; part because of its inability to reconcile and maintaining the highest standards tensions between its secular, and reli- of scholarship and practice (HUSSW gious missions (Kayser 2007) . 50th Anniversary Publication 1985). She promoted social justice and fought in- The Howard University equality at all levels (Crewe et al. 2008). With the use of scientific surveys, she Among those urging the founding of documented the need for additional the Howard University School of Social African American social workers. At Work (HUSSW) was Lucy Diggs Slowe, the same time, she fought segregation the Dean of Women at the University, which limited field education opportu- who noted in 1930 the need for pro- nities and placements. In time, several fessional education in Washington, DC agencies, and particularly public agen- and throughout the nation. Inabel Burns cies, opened up employment opportu- Lindsay, educated at Howard Univer- nities for graduates and others black sity, New York University (NYU), Uni- practitioners. As she began her second versity of Chicago and University of decade as dean, Dr. Lindsay sought to Pittsburgh became director in 1943. E. overcome obstacles Blacks encountered Franklin Frazier recruited Dr. Lindsay in efforts to attend other professional so- to teach in the social work department cial work schools. She understood the during the late 1930’s. Dr. Lindsay was burden carried by Atlanta and Howard a professor of social work from 1937 to as the only professional schools primar- 1943, director from 1943 to 1950 and ily serving Blacks; therefore, she consid- Dean from 1950-1967 for a total of thirty ered it an imperative to advocate that years of service (Gourdine et al 2008). other schools recruit and enroll stu- The Howard University School of Social dents of color. A major, but unacknowl- Work did not achieve approval from the edged contribution is that Dr. Lindsay’s University Board of Trustees until 1944. was one of the earliest scholars to artic- The social work program was initially ulate the role culture played in practice established under the graduate school in with diverse clients (Brown et al. 2001). Ruby M. Gourdine - Amber M. Davis - Heather Howard 79

In her final years as dean, her focus was phasis was placed on establishing a new on international work and she is cred- milieu , albeit ambiguous in social work ited with helping to establish social classrooms. The profession might reflect work programs in Jamaica, Norway and on the words of an earlier leader, James Sweden where she provided on-site con- Dumpson (first African American Di- sultation. In 1965, Howard University rector of CSWE and Dean of Fordham hosted the 13th International Congress School of Social Work) who decades ago of Schools of Social Work (Gourdine et reminded us that social work , “ has been al. 2008). referred to as the civilizing and human- izing profession and at times has served

Summary as barometer for our society, and if the profession has taken a role of pointing out hypocrisy in our national life Black These authors have demonstrated social workers particularly have taken how efforts were made toward so- on the added role of holding the profes- cial justice and altruism in the devel- sion accountable for the discrepancies opment of social work programs at between what we say we stand for as a HBCUs. They show that in helping oth- profession and what we do as a profes- ers, all have the potential to be uplifted sion” (as cited in Gourdine and Brown which is a revered concept in the Afri- 2016, 59). can American community embodied in the mantra "lifting as we climb" (Hill Collins 1990, 149). The pioneers used *Note: We appreciate the assistance skills and talents to help in the develop- of doctoral graduate assistant ment of social work as an altruistic pro- Devyn Brown fession; and devoted time and ingenuity to make sure the profession was open to ______African Americans and other underrep- resented groups. In the spirit of social References justice and in the altruistic vein both the Austin, David M. 1983. “The Flexner National Association of Social Workers Myth and the History of Social (NASW) and the Council of Social Work Work.” The Social Service Review Education (CSWE) pledged commit- 57, no. 3 (September): 357-377. ment to the interrelated tenets of diversi- Austin, David M. 2000. “Greeting the ty, ethnic-sensitive practice, and cultural Second Century: A Forward Look competence. from a Historical Perspective.” CSWE has made advances in how In Social Work At The Millennium: diversity and principles of altruism , Critical Reflections on the Future of social justice and inclusion have been the Profession, edited by J.G. Hopps addressed in educational policy (Jani and R. Morris, 18-41. New York: et al. 2011). For over 40 years diversity The Free Press. has been a part of the accrediting body’s Barker, Robert. 2003. Social Work Dic- Educational Policy and Accreditation tionary (5th ed). Washington, DC: Standards (EPAS), at which time an em- NASW Press. 80 Phylon 57

Barrow, Frederica H. 2002. “The Social versity Catalogue - Whitney M. Welfare Career and Contributions Young, Jr. School of Social Work of Forrester B. Washington: A Life MSW Program.” Retrieved from Course Analysis.” PhD diss., How- http://www.cau.edu/school-of- ard University. Social work/_files/msw_catalog. _____. 2007. "More Than a School--A Pro- pdf. Accessed October 19, 2019. motional Agency for Social Wel- Council on Social work Education fare: Forrester Blanchard Wash- (CSWE). 2015. “Educational ington's Leadership of the Atlanta Policy and Accreditation Stan- University School of Social Work, dards (EPAS).” Retrieved from 1927-1954." Arete 31(1/2):174-193. https://www.cswe.org/ge- Batson, Charles,Nadia Y. Ahmad, and tattachment/Accreditation/ Jo–Ann Tsang. 2002. “Four Mo- Standards-and-Policies/2015- tives for Community Involve- EPAS/2015EPASandGlossary.pdf. ment.” Journal of Social Issues 58, aspx .Accessed October 19, 2019. no. 3 (January): 429-445. Crewe, Sandra Edmonds; Annie Wood- Bonnycastle, Colin R. 2011. "Social Jus- ley Brown; Ruby Morton Gour- tice Along a Continuum: A Rela- dine. 2008.“Inabel Burns Lindsay: tional Illustrative Model." Social A Social Worker, Educator and Service Review 85 (2): 267-295. Administrator: Uncompromising Bowles, Dorcas, D., June Gary Hopps in the Pursuit of Social Justice for and Obie Clayton. 2016. “The Im- All.” Affilia 23, no. 4 (November): pact and Influence of HBCUs on 363-377. the Social Work Profession.” Jour- Du Bois, W.E.B. 1903. The Souls of Black nal of Social work Education 52, no. 1 Folks. New York: Bantam Classic. (January): 118-132. Flexner, Abraham.1915. “Is Social Work Brown, Annie Woodley, Ruby Gourdine, a Profession?” Research on Social and Sandra Edmonds-Crewe. work Practice 11, no. 2 (May): 152- 2011. “Inabel Burns Lindsay: So- 165. cial Work Pioneer Contributor to Frazier, Edward Franklin. n.d. My Rela- Practice and Education Through a tion with the Atlanta School of So- Socio-Cultural Perspective.” Jour- cial Work. Washington: Howard nal of Sociology and Social Welfare 38, University’s Moorland-Spingarn no. 1 (March ): 143-161. Research Center. Carlton-LaNey, Iris. 1994. “Introduction- _____. 1924a. “Social Work in Race Rela- The Legacy of African-American tions.” The Crisis 27 no. 6: 252-254. Leadership in Social Welfare.” _____. 1924b. “Some Aspects of Negro Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare Business.” Opportunity 22, no. 2: 21, no. 5 ( March): 5-12. 293-297. _____.1999. “African American So- _____. 1927. “The Pathology of Race cial Work Pioneers’ Response to Prejudice.” The Forum 77, no. 6: Need.” Social Work 44, no. 4 (July): 856-862. 311-312. _____. 1939. Negro Family in the United Clark Atlanta University. 2013. “Uni- States. Chicago: University of Chi- Ruby M. Gourdine - Amber M. Davis - Heather Howard 81

cago Press. versity School of Social Work 50th Gary, Robenia B. and Lawrence E. Gary. Anniversary Publication. Washing- 1994. “The History of Social Work ton, DC. Education for Black People 1900- Jani, Jaysiiree. S., Dean Pierce, Larry Or- 1930”. Journal of Sociology and So- tiz and Lynda Sowbel. 2011. “Ac- cial Welfare 21, no. 1 (March): 67-81. cess to Intersectionality, Content Gossett, Thomas F. 1965. Race: The Histo- to Competence: Deconstructing ry of an Idea in America. New York: Social Work Education Diversity Schocken Books. Standards.” Journal of Social Work Gourdine, Ruby Morton and Annie W. Education 47, no. 2 (May): 283-301. Brown. 2016. Social Action ,Advo- Kayser, John. 2007. “History of the Bish- cacy, and Agents of Change: How- op Tuttle School of Social Work for ard University School of Social Work African American Church Wom- in the 1970’s. Baltimore: Imprint en, 1925-1941.” Arête 31, no. 1-2 Editions Black Classic Press. (March): 111-126. Gourdine, Ruby Morton, Sandra Ed- Kendall, Katherine. 2004. “Unforgettable monds-Crewe, and Annie W. Episodes in Fighting Discrimina- Brown. 2008. “Building an Insti- tion." Reflections: Narratives of Pro- tution Second to None: Dr. Inabel fessional Helping 10, no. 1 (Winter): Lindsay- a Social Work Leader in 56-62. the Academy.” Journal of Human Lee, Porter R. 1929. Social Work: Cause and Behavior and the Social Environment Function, Presidential Address. Pro- 18, no. 3 (December): 364-391. ceedings of the National Conference Graham, Mekada. 2009. “Reframing of Social Work Held in San Francisco Black Perspectives in Social Work: ( formerly National Conference of New Directions?” Journal of Social Charities and Corrections) At the Work Education 28, no. 3 (April): Fifty – Sixth Annual Session. Chi- 268-280. cago Il: University Chicago Press. Haynes, George E. 1911. Cooperation with Leeds, Ruth. 1963. “Altruism and the Colleges in Securing and Training Ne- Norm of Giving.” Merrill-Palmer gro Social Workers for Urban Centers: Quarterly of Behavior and Develop- Proceedings of National Conference ment 9, no. 3 (July): 229-240. of Charities and Corrections. Fort Martin, Elmer P., and Joanne M. Martin. Wayne: Fort Wayne Printing Com- 1995. Social Work and the Black Expe- pany. rience. Washington: NASW Press. Hill Collins, Patricia. 1990. Black Feminist National Association of Social Workers. Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, 2017. Code of Ethics of the National and the Politics of Empowerment. Association of Social Workers. Wash- Boston: Unwin Hyman ington: NASW Press. Howard University School of Social Platt, Tony, and Susan Chandler. 1988. Work (HUSSW). 1944-1947. Annual “Constant Struggle: E. Franklin Report. Washington, DC Frazier and Black Social Work in Howard University School of Social the 1920s.” Social Work 33, no. 4 Work (HUSSW). 1985. Howard Uni- (January): 293-297. 82 Phylon 57

Rodenborg, Nancy and Dessel, Adri- Press. enne. 2019. “Teaching Note: Learn- Wilder, Craig Steven. 2013. Ebony & Ivy: ing About Segregation and Cultur- Race, Slavery, and the Troubled His- al Competence.” Journal of Social tory of America’s Universities. New Work Education 55, no. 4 (October): York: Bloomsbury Press. 809-817. Wilkerson, Isabel. 2011. The Warmth of Sall, Dialika and Shamus Khan. 2017. Other Suns: The Epic Story of Amer- What elite theory should have ica’s Great Migration. New York: learned, and can still learn, from Vintage Books. W.E.B. Du Bois, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 40:3, 512-514. Schiele, Jerome H. 1999. “E. Franklin Frazier and the Interfacing of Black Sociology and Black Social Work.” Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare 26, no. 2 (June): 105-125. Segal, Elizabeth and Alex M. Wagaman. 2017. “Social Empathy for Teach- ing Social Justice.” Journal of Social Work Education 53, no. 2 (April): 201-211. Vincent, Neil J. 2013. “Exploring the Integration of Social Justice into Social work Research Curricula.” Journal of Social work Education 48, no. 2 (March): 205-222. Wakefield, Jerome C. 1993. “Is altruism Part of Human Nature? Toward a Theoretical Foundation for the Helping Professions.” Social Ser- vice Review 67, no. 3 (September): 229-240. Wallace, Joan S. 1993. “Black Studies and Social Work Education: New Life- style for Social Workers.” Social Service Review 6, no. 2 (December): 208-216. Weisenfeld, Judith. 1997. African Ameri- can Women and Christian Activism: New York’s Black YMCA, 1905-1945. Cambridge: Harvard University Johnnie Hamilton-Mason - Nancy J. Wewiorski - Robbie Welch Christler Tourse 83

Three Pioneers At Clark-Atlanta University: Their Impact On Dismantiling Racial Scaffolding

Johnnie Hamilton-Mason Simmons University Nancy J. Wewiorski Independent Consultant

Robbie Welch Christler Tourse Boston College Abstract

Three historical luminaries in the struggle for racial justice and equality, W. E. B. Du Bois, E. Franklin Frazier, and Whitney M. Young, Jr. were significant trailblazers in the transformation of the Atlanta School of Social Service at Morehouse becoming that of the Whitney M. Young, Jr., School of Social Work at Clark-Atlanta University (CAU)¹. There were other leaders that worked to strengthen the school’s curriculum, such as Forrester B. Washington, who followed Frazier as director (Peebles-Wilkins 1995c) and who believed in the scientific method and inherent strength of African Americans (Hopps and Clayton 2016). Utilizing historical data, this paper attempts to illustrate how these three scholars utilized evidence-based practices to develop the Afrocentric perspective. The Afrocentric paradigm provides an important organizing principle for social work knowledge development on the individual, community, societal and global levels (Bent-Goodley 2006; Schiele 1996). Introduction ‘rights,’ is elusive. The concept of racial scaffolding (defined and discussed be- Entrenched racism has been termed low) helps to explicate this complex and “The American Dilemma” (Myrdal 1944; imbedded phenomenon in American so- Rose 1959) and African Americans have ciety and three leaders at Clark-Atlanta been combatting institutionalized rac- University have played a key role in the ism for generations in the United States. struggle to dismantle this pervasive and Struggles for social justice and human entrenched structure. rights address a plethora of societal en- The Whitney M. Young, Jr School deavors, such as economic, political, of Social Work (WMYJRSSW) at CAU and racial issues. Fairness, unfortu- played a major historic role in the strug- nately, implied in the terms ‘justice’ and gle to combat institutionalized racism in 1 The school has had several name changes over time. It has been known as the Atlanta School of Social Work at Morehouse College, the Atlanta University School of Social Work, Clark Atlanta School of Social Work and the Whitney M. Young, Jr, School of Social Work. We have used these names interchangeably in this paper. 84 Phylon 57

the United States and in the establish- trailblazers in the transformation of the ment and development of the profession Atlanta School of Social Service at More- of social work. The school was founded house becoming that of the Whitney M. for services with a focus on training of Young, Jr., School of Social Work at Clark- the offspring who were formerly en- Atlanta University (CAU). There were slaved. From the beginning, the edu- other leaders that worked to strengthen cators in the Atlanta University system the school’s curriculum, such as Forrest- and the school of social work recognized er B. Washington, who followed Frazier their restrictive surroundings and lack as director (Peebles-Wilkins 1995c) and of environmental support. From the who believed in the scientific method time of its inception in 1920, the school and inherent strength of African Ameri- of social work – then the Atlanta School cans (Hopps, et al. 2016). Du Bois, Fra- of Social Service at Morehouse College zier, and Young, within the context of the (Hopps, et al. 2018) – worked to counter historical development of the program the historical, psychological and social however were the preeminent trailblaz- inequities that confronted African Amer- ers who were pivotal in the school’s icans. The school had an Afrocentric transformation, galvanizing and elevat- perspective (Bowles, et al. 2016; Hopps, ing its direction and focus. In contem- et al. 2019) that identified and supported porary times their work as well, has the strengths of African Americans as been consciously or unconsciously em- they faced such inequities. The school’s braced by the broader social work pro- early focus on racial justice and the lives fession (Bowles et al. 2016; Hopps, et al. of African Americans within their social 2018). These historical giants were also environment – although not broadly rec- powerful change agents in the American ognized or acknowledged (see Bowles, social order. They worked in society in Hopps, and Clayton 2016 for a full his- various ways to attack and dismantle torical discussion) – is now part of the the deep-rooted system of institutional- contemporary focus and thought in the ized racism that was in the past and is field of social work and social work edu- now supported by racial scaffolding. cation (Council on Social Work Educa- What follows provides an under- tion 2015). The early roots of the Whit- standing of racial scaffolding and gives ney M. Young, Jr School of Social Work a contextual synopsis on the lives of Du and its subsequent contributions have Bois, Frazier and Young. The authors in greatly influenced the work that embod- addition provide an analysis of how the ies today’s best practices in clinical so- intellectual thought and social justice ac- cial work, community organization, and tions of these three luminaries impacted policy change. racial scaffolding, contemporary social Three historical luminaries in the work, and the greater society. struggle for racial justice and equality, W. E. B. Du Bois, E. Franklin Frazier, and Whitney M. Young, Jr. were significant Johnnie Hamilton-Mason - Nancy J. Wewiorski - Robbie Welch Christler Tourse 85

Racial Scaffolding2 in the Racial scaffolding is comprised of Institutional Web of the poles and rungs that have a decisive United States and restrictive hold on the societal sys- tem. The poles of the scaffold are the Racial scaffolding is a conceptual con- mechanisms of oppression in the society, struct that is helpful for understanding which express the societal actions that institutionalized racism and the efforts disenfranchise people. The five poles are: marginalization, powerlessness, cultural imperialism, exploitation, and violence. Marginalization is the process of relegating subordinated people to the margins of society and outside the main- stream labor system. Powerlessness re- sults from the inequitable distribution of labor, resources, and influence, such that subordinated persons have little control over the forces that shape their own lives. Cultural Imperialism is a mechanism that validates and promotes the perspectives and experiences of the Figure 1. Scaffolding that supports racism in America dominant group (White Anglo-Saxon to combat it in American society (fig. 1). Protestants) as the cultural norm. Ex- Institutionalized racism is the pervasive ploitation is the mechanism that results form of racism that permeates the rules, in transferring the value of the labor of regulations, policies, procedures, and a subordinate social group to the ben- practices that govern the institutions efit of the dominant group. Violence is that comprise the societal structure of the a mechanism that maintains the power United States. The scaffolding that sup- differential so that exploitation, margin- ports institutionalized racism is based alization, and cultural imperialism are on systems of oppression that maintain sustained. racial discrimination in an interlocking The rungs of the scaffolding hold the institutional web. This racial scaffold- upright poles in place and help to sta- ing is a stable structure that sustains on- bilize the entire structure. The six main going racial inequality in the larger so- elements of institutionalized racism that ciety by supporting thought processes, comprise the rungs of the scaffolding attitudes, behaviors, beliefs, norms and are colonialism, capitalism, class struc- laws about “the other” which influence ture, legal structures, the distribution of and pervade the institutional sectors privileges and benefits, and intellectual and domains that form the very fabric of thought and scientific theories. Colonial- the society. ism and capitalism establish the social context favorable for the development 2This section is a synopsis of racial scaffolding found in Tourse, Hamilton-Mason, and Wewiorski, 2018 86 Phylon 57

of a system of racial oppression. Class rungs of the scaffolding. Because they structures support ongoing stratifica- are efforts to change an existing soci- tion by race. Legal structures reinforce etal structure that is solidly established, practices such as genocidal actions, en- they are met by counter-resistance from slavement, and economic exploitation various sectors of the institutional web of marginalized groups. The inequitable in the broader society. Despite the fact distribution of privileges and benefits by that undoing institutionalized racism race is supported by the interacting in- is extremely challenging, such efforts fluences of colonialism, capitalism, clas- continuously emerge as individuals, sism, and the legal system. Prevailing groups and movements strive to pro- intellectual thought and scientific theo- mote racial equity and racial justice in ries are based on the assumptions, biases American society. and belief systems of the intellectual and social elites in the society. Atlanta University as a Platform Using systems theory as a conceptual for Dismantling Racial Scaffolding framework, the interacting and inter- locking institutions of the society form Throughout United States history, a large complex and dynamic structural there have been individuals and orga- system. The system encompasses all nizations working to dismantle the scaf- the major institutional domains in the folding that supports ongoing racism society, such as legal, education, health and racial inequality. Historically black care, housing, government, banking, hu- institutions in general were a response man services, industry, military, trans- to the conditions and basic human portation, religion, and so forth. This needs of blacks following emancipation complex institutional web is constantly and the reversals of reconstruction. The evolving and its ongoing structure is historically black university is no excep- supported by racial scaffolding whose tion. In the efforts of universities to dis- rungs also evolve and adapt to changes lodge scaffolding and to address post in the societal environment. The com- slavery conditions and basic human bined strength of the institutional web needs, varying educational purposes and racial scaffolding forms an ex- and directions arose, and limitations in tremely strong and entrenched system these strength-building endeavors were which vigorously operates to maintain evident. For example: the status quo based on centuries of im- balance between the dominant group The function of the university (whites) and the non-dominant groups is not simply to teach bread- in America. Although its structure winning, or to furnish teachers changes and evolves, once established for the public schools or to be a within the societal infrastructure, racism centre of polite society; it is, above is difficult to eradicate. Actions aimed all, to be the organ of that fine at promoting racial equality and social adjustment between real life and justice are focused on modifying the the growing knowledge of life, an Johnnie Hamilton-Mason - Nancy J. Wewiorski - Robbie Welch Christler Tourse 87

adjustment which forms the secret Great Barrington was different from the of civilization…. [The university] Jim Crow South and only a tiny fraction shows, growing thrift and love of its population was African Ameri- of toil; but she lacks that broad can, African Americans were subjected knowledge of what the world to racial segregation, intimidation, ha- knows and knew of human living rassment, and violence. Du Bois’ race- and doing, which she may apply to consciousness and class consciousness the thousand problems of real life started during his youth and grew dur- to-day confronting her. (Du Bois ing his early adult life. As a child, he 2007, 52). recognized that African Americans were not fully accepted as equal, later writing What follows below gives an over- that “the color line [in Great Barrington] view of each of their lives: early and was manifest and yet not absolutely professional, providing a framework for drawn” (Du Bois 1903, 30). He noticed the accomplishments of Du Bois, Frazier that his difference was a curiosity based and Young. on physical attributes and social class (Lewis 1994). Du Bois later explained, W.E.B. Du Bois “most of the colored persons including my own folk, were poorer than the well Context of Early Life. William Ed- to do whites” (Ibid., 31). ward Burghardt Du Bois was born on Du Bois attended an integrated high February 23, 1868 in Great Barrington, school in Great Barrington where he re- Massachusetts less than three years af- ceived a classical, college preparatory ter Robert E. Lee’s surrender to Ulysses education. Public schools would prove S. Grant, which signaled the practical to be one of the key resources in Du Bois’ end of slavery. Du Bois was of African, early life, along with his family, church, Haitian, French, and Dutch heritage, re- and community. He excelled as a stu- flecting the contradictions of the racial dent and also wrote articles for two re- caste system (Johnson 2019). His moth- gional newspapers while in high school. er, Mary, worked as a service worker, Du Bois was known for being brilliant and his father, Alfred, worked as a bar- and popular and was class valedictorian ber and laborer (Holt 2008). Alfred was (Johnson 2019). light-skinned and the off-spring of a Du Bois’ mother died shortly after mulatto slave and a wealthy American his high school graduation. Due to lack of French Huguenot origin. In contrast, of funds and his young age, Du Bois his mother’s family, the Burghardts, deferred his attendance to Harvard, were descendants of a Dutch freed slave worked for several months, received who was an American Revolution vet- scholarship assistance from churches eran (Ibid.). The Burghardts had long- and then enrolled in Fisk University in standing roots in Massachusetts as free Nashville, Tennessee in the fall of 1885 farmers but were not considered a part (Ibid.). At the time, Fisk was known for of the social elite because they were being a top southern college for newly poor and black (Peake 2000). Although freed slaves (Holt 2008). Du Bois felt a 88 Phylon 57

strong sense of identification with other to include statistics in the context of so- African Americans at Fisk and contin- cial sciences and therefore promoted the ued his efforts to make his fellow blacks need for using statistical methods in so- more conscious of what they could ac- cial science research (Zuberi 2004). The complish. While there, he became acute- release of his research entitled, The Phil- ly aware of the deep-rooted racism in adelphia Negro was not recognized as a the South (Holt 2008; Peake 2000) and “theoretical text” by the mainstream so- learned more about African American ciology world, but now it is recognized culture of the South (Holt 2008). Du Bois as the first scientific study of race (Ibid.). felt a strong sense of identification with Du Bois accepted a faculty position at African Americans at Fisk and contin- Atlanta University in 1897 to establish a ued his instinctive efforts to make his sociology program and to develop the fellow blacks more conscious of what university's curriculum (Peebles-Wilkins they could accomplish. His time at Fisk 1995b), which greatly influenced as well, had a profound impact on his emerging the course content in social work. The critical analysis about black life and con- same year that Du Bois arrived, the state tributed to his articulation of theories of Georgia rescinded its funding to the about the need for self-determination. Black institution. The contest for fund- He enrolled at Harvard as a junior in ing for his own research and the finan- 1888 and received three degrees from cial health of Atlanta University became that institution: A Bachelor’s degree more problematic for Du Bois. Du Bois cum laude in 1890, a master’s degree in wrote his most influential works during history in 1891, and a PhD in Sociology the twenty-three years he spent at Atlan- in 1895 (Ibid.). ta University, from 1897-1910 as a facul- Professional Life. In 1895, the pro- ty member of the history and economics vost of the University of Pennsylvania departments, and later, from 1934-1944 (UPenn), hired Du Bois as a “trained as chair of the sociology department. In observer” to investigate the “Negro 1940, Du Bois founded Phylon as a semi- problem” as a “matter of systematic annual peer-reviewed academic journal investigation and intelligent under- covering culture in the United States standing” (Du Bois 2007, 30). Du Bois from an African American perspective. was appointed to an assistant instruc- He subsequently became the first editor- tor position (a rank not usually given in-chief and he was a frequent contribu- to academics) at UPenn (Johnson 2019) tor. He also spent twenty-three years and conducted his study from August as editor of Crisis, a publication of the 1896 to December 1897 (Du Bois 1973). National Association for the Advance- The goal of his study was to gain insight ment of Colored People (NAACP) – an into the jobs, daily life, homes and com- organization he helped found. Du Bois’ munity organization involvement of Af- significant scholarship contributed to rican Americans living in Philadelphia science and intellectual thought during (Du Bois 1973). In reporting this work, his lifetime and attacked multiple other Du Bois was one of the first researchers components in racial scaffolding. Johnnie Hamilton-Mason - Nancy J. Wewiorski - Robbie Welch Christler Tourse 89

completed in Baltimore. He excelled in E. Franklin Frazier school and graduated from the Colored High School in Baltimore in 1912, which awarded him their annual scholarship Context of Early Life. Edward Frank- to Howard University. At Howard, he lin Frazier was born in Maryland in received a classical liberal arts education 1894 (Platt and Chandler 1988; Peebles- that focused on Latin, German, Greek, Wilkins 1995a), twenty-nine years after and mathematics and he was class presi- the Thirteenth Amendment to the U. S. dent in his junior and senior years. He Constitution was passed and ratified. also participated in clubs such as politi- Maryland was a border state not covered cal science, drama, the National Asso- by the Thirteenth Amendment and re- ciation for the Advancement of Colored moved slavery through state legislation People (NAACP), and the Intercollegiate (Legal Information Institute 2019). Al- Socialist Society (Brown 2011; Thomp- though freedom from slavery was a legal son 2000). He earned a bachelor’s de- reality, the ensuing post reconstruction gree from Howard in 1916 and taught period turned into an extremely oppres- in several southern educational set- sive restrictive time for African Ameri- tings until 1919 when he entered Clark cans as black codes and Jim Crow laws University in Worcester Massachusetts, were instituted throughout the South from which he received a master’s de- (Nittle 2018). The 1896 Plessey v Fergu- gree in sociology (Brown 2011; Platt and son ruling legitimized and strengthened Chandler 1988). In 1920, Frazier entered discrimination and endorsed the con- the New York School of Social Work on cept of segregation towards people of a research fellowship from the National color. This was the legal structures rung Urban League. His research interests led of the racial scaffolding at the time and him to Denmark from 1921 to 1922 on was part of the environmental context an American Scandinavian Foundation that gave Frazier a good understanding Fellowship (Platt and Chandler 1988; of justice versus injustice. Thompson 2000). In 1931, he received Frazier was one of five children born a PhD from the University of Chicago. to James H. and Mary (Clark) Frazier. As Brown (2011, 1) indicated, “…the His father was a bank messenger and fact that Frazier, an African American his mother was a homemaker who em- man from a working-class background, phasized the need to be educated and to completed his graduate studies during fight for social justice (Platt and Chan- this period in history was an unusual dler 1988; Simba 2007). Frazier effec- achievement given the racial climate in tively used the education sector of the the United States…”. institutional web, as it existed and to the In 1917, during Frazier’s educational extent that it was a resource for him at journey, the U.S. entered World War I, the time, to extricate himself from op- espousing the ideals of democracy and pression and to elevate his status in the equality, but Frazier clearly saw the con- larger society. His early education was tradictions in its biased and unequal 90 Phylon 57

treatment of African American soldiers ing Frazier’s tenure. His practice vision, (Platt and Chandler, 1988; Michon 2018). research rigor, and passion for self-help This further heightened his sense of jus- established Afrocentric standards and tice and injustice and led him to write social work study and training that an anti-war pamphlet – God and War set the tone and direction for the so- (Thompson 2000). His observations cial work program (Bowles et al. 2016; and experiences clearly were a strong Platt and Chandler 1988). In 1928 the impetus for his activism (Brown 2011). school became accredited by the Ameri- Frazier effectively used his intellect and can Association of Schools of Social Work advanced educational training to resist (Bowles et al. 2016). Frazier left Atlanta the forces of racial scaffolding on his a year earlier. It seems evident however personal life, the black population, and that his devotion and insistence on edu- other disenfranchised groups. cational rigor was an important factor in Professional Life. In 1922, Frazier ac- attaining this groundbreaking achieve- cepted a teaching position in sociology ment, an extraordinary accomplishment at Morehouse College as well as the di- by the first social work institution estab- rector position of the Atlanta School of lished predominately for African Ameri- Social Work, launched two years earlier cans. as the first such institution established Frazier was a prolific researcher and predominantly for African Americans writer and published books, essays, and (Brown 2011; Simba 2007; Hopps, et articles denouncing the biased treatment al. 2019). His contributions to Atlanta of African Americans (Platt and Chan- University were complementary to and dler 1988; White and Hampton 1995), an extension of the Du Boisian tradi- much to his critics’ chagrin. One such tion (Hopps, et al. 2018). His vision for treatise was The Pathologie of Race Prej- the school included social activism and udice (Frazier 1927). Using Freudian a positive viewpoint about black life theory, this work explicated racism as a (Brown 2011; Hopps et al. 2018; Hopps et type of pathology. This treatise was not al. 2019). This approach was significant, received well by the Atlanta power elite for educational study in social work – and as well, made the Atlanta Univer- which was a microcosm of the broader sity Center uncomfortable (Hopps et al. society – did not include understanding 2018). It also agitated black leaders and the African American experience. “It intelligentsia. This controversy led to was largely grounded in the social tra- Frazier leaving Atlanta University, after ditions of the time [focused mainly on which he matriculated at and ultimately the] socialization or exile of indigent in- received his doctorate in sociology from dividuals and those viewed as socially the University of Chicago (Platt and deviant, usually immigrants and black Chandler 1988; Peebles-Wilkins 1995a; Americans” (Miller 1995, 653). Hopps et al. 2019). Frazier subsequently The academic foundation and direc- went on to have a long and successful tion of the Atlanta School of Social Work academic career at Howard University were strengthened and expanded dur- where he continued his academic work Johnnie Hamilton-Mason - Nancy J. Wewiorski - Robbie Welch Christler Tourse 91

promoting the black perspective (Bent- clearly was in the upper strata of Negro Goodley et al. 2017; Thompson 2000). society in their community. His father, The scope and breath of Frazier’s Whitney M. Young, Sr., was president of work on racial and social justice helped the board of Lincoln Institute, a private to build the foundation of the social boarding school for Negro students, and work program at Atlanta University president of the Kentucky Negro Edu- with an Afrocentric perspective as its cational Association (Notable Kentucky cornerstone. His expansive educational African Americans Database, n.d.). His research, advocacy, teaching, innova- mother, Laura Young, was a teacher and tive thinking and publications assisted in 1940 was appointed as a postmistress in changing the shape of oppressive ra- in Kentucky by President Franklin Roo- cial scaffolding during his lifetime. His sevelt (Ibid.). radical activities also helped in the fight Young received some of the best edu- against racial scaffolding and helped in cation available to Negroes at the time the quest for racial and social justice. and excelled in all his educational en- Frazier provided the new program with deavors. His leadership abilities were a clearer focus, direction, and purpose. apparent throughout his school years. The Atlanta School of Social Work, ul- He attended the Lincoln Institute pre- timately becoming the WMYJSSW at paratory school and graduated as class CAU, thus gained prominence and rec- valedictorian. He then attended Ken- ognition under the leadership of Frazier. tucky State College for Negroes in Frazier’s visions were bolstered and car- Frankfort, Kentucky, where he earned a ried forward by subsequent leaders, in- bachelor’s degree and was elected senior cluding Whitney M. Young, Jr. class president (Dickerson 1998). Dur- ing the time that Young was a student there, Kentucky State transitioned away Whitney M. Young, Jr from the industrial education philoso- phy promoted by Booker T. Washington

and shifted its focus to a more tradition- Context of Early Life. Whitney al liberal arts education (Kentucky State M. Young, Jr. was born in 1921 in Lincoln University n.d.). Ridge, Kentucky more than a half cen- Professional Life. Young began his tury after the Emancipation Proclama- professional life as a teacher in Frank- tion and during the Jim Crow era in the fort, Kentucky, but his teaching career United States. He grew up under con- was short-lived. While serving in the ditions of racial segregation that were military during WWII, he received train- firmly sanctioned by the Plessy v. Fergu- ing in electrical engineering at the Mas- son Supreme Court ruling of 1896 and at sachusetts Institute of Technology, and the height of the reign of terror of the Ku then was assigned to supervise Negro Klux Klan. soldiers on a road construction crew Young grew up in a household with (Peebles-Wilkins 1995d; Blair n.d). On highly educated parents. His family this assignment, Young found himself 92 Phylon 57

in the middle of increasing tensions be- reputation of the school nationally. He tween the white officers who were in was instrumental in pushing the school charge and the Negro soldiers who were into the mainstream of social work ed- angry about how poorly they were be- ucation by obtaining Council on Social ing treated (White and Hampton 1995). Work Education (CSWE) accreditation, He used his interpersonal skills to effec- by expanding field placement options, tively mediate the racial tensions. This by linking faculty with national profes- experience set him on a career path in sional meetings and conferences and race relations and established a commit- by establishing one of the first in the ted persistence for dismantling the poles nation certificate programs for medi- and rungs of racial scaffolding. cal social work. He capitalized on the After leaving the military, Young re- Brown v Board of Education decision ceived a MSW from the University of by again admitting white students. His Minnesota and then launched his career vision was to educate social workers with the Urban League in Minnesota as agents of social change. By commit- (Peebles-Wilkins 1995d). This move also ting the school to having a racially inte- launched his career as a mediator and grated student body and by expanding powerbroker between Negroes and financial aid, he was effective in stabiliz- whites in positions of power. His focus ing enrollment which was a significant was on breaking down the color barrier challenge for Historically Black Colleges in the United States by changing corpo- and Universities (HBCU) following the rate America. His contribution to the Brown decision. Young was a contrib- civil rights movement was to focus on uting author to Phylon, the scholarly bringing about an economic-based revo- journal established by Du Bois, and he lution that would financially uplift Afri- later joined its editorial board. As Young can Americans. He developed relation- gained national recognition and promi- ships with corporate leaders as a peer nence in the field of social work, he sat and became a critical link between cor- on numerous boards and committees for porate America and the African Ameri- local and state organizations, as well as can community during a very tumultu- national organizations such as CSWE ous time in U.S. history. and Planned Parenthood Federation From 1954 to 1960, Young stepped out (Dickerson 1998). Young further en- of direct activism and moved into aca- hanced the national reputation of Atlan- demia as the first dean of the School of ta University by becoming sought after Social Work at Atlanta University (Pee- nationally as a consultant and speaker bles-Wilkins 1995d; Dickerson 1998). He on various social welfare topics. He was utilized his community organizing and passionate about racial equality and fre- civil rights activism in this new role. Al- quently pushed the social work profes- though faculty and students questioned sion to take the lead on this issue. He his appointment because he did not was instrumental in getting CSWE to have a PhD and had few publications, adopt non-discrimination as an accredi- he quickly proved himself an extreme- tation standard (Clark Atlanta Universi- ly competent leader and enhanced the ty, n.d.). He clearly was one of the moral Johnnie Hamilton-Mason - Nancy J. Wewiorski - Robbie Welch Christler Tourse 93

agitators in dismantling racial scaffold- not know how to do it themselves. His ing in social work. ideas went beyond desegregation and In 1960, concerned about the impact included affirmative action and a sort of of rearing his young family in the Jim domestic Marshall plan, parts of which, Crow South, he accepted a post-graduate President Lyndon Johnson incorporated fellowship at Harvard and left Atlanta into his “War on Poverty” (Dickerson University. Young subsequently moved 1998). In 1969, President Lyndon John- up to positions of national leadership son awarded him the Medal of Freedom and used these positions to advance his for his outstanding civil rights contribu- agenda for the African American com- tions (NASW n.d). munity. He expanded and transformed Young’s life ended with his untimely the Urban League into a civil rights orga- death at the age of forty-nine when he nization that enjoyed generous support drowned at a beach in Lagos, Nigeria from wealthy whites (White and Hamp- while attending a conference. Subse- ton 1995). He became president of the quent to his death, his legacy has been National Conference on Social Welfare honored with the naming of schools, in 1965 and president of the National landmarks, museums, health centers, Association of Social Workers (NASW) and more. In 2000, the school of so- in 1969. In these roles, he challenged the cial work at Atlanta University was re- social work profession to assume a lead- named the Whitney M. Young, Jr, School ership position in poverty reduction and of Social Work in recognition of his great race relations ((NASW n d). Because of contributions to the school and to the his focus on corporate America and his profession of social work (Clark Atlanta relationships with its powerful leaders, University n.d.). all of whom were white, many activ- ists in the civil rights movement came Analysis of these Academics’ to label him an “Uncle Tom.” Howev- Impact on Racial Scaffolding er, he always brought his social work skills and values to his efforts. Doro- W.E. B. Du Bois, E. Franklin Fra- thy Height, a fellow social work leader zier and Whitney M. Young, Jr. each and civil rights activist, noted that he made significant contributions to the brought his social work skills to his civil WMYJSSW at CAU, to social work edu- rights work by keeping key stakeholders cation and to professional social work at the table (Independent Lens 2013). He practice. During the time that Du Bois, had the ear of local, state, and national Frazier and Young were at Atlanta Uni- members of the power elite. He was an versity, the environmental context of advisor to three presidents – Kennedy, Atlanta and other parts of the south ex- Johnson and Nixon. President Nixon hibited the surviving legacy of the black stated, “He knew how to accomplish codes which limited the movement and what other people were merely for” assembly of black people – an example (NASW 2010). He was able to talk with of scaffolding poles. The morphing of wealthy whites who had an interest in the legal structures rung of the racial helping African Americans, but who did scaffolding was evidenced by the Jim 94 Phylon 57

Crow laws that were enacted to prevent 2009). The triangulation of race, socio- former slaves and their descendants economic status (SES) and racial scaf- from, for example, voting, owning land, folding affects the physical, social and and being able to find employment. In psychological well-being of African addition, the class structure rung of ra- Americans. Similarly, these and other cial scaffolding had been carried- for structural factors impact a myriad of ward from slavery and it continued to other cultural and demographic condi- maintain the clear social divisions and tions in their lives. Universally known stratification based on race: Whites of consequences of economic hardships are all ethnicities and immigrant statuses inextricably linked to other problems, were at the top of the social and eco- such as high rates of crime, substance nomic hierarchy, and Blacks were at the abuse, dropping out of high school, bottom (Tourse et al. 2018). As alluded teenage pregnancy, unemployment, and to by Pumphrey and Pumphrey (1964) underemployment. and Platt and Chandler (1988), the so- Du Bois, Frazier, and Young had cial service organizations and schools of many similarities, but also differences social work reflected the racial structure in what they brought to the educational of the early twentieth century. In fact, arena and how they impacted intellec- the Atlanta School of Social Work was tual thought in the social work profes- established in 1920 precisely to address sion and beyond. All of them exhibited the need for social services by African extremely high levels of intellect from Americans who were being confronted an early age, excelled academically, and by the environmental and community were fortunate to receive graduate level conditions of the times. The mission of education at a time when this was ex- the Atlanta School of Social Work was tremely rare for African Americans. Du and continues to be the “fostering in Bois and Frazier made major contribu- students of a commitment to serve op- tions to intellectual thought that reached pressed populations and to promote far beyond the field of social work. Their social and economic justice…[with a] contributions to intellectual understand- particular focus on educating African ing, organizational development, com- American social workers” (Clark Atlan- munity practice, planning, and policy ta University n.d.). By charter, the Uni- development at the local, state, and na- versity did not discriminate by any race tional levels during times of strict seg- for admission. regation are a tribute to their resource- fulness and tenacity. Frazier and Young Intellectual Thought made contributions that built on their graduate education in the field of social Managing the interlocking effects of work. Du Bois had graduate education racism and classism with other institu- in history and he and Frazier had a de- tional web components is a core theme gree in sociology and brought a slightly in the daily life experiences of African different perspective grounded in the Americans and is a focus of the social social sciences. However, they all were work profession (Hamilton-Mason et al. influential in shaping what the social Johnnie Hamilton-Mason - Nancy J. Wewiorski - Robbie Welch Christler Tourse 95

work profession now defines as contem- vices, and lack of appreciation of the en- porary social work knowledge, values during strengths of African Americans and skills (Council on Social Work Edu- continue to be present today. The ide- cation 2015). ologies that grounded the contributions Du Bois, Frazier and Young shaped of these three men were not linear, but the school driven by the needs of the circular, interdependent and interlock- field of social work during their times ing and were the embodiment of an but also based on their individual world- Afrocentric Paradigm. The three major views and ideological orientations, all of streams of thought relevant to the social which were rooted in principles of self- work profession that flow from the intel- determination, mutual aid, race pride, lectual contributions of these three men and social debt (Bent-Goodley et al. are 1) Person-in-Environment Perspec- 2017). Although constrained by racial tive, 2) Strengths Perspective, and 3) Af- scaffolding, these men strove to amplify rocentric Perspective. the strengths, race pride, and communi- Person-In-Environment. The person- ty viability of blacks – all of which were in-environment perspective is a major and currently are influenced by social social work construct that conceptual- debt. Their versions of self-determina- izes a person as being heavily influenced tion were directed toward addressing by their environment; therefore, their the social problems and conditions that behavior, problems and strengths can were a result of their unique perceptions be largely understood by environmental of the realities of life for black people influences (Kondrat 2013). This perspec- during their cumulative time periods. tive is based on the notion that an indi- They had the common view that black vidual and his or her behavior cannot be people needed to use their strengths to understood adequately without taking support each other regardless of, and be- into consideration the various aspects cause of, the social and economic injus- of that individual’s environment (social, tices engulfing their environment. political, familial, temporal, psychologi- The conceptual frameworks of Du cal spiritual, economic, and physical). In Bois, Frazier and Young focus on socio- social work practice, using the person- economic stratification and power issues in-environment perspective to assess that are components of racial scaffold- an individual and his or her presenting ing. The principles and values of these problem and strengths is considered a leaders impelled them to consistently more adequate framework than focus- incorporate strategies that chiseled at ing solely on changing an individual’s and weakened the poles of racial scaf- behavior or psyche, or focusing solely folding (exploitation, marginalization, on environmental conditions (Ibid.). powerlessness, cultural imperialism, This concept of person-in-environ- and violence). Although they impacted ment is consistent with Du Bois’ argu- the racial scaffolding structure, the ra- ments that explain the conditions of cial scaffolding has morphed and many Blacks in the U.S. In addition, Du Bois’ of the same social problems of racism, scientific methods of combining field segregation in housing, insufficient ser- work and participant observation by im- 96 Phylon 57

mersing oneself in the community being (1992) also maintains that black families studied are an approach to research that and communities are sustained by a his- is similar to the social work practice of tory of resilience in America, and that conducting person-in-environment as- they are deeply embedded in a network sessments. Frazier’s background in so- of social structures both internal and ex- ciology and social work enhanced his ternal to themselves. recognition of the transactional pres- Du Bois, Frazier and Young all had ence between the environment and the a strengths perspective. Du Bois laid psyche. He understood that the social the intellectual, conceptual and ideo- environment impacts and influences the logical foundation for social work’s psyche and that the psyche has sway strengths perspective. This is a founda- and manipulates the environment tional orientation of social work educa- The Strengths Perspective. The tion and practice. He argued that blacks Strengths Perspective has been adopted adapted to enormous upheavals and by the social work profession more re- social dislocation experienced during cently. It is a clinical framework and ori- and after slavery, and that the problem entation that avoids a pathology focus of race continues to influence how Afri- and is based on the notion that clients can Americans manage their everyday have untapped personal resources and lives. Strengths is implied in the work should be allowed self-determination that Young did to promote and include (Billingsley 1992; Saleeby 2002). Accord- blacks in mainstream organizations and ingly, everything social workers do is corporations. He valued the strengths of premised on discovering, embellishing, blacks and asserted that they had valu- and exploring client strengths. Histori- able contributions to make in society cally, research on the black family gen- (Dickerson 1998). It was clear that the erally ignored the Strengths Perspective strengths of African Americans were his in favor of pathology (Billingsley 1992). focus and direction as an organizer and In contrast to theories of practice which civil rights leader. Although Du Bois and focus exclusively on individualism and Young both used a Strengths Perspec- the psychological deficits of black peo- tive, Frazier, put particular emphasis on ple, the Strengths Perspective focuses strengths in his pedagogy and writings on collectivism, resilience and mutual about Black families. He used an ecolog- support. The Strengths perspective is in- ical approach, noting that the problems extricably tied to the Black perspective of the black community were linked to which is considerably more collectivistic internal and external factors and they in its orientation. Bent-Goodley, Snell used their strengths to combat these and LeNay (2017, 27) argue that “Social challenges. This was the underpinning work and social welfare [in the black of the Afrocentric approach. community] have historically operated Afrocentric Perspective. The Afro- from a Black perspective in understand- centric paradigm provides an impor- ing problems, identifying structural in- tant organizing principle for social work equities, and designing social services knowledge development on the indi- for the Black community.” Billingsley vidual, community, societal and global Johnnie Hamilton-Mason - Nancy J. Wewiorski - Robbie Welch Christler Tourse 97

levels (Bent-Goodley 2006; Schiele 1996). ica, published in 1939, focused on the While it speaks to the unique contribu- family life of African Americans. This tions, strengths and capacity of African was a man who had fervor and zeal to people throughout the Diaspora, it also illuminate the injustices that befell Afri- highlights the importance of humanity can Americans. In focusing on the chal- (Bent-Goodley 2006). It reminds social lenges and strengths of the Black fam- workers of the need to address the hu- ily, Frazier explicated how Afrocentric man condition and to be committed to social work is a praxis approach appli- the development of people regardless cable in environmental and global set- of their race, ethnicity, gender, social or tings where people of African descent geographical location (Harvell 2008). are located (Fairfax 2017). Afrocentric In doing this, Afrocentricity provides social work not only is applicable to ra- a worldview that is inclusive of others cial, economic and social justice issues, while simultaneously highlighting what it also is applicable to intellectual and it means to be a part of the African Dias- philosophical discourses of social work, pora. In traditional Africa, the individu- which had largely ignored Afrocentric al does not and cannot exist alone, ex- social work as a viable theory and philo- cept physically (Hamilton-Mason 2014). sophical canon. As a paradigm, the Afrocentric per- Frazier and Young both focused on spective was an organizing principle increasing the power of blacks in the for Du Bois, Frazier and Young. If not society. While Young worked to bring explicitly noted, it was implied through- blacks to the table in corporate Ameri- out their work. Du Bois is recognized as ca, Frazier contributed to the evolving a political activist and a scholar, yet little practice of community organization attention is placed on the relationship within professional social work. Platt between his early personal experiences and Chandler (1988) emphasize that and his theoretical and other concep- Frazier was moving in a different direc- tualizations (Bent-Goodley et al. 2017). tion than the larger field of social work His paramount articulations about the which was striving to focus on compe- legacy of racism and racial identity con- tency in psychology. He was focused sciousness emerged from his immersion on activism, cooperative enterprise and in black communities as a researcher self-help in the black community be- and as a scholar in institutions of higher cause he fervently believed that blacks education. Thematically and histori- had been excluded from opportunities cally, “race work” of Du Bois and work in the larger society. Frazier urged social for the sociopolitical inclusion of African workers to “create those opportunities Americans is at the foundation of the in- by building cooperative businesses, self- tellectual and political discourse among help groups, youth clubs, and schools” new generations of social workers and (Bent-Goodley et al. 2017, 295). Afro- social work educators. centric collectivism is the thread that ties Frazier explicitly emphasized the Af- together all of the contributions of Du rocentric perspective in his work. His Bois, Frazier and Young to social work. seminal book, The Negro Family in Amer- These men also contributed to intel- 98 Phylon 57

lectual thought beyond social work. Du tory, but his increasing concern with the Bois’ and Frazier’s contributions to or- larger dimensions of racism and oppres- ganizational development, community sion moved him beyond a mere consid- practice, planning, and policy develop- eration and admiration of the black biog- ment at the local, state, and national lev- raphy and more toward social science in els during times of strict segregation and general. He argued that, “If science and desegregation directly impacted the ra- knowledge were to erase the ailments of cial scaffolding structure. Du Bois’ con- black and white people, all social insti- ceptualization of black consciousness tutions - economy, government, cultural helped him impact more broadly the in- - had to be examined more carefully and tellectual thought rung of racial scaffold- more systematically” (Henderson 1970, ing. Du Bois’ writings shaped intellec- 49). His scholarly writing disseminated tual thought and advanced the scientific his thinking among blacks and other methods of field research in the social scholars. A principle that was woven sciences. His book, The Philadelphia Ne- throughout his life’s work is that it is be- gro (1973) challenged racist stereotypes neath the dignity of humans to fight for with empirical evidence which thereby those rights that belong inherently to all stimulated dissemination of his argu- mankind. Du Bois had an unflinching ment about segregation and its negative faith in science and knowledge as the consequences for African Americans. best panacea for black America. He be- His research methods involved using lieved that, “If blacks and whites were census data and ethnography for study- rid of their ignorance about the race ing and learning about a person or group problem, they would correct their atti- of people in their own environment. His tudes towards each other and collabo- seminal publications and writings about rate to improve each other” (Ibid., 51). the Negro were among the first to docu- Du Bois also focused on Capitalism. His ment the lived experiences of black life theories about racial oppression, power in urban and rural settings. In The Souls and conflict grew out of his belief that of Black Folks (2007) he highlighted and racism was based in part on Capitalism. articulated the “American dilemma” His views eventually shifted away from regarding the issue of race as it existed advocating black capitalism and black both then and now: “The problem of the support of black business. By 1905, he twentieth century is the problem of the had moved toward socialist doctrines. color-line—the relation of the darker to Frazier further contributed to intellec- the lighter races of men in Asia and Afri- tual and scientific thought by building ca, in America and the islands of the sea" upon and reinforcing the arguments of (Du Bois 2007, 9). Du Bois. He emphasized Afrocentricity Du Bois is widely regarded as a piv- and published extensively on this topic, otal and prolific scholar on race and rac- particularly as it relates to the black fam- ism. He focused on a broad articulation ily. He was a strong advocate of fighting of strategies to challenge and change racism and other forms of inequalities. structures in the racial scaffolding of his His writings addressed the societal and day. He began his research career in his- racial injustices perpetuated by oppres- Johnnie Hamilton-Mason - Nancy J. Wewiorski - Robbie Welch Christler Tourse 99 sive racial scaffolding. tion laid by Du Bois and Frazier, Young Frazier’s intellectual and social com- implemented organizational and so- mitments to black liberation led to con- cietal level change by working within flicts with the social work profession the system to change organizational about his scholarship. His advocacy for and societal policies, practices and pro- black liberation included 1) a worldview cedures that negatively impacted the that included socialism and the empow- Black community. Whitney Young’s fo- erment of the African American com- cus was more systemic in nature as he munity through economic cooperation; pursued system level change. He was 2) a radical commitment to racial justice, a mediator and worked across racial including an intense dedication to the lines. His major contribution was being kind of rigorous and scientific educa- a black voice in the presence of white tion that would “[fill] the Negro’s mind powerbrokers and ensuring that other with knowledge and [train] him in the blacks were included in the discussion fundamental habits of civilization” (Fra- of equality and justice. He was prolific zier 1924, 144); and 3) a controversial in having a macro focus on policy and effort to use the combined tools of psy- policy level change. He was influential choanalysis and social inquiry to probe with policymakers, including Presidents the internal operation of race prejudice Kennedy, Johnson and Nixon (Dick- and racial oppression in both whites and erson 1998). His work spanned across blacks (National Association of Black So- sectors in the institutional web and his cial Workers 2014). Because his writings efforts primarily focused on the rungs clearly challenged the structures of the of capitalism, class structure, and legal institutional web that were supported structure that are part of racial scaffold- by the racial scaffolding of his time, he ing. Globally, Young might have been a was severely criticized by mainstream lesser known civil rights leader, for his society and even the social work pro- role was played behind the scenes and fession. This reaction to Frazier’s view- outside the limelight, but his influence points about race in American society are was extraordinary. According to John a clear example of how the entrenched Lewis, another member of the “Big Six” system of institutionalized racism is per- civil rights leadership coalition during petuated by marshalling counterforces the 1960’s, “There’s no single person to- from the interlocking of the institutional day who comes close to playing the role web and racial scaffolding. These forces Whitney played” (NASW 2010). were leveraged against Frazier because he was challenging the broader social Reflections context within which he lived and oper- ated -- he was a black scholar speaking out about the psychological and envi- Collectively, Du Bois, Frazier and ronmental impact of racism. Young show the intersectional vitality of Whitney Young took a different ap- the Black voice and the ways in which proach to breaking down the racial that voice has been both consistent and scaffolding of his time. Based on the evolving over time in combatting struc- philosophical and conceptual founda- tural racism. Their legacies contribute to 100 Phylon 57 awareness that the evolving structure of ______racial scaffolding impacts oppression, resilience, culture and privilege and that the black experience entails survival, References resistance, resilience and adaptation in the ongoing struggle to dismantle struc- Bent-Goodley, Tricia B. 2006. "Oral His- tural racism. Their contributions to the tories of Contemporary African person-in-environment paradigm, the American Social Work Pioneers". strengths paradigm and the Afrocentric Journal of Teaching in Social Work, paradigm contribute to the potency of 26, no. 1-2: 181-199. the black perspectives in social work. Bent-Goodley, Tricia, Colita Nichols Reflecting on their work through the Fairfax, and Iris Carlton-LaNey. lens of racial scaffolding makes a con- 2017. "The Significance of African- ceptual contribution to social work edu- Centered Social Work For Social cation and practice. As the field of social Work Practice". Journal of Human work grapples with the need to be cul- Behavior in The Social Environment turally responsive, sensitive and appro- 27, no. 1-2: 1-6. priate, there is a critical role for the black Billingsley, Andrew. 1992. Climbing perspective in shaping the discourse in Jacob’s Ladder: The Enduring Legacy social work education and social work of African-American Families. New practice. The paradigms that represent York: Simon & Schuster. the black perspective disturb and weak- Blair, Thomas n.d, Biographies of Notable en the scaffolding structure that sustains Unitarian Universalists and other racism in social work and beyond. Individuals Relevant to the Liberal Du Bois, Frazier and Young all Religious Tradition: Young, Whit- worked to dismantle racial scaffolding. ney Moore, Jr. (1921-1971). https:// Within the historical contexts in which www.harvardsquarelibrary.org/ each lived, they used differing strategies biographies/whitney-moore- and approaches to combat the scaffold- young-jr/. Accessed January 24, ing rungs of colonialism and capitalism 2020 and the scaffolding poles of racial terror- Bowles, Dorcas D. June Gary Hopps, ism, disempowerment, and marginaliza- and Obie Clayton. 2016. “The Im- tion. 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by Richard L. Edwards and June Gary Hopps, 118. Washington, DC: NASW Press. _____.1995b. “African American Pio- neers in Social Work: Whitney Moore Young, Jr. (1921-1971).” In Encyclopedia of Social Work, 19th edition, edited by Richard L. Ed- wards and June Gary Hopps, 118. Washington, DC: NASW Press. Zuberi, Tukufu. 2004. “W.E.B. Du Bois’s Sociology: The Philadelphia Negro and Social Science.” The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science No. 59aaa5: 146. Byran R. Ellis - Nicole Branch-Ellis 105

Living in an Age of Colorblind Racism and Police Impunity:An Analysis of Some High-Profile Police Killings

Bryan R. Ellis Wayne State University Nicole Branch-Ellis Bowie State University

Abstract

Contemporary research and news coverage show that the public health of people of color is disproportionately threatened by police violence, but it is nearly impossible to hold law enforcement accountable. According to the theory of colorblind racism, colorblindness is a racial ideology strategically designed to justify and downplay contemporary racial disparities. In this article, we analyze the extant literature on post-racism, colorblind racism, and the politics of getting tough on crime. Using a case study methodology, we discuss six colorblind themes law enforcement exploit to frame and justify the deaths of Black and Brown victims killed by police. Based on our analysis, victims are blamed for being either hyper-aggressive, unnaturally strong, or for suspicion of gang or criminal activity. But the deadly actions of police officers are either positively framed or minimized. We conclude that untilwe understand the underlying colorblind ideology that is exploited to justify police use of deadly force, police unaccountability will remain an unchecked social problem for communities of color. 106 Phylon 57

Introduction and the Department of Justice are in- effective at holding police officers ac- The key Supreme Court rulings and countable (Green and Alderbon 2019). lower court decisions that govern the le- As one legal scholar put it, after a police gal standards for police use of force were deadly shooting, often nothing happens mandated in the post-Civil Rights era (Morrison 2018). Analyzing data from (Gilbert and Rayshawn 2015). In Tennes- the Los Angeles Police Department from see v. Garner (1985), the Supreme Court 1974 – 1979, Meyer (1980) found that ruled that police officers are prohibited the outcomes in the cases were different from using deadly force for incidents for Black victims as compared to their where suspects are unarmed or fleeing, White and Latinx counterparts. In 2017, but such force can be used if the fleeing only one percent of police officers were suspect poses a serious threat to the offi- charged for a fatal shooting (mapping- cer or others. In Graham v. Connor (1989), policeviolence.org 2013-2018). the Supreme Court ruled that there must According to sociological analysis, be an “objectively reasonable” standard one reason African Americans are killed for police use of force, and that civilians by law enforcement with impunity is must claim and prove excessive force because the system is working accord- was used by law enforcement in making ing to design, to maintain racial control an arrest, investigatory stop, or other and domination (Hattery and Smith “seizure” of person (Bartollas and Hahn 2018; Cazenave 2018). An analysis of the 1999). grand jury process reveals the limita- Analyses of police use of force data tions of holding police officers account- consistently find that people of color able for violence against Black men (Fair- are disproportionately killed by law fax, Jr. 2017). While we agree with both enforcement. Moore (2010) found that perspectives, we maintain that limited an underpaid, inadequately staffed, attention has been given to the framing and poorly trained New Orleans Police of police fatal shootings. Because of the Department frequently resorted to bru- colorblind ideology that pervades the tality and misconduct against African post-Civil Rights era, many Americans Americans. In New York City, Kramer et believe that the police and the criminal al. (2017) found that African Americans, justice system are colorblind (Weitzer no matter their age, were more likely and Tuch 2006). It is our contention that to be stopped by police and to experi- these colorblind assumptions make it ence force, but Black teenagers were at nearly impossible to convict a police of- greater risk than any other group. At the ficer for using deadly force, even when it national level, two databases that track seems excessive. police use of deadly force found that Black Americans are twice as likely to Post-Civil Rights and be killed by law enforcement (Guardian Colorblind Racism 2016; Washington Post 2015-2020). Despite consistent research find- Before the Civil Rights period, Afri- ings of racial disparities in police use can Americans were disenfranchised, of deadly force, Civilian Review Boards publicly segregated, treated as second- Byran R. Ellis - Nicole Branch-Ellis 107 class citizens, exploited and terror- ties of color, the only substantial change ized, depicted and described as patho- was the racial narrative used to maintain logical rapists, incarcerated for minor persistent racial inequality (West 2017). crimes, and laughed at in minstrelsies To describe the dissonance between and vaudeville shows. The generalized this burgeoning racial ideology and the White gaze stereotyped and dehuman- persistent patterns of racial inequality, ized Black life by associating it with Bonilla-Silva (2018) coined this new ra- inferiority, ugliness, stupidity, criminal- cial ideology colorblind racism, an ide- ity, and apathy (Feagin 2013), in which ology and discourse that is exploited to Blackness was constructed in the Ameri- downplay, justify, and rationalize sys- can imagination as the quintessential temic, contemporary racism. Rather than “Other” (Morrison 2017). When a Black being overt and explicit, like during Jim person asserted his or her humanity it Crow, colorblind rhetoric is disguised in was met with rage and violence (Raper racially coded language, euphemisms, 2003). Following Reconstruction, while and institutional policies. Using inter- the Plessey v. Ferguson (1896) case upheld view data from the Detroit Area Study legal segregation, Supreme Court Jus- (DAS) and from the 1997 Survey of So- tice, Judge John Harlan gave the dissent- cial Attitudes of College Students, he ing opinion, arguing that the law must found that appeals to colorblindness is remain colorblind and that everyone referenced by young and old alike, both must have equal access to opportunities middle-class and blue-collar, and by the no matter their race. Yet it was not un- educated and uneducated, to varying til 1964 and 1965, respectively, when the degrees, with some being more skillful Civil Rights Act and Voting Rights Act than others. Aside from some extrem- were passed. As Du Bois (1935) had po- ists and other White Americans who did etically described the first Reconstruc- not acculturate to the post-Civil Rights tion, the Second Reconstruction also discourse, colorblind racism is the most experienced but a moment in the sun prevalent ideology used by White Amer- (Marable 2007). icans to explain contemporary racial in- By the 1970s, conservatives counter- equality. There are four central frames argued that Affirmative Action policies of colorblind racism: naturalization, were divisive, stigmatized minorities, cultural racism, abstract liberalism, and weakened the idea of merit, and consti- minimization. Naturalization is used to tuted reverse discrimination (Delgado justify racial patterns, like segregation, and Stefancic 2001, 104). By 2013, the rather than blame the redlining poli- Supreme Court overturned a key part of cies of the Federal Housing Authority the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The major- (FHA). In this scenario, it is argued that ity opinion argued that federal oversight racial concentration is a by-product of was no longer needed to protect com- the psychology of racial/ethnic groups munities of color from voter suppres- to naturally want to be with people who sion since the South had changed. But share similar attributes; or as the adage given the racial wealth gap, mass incar- goes, “birds of a feather flock together.” ceration, the school-to-prison pipeline, A proxy for biological racism, cultural and lower life expectancy for communi- racism takes the view that people of 108 Phylon 57 color underperform because of their (Greenfield-Sanders 2019). Research poor choices, attitudes, behaviors, and shows that although all colorblind rac- values. Abstract liberalism, a deriva- ism frames are used consistently by tive of political liberalism, is the notion Whites to justify racial disparities, to a that the United States is just and fair, so lesser extent abstract liberalism, cultural each person has individual choice and racism, and naturalization have been equal opportunity, including minorities. internalized in the Black community Minimization is used to downplay con- (Bonilla-Silva 2018). Similarly, the Im- temporary racism by comparing the Jim plicit Association Test found that nearly Crow period to the post-Civil Rights era, half of Black respondents show a subtle suggesting that race relations, racial at- pro-White or anti-Black bias (Livingston titudes, and the country have changed. 2002). The Black Bourgeoisie mentality al- An analysis of Whiteness suggests that lows middle-class Black people to use the average White American is suscep- White standards to blame their lower- tible to colorblindness because (1) they class counterparts for their shortcom- see themselves as beyond race, as race- ings and victimization, by emphasiz- less, in which they embody a universal ing character, culture, and individual human experience (Diangelo 2018); (2) responsibility (Kendi 2019; Dyson 2005; they think success and failure is a matter Frazier 1957). Today, this is referred to of individual choice, hard work, and re- as the politics of respectability. The le- sponsibility (Williams 2003); (3) they be- gal scholar, Forman, Jr. (2017), points lieve the United States is a meritocracy; out that some older African Americans (4) they think White privilege is a myth; engage in what he called the “Martin (5) they think racism is past tense; (6) Luther King, Jr. speech”—when a young they think that individuals, institutions, person finds themselves in conflict with and policies should remain race neutral the law, an older person might refer to (Gallagher 2008); (7) and they accept cer- the past struggles of their generation, tain stereotypes about communities of implying that the younger generation is color, mostly thinking of them in terms squandering opportunities during these of deficiencies (Dukes and Gaither 2017; less-racist times. Williams 1976). Not exclusive to White Americans, President Obama and Post-Racism research shows that in the Black com- munity, individuals are not impervious With the historic 2008 election of to the logic of colorblind racism. For cen- Barack Obama, the first self-identified turies people of color have been exposed African American president, the post-ra- to racist ideas, including the belief that cial claim reached its apex. Many Ameri- they are racially inferior. Toni Morrison cans were hopeful that Obama was the wrote about self-loathing in the Bluest fulfillment of Dr. Martin Luther King, Eye. In the documentary film, Pieces I Jr.’s Dream (Dimock 2017). Not only AM, Toni Morrison explained she wrote did the forty-fourth president denote about the desirability of Whiteness be- post-racial America, but Obama himself cause she knew a girl like Pecola, who became known as a post-racial candi- was the central character of the book date. By having a Black person reach the Byran R. Ellis - Nicole Branch-Ellis 109 presidency, Obama’s victory supposedly because post-racial, post-race, post-rac- affirmed the view that anyone can make ism, and post-Black are synonyms that it in the United States, no matter their have different connotations. Kitwana background. Consequently, his election (2009, 87) defines post-racial as “...a sen- also meant that the use of race and rac- timent that speaks to the cognitive dis- ism to explain contemporary racial in- sonance between reality and the illusion equality would be strained (Mansbach of race… “this feeling certainly deserves 2009). a word,” he argues. Dyson (2016) main- According to an analysis by Feagin tains that America should attempt to be (2012), on his path to the presidency, to post-racist but not post-racial, because win independent and undecided White Blacks have fought hard to create a rich voters, the Democratic Party and the culture and self-definition—that race Obama campaign had to adhere to a col- and ethnicity, concepts that are full of orblind version of the White racial frame, pride for many individuals and groups, rather than employ a social justice and do matter—so to ignore race and ethnic- Black resistance frame. In The Audacity ity is to treat them as though their per- of Hope, Obama (2006, 255) attempted to sonal, social, and historical influences balance the importance of personal re- do not exist. In many Black elite political sponsibility, culture, and circumstances circles, however, post-racial can mean a when he wrote, “We know that many in new Black politics, the movement away the inner city are trapped by their own from grassroots activism and commu- self-destructive behaviors.” In his most nity organizing to mainstream politics famous speech on race, “A More Perfect of race neutrality that is concerned with Union,” Mansbach (2009, 74) argues that the issues of all Americans (Bonilla-Silva President Obama suggested that institu- 2018). tional racism and White bitterness were Despite the Democratic and Obama equivalent, that racism cuts in both di- Administration appeal to colorblind- rections, and anyone can be its victim ness, research shows that there were just as anyone can refuse to perpetuate about twenty-five million Americans it. Wilson (2009) maintains that this his- who hated President Obama, whose ex- toric speech allowed President Obama pressed motivations were xenophobia, to remain race-neutral, to appease both Islamophobia, and anti-Black racism Black and White audiences alike, by (Algernon 2015). With his historic elec- framing the issue in terms of structural tion, an opposition movement arose, inequities and personal responsibility. the Tea Party (Skocpol and Williamson Because President Obama was friendly 2016), a twenty-first century counter- to both conservative ideas and main- revolution (Anderson 2016). While the stream policy solutions (Algernon 2015), Democrat Party usually ignored these Coates (2017) oxymoronically referred racial feelings, their Republican col- to him as a “conservative revolution- leagues often launched explicit and sub- ary,” while Dyson (2016) maintains that tle racial attacks (Feagin 2012). Explicit he practiced a racial caution and strug- attacks on Obama and communities of gled to find his voice on race and racism. color reached their tipping point in the The post-racial concept is ambiguous election of Donald J. Trump. While on 110 Phylon 57 its face, Trump’s willingness to openly much less of racial disparities than does embrace White supremacists, conspira- offending for Black offenders,” with the cy theories, and discriminatory policies exception of drug convictions. Walker et seems to invalidate the theory of color- al. (2007), while not suggesting that the blind racism, but Bonilla-Silva (2018) criminal justice system is race-neutral, points out that he is consistent with the argue that racial discrimination is not theory because Trump himself insists he universal and pervasive but depends on is not a racist, or is “the least racist per- the offense, situation, and circumstanc- son you’ve ever encountered.” Further- es. more, running his reelection campaign In the literature on policing, there is on “Law and Order” is a racial euphe- an equal tendency to assert that race is mism for getting tough on communities insignificant. Redenbaugh (2007)- ar of color, harkening back to Ronald Rea- gues that there is no evidence of an epi- gan (Primuth 2016). demic of police misconduct. Wilbanks (1987) admits that some cops are preju- Race, Crime, and Colorblindness diced, but he also claims that there are in the Social Sciences some cops who favor African Ameri- cans (James et al. 2013). Gottesman and Following the Civil Rights period, Brown (1999), making a distinction be- Wilson (2012) stressed that in the 1960s tween unnecessary force and police bru- and 1970s there was a transition in Af- tality, argue that police misconduct is rican American life and history toward usually not a result of intentional malice, class inequality. Providing a conserva- but a consequence of poor training and tive critique of the Civil Rights Move- a lack of cultural sensitivity (Lee 2018). ment, D’Souza (1995) argued that racism Furthermore, while Bell (2000) asserts is not the primary explanation for Black that police practices are a serious prob- failure in the United States, and that Af- lem, he does not see police misconduct firmative Action programs perpetuate as the greatest purveyor of violence or Black dependency, so he called for “a the greatest threat to the public health of separation of race and state.” Further- the Black community, when compared to more, poll data revealed racial attitudes disparate health outcomes and poverty. were beginning to change (Pincus 2011). Since as early as 1890, some promi- Racially Coded Politics: nent White social scientists posited that Getting Tough on Crime there was a correlation between race and crime (Muhammad 2010). Nearly a Following the Great Society pro- century later, some leading criminolo- grams of the 1960s, the Republican Party gists continued to argue that Blacks are adopted a colorblind criminal justice more likely to engage in criminal activ- platform, by framing the issue of crimi- ity than any other group (Brown et al. nal justice as a matter of crime control 2003). Tonry (1995, 50) summed up this and public safety, and the issue of drug perspective when he explained, “The usage as a moral problem. Arguably, the overwhelming weight of the evidence, “War on Drugs” has had the most conse- however, is that invidious bias explains quential effect on communities of color Byran R. Ellis - Nicole Branch-Ellis 111 in the post-Civil Rights era, analogous to Administration passed the “Omnibus earlier forms of racial oppression (Wac- Crime Bill,” which drastically expanded quant 2002), setting back civil rights mass incarceration into Black and Brown gains by expanding mass incarceration communities (Alexander 2012; Williams in the United States (Alexander 2012). 2003). By the Obama administration, In 1971, President Richard Nixon coined under both Republican and Democratic the phrase, “War on Drugs”. Subse- leadership, mandatory minimum sen- quently it was adopted in 1986 by Presi- tences for drug offenses, the crack-to- dent Ronald Regan, the same year the powder-cocaine disparity, three-strike Anti-Drug Abuse Act was passed, set- laws, and an extension of the death pen- ting the stage for mandatory minimum alty were already mandated. According sentences for drug offenses, especially to research by King and Smith (2011, for crack cocaine. By 1990, President 224), the colorblind perspective of crimi- H.W. Bush increased the budget for the nal justice had been almost uniformly “War on Drugs” by fifty percent (Mallea adopted by the following constituencies: 2014). To attract insecure Democrats and Independent voters, Nixon and Reagan 1. Most Republican Party office- used the “Southern Strategy,” an implicit holders and members after 1976 appeal to White racial fears, frustrations, 2. Presidents, 1981-1993, 2001-2009 and resentments. These politicians used 3. Conservatives, neoconservatives, the racially coded language of “getting and electorally vulnerable Demo- tough on crime” and “cracking down on crats drugs” center pieces of their presidential 4. Majority of Supreme Court after campaigns and policies, which worked 1980 to win over swing voters. According 5. Many lower federal court judges, to Alexander (2012, 54), “The War on state judges after 1980 Drugs, cloaked in race-neutral lan- 6. Most prosecutors guage, offered Whites opposed to racial 7. Many businesses, private prison reform a unique opportunity to express companies their hostility toward Blacks and Black 8. Law enforcement employee ad- progress, without being exposed to the vocacy groups, unions charge against racism.” But the rhetoric 9. Conservative community preven- was not always subtle. In criticizing the “War on Poverty,” Reagan referred to tion groups poor Black single mothers as “welfare 10. Some conservative think tank/ queens,” and conservatives dismissed advocacy groups (e.g.., American Civil Rights activists as “poverty pimps” Enterprise Institute) (Williams 2003). 11. Victim’s rights groups (e.g., Par- By the 1980s, because of its popularity, ents of Murdered Children) many Democrats, both Black and White, 12. Women’s groups concerned with moved toward the rhetoric of “getting rape, battered women tough on crime” and started passing 13. Fringe White supremacist groups anti-crime bills. In 1994, the Clinton (e.g., New Century Foundation). 112 Phylon 57

An Analysis of Some High-Profile either thugs or gang members. On the Cases of Colorblind Racism and one hand, the naturalization frame is Fatal Police Shootings used to stereotype Blacks as super-pred- ators or as having superhuman strength, In this analysis, we examine some so it is justifiable to use greater force to high-profile fatal police shootings to stop the ensuing threat, but, on the other show how law enforcement exploit the hand, naturalization can also be used to colorblind racism frames to justify po- minimize the actions of officers by sug- lice use of deadly force. As illustrated gesting that using lethal force is a neces- in Table 1, when the colorblind racism sary function of police work and there- frames are employed in police deadly fore inevitable. Since abstract liberalism shootings, the minimization frame is assumes that the criminal justice system used to downplay the actions of officers is fair and without racial bias, it is dif- by suggesting that an officer used poor ficult to prove that an officer’s actions judgement or tactics, or by suggest- were motivated by deliberate prejudice; ing that police brutality is not a perva- and because abstract liberalism is predi- sive problem in law enforcement. Fur- cated on individual responsibility, no thermore, the actions of officers can be individual officer can be held directly minimized by stating that police work responsible for disproportionate racial is difficult. The cultural racism frame outcomes of police deadly shootings. is employed to justify the dispropor- Based on the assumptions of abstract tionate killings of Blacks and Latinxs liberalism, law enforcement officials by law enforcement by suggesting that usually ask for the community to be pa- these communities are more crime and tient and to wait for a full and thorough violence prone, and that the individuals investigation to be conducted before the who come from these communities are community anticipates conclusions. Table 1. A Colorblind Racism Theoretical Schemata of Police Use of Deadly Force Levels of Colorblind Minimization Cultural Racism Naturalization Abstract Liberalism Racism Post-Civil Rights By comparing the The narrative that The narrative that The belief that the Colorblind Ideology past to the present, people of color racial patterns and United States is just it is suggested that underperform disproportionate and fair, so each race relations, racial because of their poor outcomes are natural person has individual attitudes, and the choices, attitudes, occurrence choice and equal country has changed behaviors, and values opportunity Colorblind It is argued police Blacks are Blacks are The narrative that it Justification in work is difficult and stereotyped as being stereotyped as is difficult to prove Policing there are only a few more prone to crime super-predators who deliberate prejudice bad actors and violence possess super-human strength Colorblind Framing the actions Labeling victims Arguing that non- Officials ask the Justifications in some of officers as poor as thugs and gang lethal force was community to wait for High-profile Police judgement or poor members ineffective, so greater a full and thorough Shootings tactics force was merited investigation to be conducted Note: The first row of the table is adapted from the theoretical formulation developed by Eduardo Bonilla-Silva (2018). Byran R. Ellis - Nicole Branch-Ellis 113

Because of their legal authority, law ficult” or by stating that “the police of- enforcement has the power to construct ficer showed poor judgement.” In 2012, an “official version of the truth,” or cre- eighteen-year-old Ramarley Graham ate what Focault (1984) called a “regime was killed by a New York City Police of truth.” Official versions of the truth, officer. In a 2017 departmental disciplin- or political language, according to the ary hearing, an NYPD inspector and classic account of George Orwell (2002) commanding officer testified that “This is designed to make lies sound truthful [Haste shooting] was poor tactics" (Pay- and to make murder look respectable. barah 2017). In 2015, in Arlington, TX, the Pierre Bourdieu (1991) referred to the Police Chief fired one officer for the kill- non-material twin forms of power and ing of Christian Taylor. The Police Chief violence as symbolic. In his sociologi- criticized the rookie officer’s behavior, cal analysis of language, he argued that citing that he had "exercised poor judg- symbolic power can be used to produce ment" and expressed “serious concerns and reproduce unequal power, and that as to the rationale articulated as to the physical violence requires symbolic vio- use of deadly force” (Mitchell 2015). In lence to be made legitimate. Similarly, in 2016, eighteen-year-old Paul O'Neal was her Nobel Prize lecture, Toni Morrison fatally shot by Chicago police officers (1993) explained that racially oppressive when he was suspected of driving a sto- language can be used to limit knowl- len vehicle. The Police Superintendent edge, to dehumanize and normalize vio- stated that “police face 'split-second' de- lence, and to silence the oppressed. cisions that are often life-threatening… By operationalizing the colorblind It's not easy being the police… This is a racism frames according to some high- difficult job, and most people don't un- profile police deadly shootings, we out- derstand because they never had to do line six colorblind themes in Table 2 it” (Nashville Pride 2016). that law enforcement exploit to justify police use of deadly force. Following The Officers Acted Heroically the Graham v. Connor (1989) Supreme Since there is a deeply held belief Court decision, for a deadly shooting to that police officers are heroes, their be ruled justifiable homicide, police of- questionable actions can be positively ficers must construct a narrative of self- framed. In 2013, Miriam Carey, a Black defense, which often includes the asser- woman, drove to Washington, DC with tion that an officer feared for his or her her infant. She made a U-turn at a White life, the suspect reached toward his or House checkpoint and then led officers her waistband, or the suspect lunged or on a short chase. U.S. Secret Service and reached for the officer’s gun. Capitol Police shot at Carey's car, hitting her five times and killing her. In describ- He Showed Poor judgment, and ing the officer’s actions, former District Police Work is Difficult of Columbia Police Chief Cathy Lanier said federal officers acted “heroically” In three different cases, from 2012 and the House of Representatives of- to 2016, police responsibility was mini- fered a standing ovation (Montgomery mized by framing “police work as dif- 2014). 114 Phylon 57

Table 2. Qualitative Table of Some High-Profile Police Killings & Colorblind Justifications Themes Cases Colorblind Quotes

He Showed Poor judgment; and 2012 – Ramarley Graham • "This was poor tactics" Police Work is Difficult 2015 – Christian Taylor • "Exercised poor judgment" 2016 – Paul O'Neal • “This is a difficult job”

The Officers Acted Heroically 2013 – Miriam Carey • “heroically”

The Community Needs to 2014 – Jordan Baker • "I have forwarded this Wait for a Full and Thorough investigation to the local Investigation office of the FBI for its review 2016 – Akiel Denkins to ensure there are no civil rights violations." • “A thorough investigation takes time, and I continue to urge the community for its patience as we continue"

I Made a Mistake 2009 – Oscar Grant • "a tragic accident" 2013 – Jonathan Ferrell • "the shooting was unlawful" • “a good cop who had to make 2015 – Anthony Hill, Jr. a tough decision” • “I felt horror. I knew in that 2017 – Justine Ruszczyk instant that I was wrong" 2018 – Botham Jean • “She pulled that trigger in an instant — an instant she will regret for the rest of her life.”

Blame the Victim 2012 – Alfred Dobson, Jr • "acting crazy” • "had no choice but to use deadly 2012 – Clay McCall force" 2012 – Manuel Loggins, Jr. • “acting ‘cuckoo’ and ‘berserk’” • “It is likely that Tamir, whose size 2014 – Tamir Rice made him look much older and who had been warned his pellet gun 2014 – Michael Brown might get him into trouble that day" • “a five-year old holding onto Huck 2015 – Samuel DuBose Hogan…that’s how big this man was” • “I meant to stop the threat. I didn’t shoot to kill him. I didn’t shoot to wound him. I shot to stop his actions”

They Are Thugs and Gang 2011 – Jose Luis Ramirez • "an individual known to have gang affiliations" Members 2013 – Tyler Woods • " We're doing the best we can with limited resources with an increased population of people on the street 2016 – Carnell Snell, Jr. who previously would have been in custody” • "Video is part of the truth, but is not the totality of the truth. It has to be tempered with all of the evidence”

Note: This table was compiled by the researchers using newspaper sources. A primary database consulted for this project was the America’s Obituaries and Death Notices. See citations in the discussion below for each case. Byran R. Ellis - Nicole Branch-Ellis 115

The Community Needs to Wait for was killed by a former Georgia Dekalb a Full and Thorough Investigation County police officer. Four years later, the officer was found guilty of aggravat- Especially when there is civil unrest ed assault, making a false statement, and after a deadly police shooting, law en- two counts of violation of oath. While forcement officials will ask the commu- he pleaded not guilty and maintained nity not to rush to quick judgement but he acted in self-defense, the Defense at- to wait for a full and thorough investi- torney told the court “[he was] a good gation. In 2016, Akiel Denkins was shot cop who had to make a tough decision” and killed by a White police officer in (Simon and Sanchez 2019). North Carolina. The Wake County Dis- Mohamed Noor, a Black Minneapolis trict Attorney stated that "The State Bu- police officer was found guilty of third- reau of Investigation continues to gather degree murder and manslaughter on information… A thorough investigation April 30, 2019, after killing an unarmed takes time, and I continue to urge the White woman from Australia. He was community for its patience as we contin- sentenced to twelve-and-a-half years in ue" (McDonald and Blythe 2016). In the prison (Furber and Smith 2019). While 2014 death of Jordan Baker, Houston Po- officer Noor said he felt fear, he added: lice Chief stated: "I have forwarded this “The moment I walked around and saw investigation to the local office of the FBI Miss Ruszczyk dying on the ground, I for its review to ensure there are no civil felt horror. I knew in that instant that I rights violations" (George 2014). was wrong" (Ellis and Alonso 2019). Amber Guyger, an off-duty Dallas, I Made a Mistake Texas police officer was found guilty of murder on October 1, 2019 and was Unlike most cases where police of- sentenced to ten years in prison. She tes- ficers are held unaccountable for their tified that she entered the wrong apart- actions, there are some cases where in- ment and killed her neighbor, an un- dividual officers have been found guilty. armed Black man in his own residence, In 2009, Oscar Grant, an Oakland, Cali- when she thought he was a burglar. Her fornia native was returning home from Defense Attorney concluded: "Through a New Year’s Eve party when an alter- these horrible series of events, she went cation took place on the Bay Area Rapid into his apartment by mistake…She Transit (BART) system. He was fatally pulled that trigger in an instant — an shot by a BART police officer when was instant she will regret for the rest of her positioned on the ground, facedown life. ... She didn't go there seeking to kill and handcuffed. The officer labeled the him" (Ortiz and Johnson 2019). event a tragic accident, and his defense Yet the most likely scenario for an argued he mistakenly used his gun in- officer to be disciplined is within the stead of his taser (Leonard 2010). He was department. Rarely will a police chief sentenced to two years in prison. admit wrongdoing, but in the shoot- In 2015, Anthony Hill, Jr., a twenty- ing death of Jonathan Ferrell in 2013, six-year-old Afghanistan war veteran Charlotte-Mecklenburg Police Chief ad- who was mentally ill and unarmed mitted that the video shows Ferrell was 116 Phylon 57 unarmed and that the shooting was un- ported that an investigation indicated lawful (Ferrell and Kerrick 2015). that officers repeatedly ordered Spencer to drop the BB gun, then an officer de- Blaming the Victim: Adultification, ployed a taser twice, but it was not effec- Hyper-aggression, and Ineffective tive, so two officers fired three shots, two Non-lethal Force of which killed Spencer (Stevens 2016). Moreover, the actions of individuals Through a process known as adulti- suffering from mental illness are espe- fication, many Black youth are misper- cially vulnerable to misinterpretation. ceived and described as adults. In 2014, In 2012, Alfred Dobson, Jr., a report- twelve-year-old Tamir Rice was shot and edly mentally ill man from Florida, was killed by law enforcement when he was beaten with a baton, fired at with a taser, playing with a toy gun in a public park. and then shot upon at least six times by Even though he was an adolescent, ac- law enforcement who responded to a cording to Cuyahoga County prosecutor call from a relative that described him as Tim McGinty: “Tamir… size made him acting “crazy.” When asked why lethal look much older…” (Fantz et al. 2015). force was used, the supervisor said he Black victims are also described as overheard the 911 call in which the cous- being aggressive and possessing un- in described him as acting crazy and natural strength. In 2014, eighteen-year- manhandling officers by throwing them old Michael Brown was fatally shot by around like they were nothing (Schoet- a Ferguson, MO police officer. Officer tler 2012). In 2012, Clay McCall was shot Darren Wilson said that an altercation and killed by law enforcement in North ensued when Brown attacked him in his Carolina. Following the shooting, the police vehicle for control of his gun until Charlotte-Mecklenburg Police Depart- it was fired. No indictment was brought ment stated that McCall, who had a his- against the officer. In an interview about tory of mental illness and violence, was the deadly shooting, officer Wilson de- agitated, disoriented and uncooperative scribed the strength of Michael Brown at the time of the shooting. The District as “a five-year old holding onto Huck Attorney's office said officer Swenson Hogan… that’s how big this man was” "had no choice but to use deadly force" (Cave 2014). (Gordon 2014). In 2012, Marine Sergeant, Furthermore, officers claim that non- Manuel Loggins, Jr. was killed in an Or- lethal force is ineffective, so greater force ange County, California parking lot out- is merited. In 2015, Samuel DuBose was side his daughter’s school. According to fatally shot by a University of Cincinna- the District Attorney’s office, no charges ti police officer. Although DuBose was were filed against the officer because he unarmed, during the trial, the officer thought Loggins was large enough to reported, “I meant to stop the threat. I overpower him if he used a baton, as he didn’t shoot to kill him. I didn’t shoot to described him as acting "cuckoo" and wound him. I shot to stop his actions” "berserk" (Rackauckas 2012). (Sewell 2017). In 2016, Kionte Desean Spencer was shot and killed by Roanoke County, VA police. The Police Chief re- Byran R. Ellis - Nicole Branch-Ellis 117

They are Thugs and Gang Conclusion: Colorblind Justice, Members The Current Moment, and Police Reform Because minority neighborhoods are often profiled and targeted as criminal The extent of police shootings ex- hotspots, these communities face in- presses a provocative racial narrative creased police presence and surveillance that needless killings and subsequent (Rios 2011). In 2011, eighteen-year-old lack of justice exist in America. Each Jose Luis Ramirez was shot by a Port year there are about one-thousand cases Hueneme, CA police officer. The un- of police officers feeling threatened and identified police officer is said to have shooting and killing civilians, dispro- made a traffic stop on a vehicle driven portionately targeting people of color. by Ramirez under suspicion that it was Because of the #BlackLivesMatter Move- stolen. The Police Chief told The Star ment, the death of people of color by law the officer's life had been threatened by enforcement has risen to national noto- "an individual known to have gang af- riety, sparking conversations about the filiations" (Foxman 2011). In 2013, Tyler perceived value and treatment of Black Woods was wanted in connection with lives. Reaching a tipping point with the a carjacking in Los Angeles, CA, and he death of George Floyd, righteous anger was named in an arrest warrant that de- and protest spilled onto the streets, lead- scribed him as an armed and dangerous ing to confederate statues being taken felon. On the night he was killed, there down, the NFL changing its policy on was no weapon found at the scene, but players kneeling during the national an- the Police Chief stated, "We're doing the them, NASCAR agreeing to ban the con- best we can with limited resources with federate flag from its sporting events, an increased population of people on academics and scientists striking to ad- the street who previously would have dress racism in academia, and the NBA, been in custody” (Woolsey 2013). In WNBA, and MLB protesting the police 2016, Carnell Snell, Jr. was armed when shooting of Jacob Blake in Kenosha, WI he was killed by Los Angeles police. In (Ankel 2020; BBC 2020). In a July 08, 2020 a news conference, the Police Chief said Monmouth University Poll, sixty-seven officers had tried to stop the vehicle in percent of the surveyed population stat- which Snell was traveling because its li- ed racial and ethnic discrimination is a cense plates were covered by paper. He big problem in the United States. explained that covered license plates are Polls also show that fifty-three per- often a calling card of people who have cent of Americans express opposition committed drive-by shootings and have to defunding police departments (Rus- attempted to conceal the ownership of a sonello 2020), and a July Gallup poll vehicle (Rogers 2016). found that sixty-seven percent of US adults wanted the same amount of po- lice presence in their communities (Saad 2020). Moreover, the senior-level leader- ship in the Republican Party denies that systemic racism is a social problem. In a 118 Phylon 57

House Judiciary Committee hearing on tance framework holds that instead of July 28, 2020, Attorney General William aiming for race neutrality, we should af- Barr testified, “I don’t agree that there is firm the experiences and perspectives of systemic racism in police departments” people of color, and work to dismantle (Clark 2020). The denial of systemic rac- institutional racism in the criminal jus- ism in policing is mainly predicated on tice system and end systemic racism in two colorblind justice assumptions: the the society at large (Zuberi and Bonilla- notion that there are only a few bad ac- Silva 2008). tors, and the notion that policing is prin- ______cipally about crime control and public safety. We hypothesize that not until References we understand how colorblind justi- fications are exploited in police use of Algernon, Austin. 2015. America is Not deadly force cases, holding individual Post-Racial: Xenophobia, Islamopho- officers accountable will remain nearly bia, and Racism in the 44th President. impossible, and reforming police prac- Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger. tices will fall short of any substantial Alexander, Michelle. 2012. The New Jim change. Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age Yet in the past there were attempts to of Colorblindness. New York: The reform police practices through implicit New Press. bias training, de-escalation training, America’s Obituaries and Death Notic- police-worn body cameras, and diversi- es. Newsbank, Inc. https://www. ty sensitivity training (U.S. Department newsbank.com/libraries/public/ of Justice 2015). Current reform propos- solutions/americas-obituaries- als range from the City Council in Min- death-notices. Accessed January 4, neapolis voting to dismantle the police 2021. system, the mayors of New York City Anderson, Carol. 2016. White Rage: Un- and Los Angeles publicly committing spoken Truth of Our Racial Divide. to defunding the police (Brewster 2020); New York: Bloomsbury. and other reform efforts, according Ankel, Sophia. 2020. “Thirty Days That to #8CantWait, a project by Campaign Shook America: Since the Death Zero, include calls to demilitarize of George Floyd, the Black Lives the police. Matter Movement has Already Following in a long tradition of resis- Changed the Country,” (June 24, tance by Black sociologists and critical 2020). Black Lives Matter: 16 big criminologists (Greene and Gabbidon changes since George Floyd pro- 2000), we maintain that what is needed tests - Business Insider. Accessed is an anti-racist and critical perspective December 10, 2020. to address police use of deadly force, Anti-Drug Abuse Act H.R. 5484, 99th which stands against oppression and Congress (September 27, 1986). inequality both morally and politically, Retrieved from https://www. and explicitly fights for human rights, congress.gov/bill/99th-congress/ social justice, and liberation (Burawoy house-bill/5484. Accessed January 2006; Feagin et al. 2015). A Black resis- 4, 2021. Byran R. Ellis - Nicole Branch-Ellis 119

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New York: Free Press Edition. Government: Race, Class and U.S. Dukes, Kristin Nicole and Sarah E. Politics. New York, NY: Routledge. Gaither. 2017. “Black Racial Ste- Feagin, Joe R. 2013. The White Racial reotypes and Victim Blaming: Im- Frame: Centuries of Racial Framing plications for Media Coverage and and Counter-Framing, 2nd ed. New Criminal Proceedings in Cases of York: Routledge. Police Violence against Racial and Feagin, Joe R. 2016. How Blacks Built Ethnic Minorities.” Journal of Social America: Labor, Culture, Freedom, Issues 74(4):789-807. and Democracy. New York, NY: Dyson, Michael Eric. 2005. Is Bill Cosby Routledge. Right? Or Has the Black Middle Class Ferrell, Jonathan and Randall Kerrick. Lost Its Mind? New York: Basic Ci- 2015. “DA asks Attorney General vitas Books. to prosecute accused officer case,” _____. 2016. The Black Presidency: Barack WCNC Charlotte (NC), July 14. Obama and the Politics of Race in https://www.wcnc.com/article/ America. NY: Houghton Mifflin news/local/da-asks-attorney- Harcourt. general-to-prosecute-accused-offi- Ellis, Ralph and Melissa Alonso. 2019. cer-case/275-324651887. Accessed “Mohamed Noor, former Min- September 27, 2020. neapolis police officer, sentenced Forman, Jr. James. 2017. Locking Up Our to 12½ years in fatal shooting of Own: Crime and Punishment in Black woman,” CNN, June 7. https:// America. New York: Farrar, Straus www.cnn.com/2019/06/07/us/ and Giroux. minneapolis-mohamed-noor-sen- Foucault, Michel. 1984. The Foucault tenced/index.html. Accessed Sep- Reader, edited by Paul Rabinow. tember 27, 2020. New York: Pantheon Books. Fantz, Ashley, Steve Almasy, and Cathe- Foxman, Adam. 2011. “Port Hueneme rine E. Shoichet. 2015. “Tamir Rice police refuse to ID officer who shooting: No charges for officers,” killed suspect,” Ventura County CNN, December 28. https://www. Star (CA), December 16. https:// cnn.com/2015/12/28/us/tamir- archive.vcstar.com/news/crime/ rice-shooting/index.html accessed port-hueneme-police-refuse-to- September 28, 2020. id-officer-who-killed-suspect- Fairfax, Jr., Roger A. 2017. “The Grand ep-364103824-352206461.html/. Jury and Police Violence Against Accessed September 30, 2020 Black Men.” In Policing the Black Frazier, Franklin E. [1957]1997. Black Man: Arrest, Prosecution, and Impris- Bourgeoisie. New York: Free Press onment, edited by Angela J. Davis. Paperbacks. New York, NY: Pantheon Books. Furber, Matt, and Mitch Smith. 2019. Feagin, Joe R., Hernan Vera, and Kim- “Somali-American Police Officer berley Ducey. 2015. Liberation Soci- Sentenced to 12.5 Years in Death ology, 3rd edition. New York: Para- of Minneapolis Woman.” The New digm Publishers. York Times (NY), June 7. Feagin, Joe R. 2012. White Party, White Gallagher, Charles A. 2008. “The End of Byran R. Ellis - Nicole Branch-Ellis 121

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cial.’” In The Speech: Race and Barack ica, 1945-2006, 3rd edition. United Obama’s “A More Perfect Union.” States: The University of Missis- edited by T. Denean Sharpley- sippi Press. Whiting. NY: Bloomsbury. McDonald, Thomasi and Anne Blythe. Kramer, Rory, Brianna Remster, and 2016. “Man pulled gun before of- Camille Z. Charles. 2017. “Black ficer shot him, Raleigh police Lives and Police Tactics Matter.” say.” The Charlotte Observer (NC). Contexts 16(3):21-25. March 03. https://www.charlot- Lee, Cynthia. 2018. “Reforming the Law teobserver.com/news/local/ar- on Police Use of Deadly Force: De- ticle63891087.html. Accessed Sep- Escalation, Preseizure Conduct, tember 27, 2020. and Imperfect Self-Defense.” Uni- Mitchell, Mitch. 2015. "Arlington po- versity of Illinois Law Review 2: 629- lice chief fires officer who killed 691. teen." Colleyville Courier (TX), Leonard, Jack. 2010. “Former BART of- August 11. https://infoweb. ficer convicted of involuntary newsbank.com/resources/doc/ manslaughter.” Los Angeles Times nb/obit/1572D41C2B585810- (CA), July 8. https://www.latimes. 1572D41C2B585810?p=OBIT. com/archives/la-xpm-2010-jul- Monmouth University. 2020.“Partisan- 08-la-me-bart-verdict-20100709- ship Drives Latest Shift in Race story.html. Accessed September Relations Attitudes.” July 08. Parti- 27, 2020. sanship Drives Latest Shift in Race Livingston, R. 2002. “The Role of Per- Relations Attitudes | Monmouth ceived Negativity in the Modera- University Polling Institute. Ac- tion of African Americans’ Implicit cessed September 27, 2020. and Explicit Racial Attitudes.” Montgomery, David. 2014. “Her Name Journal of Experimental Social Psy- was Miriam Carey.” The Wash- chology 38(4): 405–413. ington Post (DC), November 26. Mallea, Paula. 2014. The War on Drugs: https://www.washingtonpost. A Failed Experiment. Canada: Dun- com/sf/style/2014/11/26/how- durn Press miriam-careys-u-turn-at-a-White- Mansbach, Adam. 2009. “The Audac- house-checkpoint-led-to-her- ity of Post-Racism.” In The Speech: death/ . Accessed September 27, Race and Barack Obama’s “A More 2020. Perfect Union,” edited by T. Denean Moore, Leonard N. 2010. Black Rage in Sharpley-Whiting. NY: Blooms- New Orleans: Police Brutality and Af- bury. rican American Activism from World Mapping Police Violence. “2013-2018 War II to Hurricane Katrina. Baton Police Killings.” https://mapping- Rouge, LA: LSU Press. policeviolence.org/. Accessed Sep- Morrison, Caren. 2018. “All Fatal Shoot- tember 22, 2020. ings Should Go to Public Hear- Marable, Manning. 2007. Race, Reform, ings.” Opposing Viewpoints Online and Rebellion: The Second Recon- Collection. Gale, a Cengage Com- struction and Beyond in Black Amer- pany. Accessed January 23, 2018. Byran R. Ellis - Nicole Branch-Ellis 123

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Printed by: Proforma. www.proforma.com/amg PHYLON About the Guest Editors:

June Gary Hopps the Thomas M. “Jim” Parham Professor of Family and Children Studies in the School PHYLON of Social Work at the University of Georgia. She is a graduate of Spelman College in THE CLARK ATLANTA UNIVERSITY Atlanta; she also served on its Board of Trustees as both a member and chair for many years. Dr. Hopps earned a master of social work degree from Atlanta University and a REVIEW OF RACE AND CULTURE Ph.D. in social welfare from Brandeis University in Waltham, Massachusetts. Dr. Hopps joined the faculty at the University of Georgia in 2000. Earlier, she was professor and Dean for nearly a quarter century at the Boston College School of Social Work. She was the first African American and the youngest person to serve as dean of the School th of Social Work. Dr. Hopps was the first African Americans to serve as editor-in-chief of Social Work, the flagship journal of the National Association of Social Workers. She is a past recipient of the Significant Lifetime Achievement in Social Work Education of the Whitney M. Young, Jr. Award from the Council on Social Work Education. The award recognizes exemplary School of Social Work Special Volume accomplishments in research, teaching pedagogy, curriculum development and organizational leadership over an entire career.

Ruby Gourdine is professor of social work at Howard University she completed her bachelor’s and Vol. 57 Number 2 • Winter 2020 doctorate degrees at Howard University. Her Master of Social Work degree was earned from Atlanta University School of Social Work. She began her career at Howard University School of Social Work in 1992 and served as the Director of Field Education for over 16 years and since 2011 serves as the Chair of Direct Practice Sequence in the School. She was named social worker of the year in 2000 by the DC Metro Chapter of NASW. In 2010 she was recognized as one of the social work pioneers by the National Association of Social Workers, for research focusing on child welfare, youth exposure to violence, women’s issues, and social work history. In October 2014 The Social Work Degree Guide named her one of 30 most influential social workers alive today. She continues her efforts fighting for social justice.

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WINTER 2020 | VOLUME 57 | NUMBER 2